Chad
This dataset contains tax revenue collected by Chad. It provides detailed tax revenues by sector (Supranational, Federal or Central Government, State or Lander Government, Local Government, and Social Security Funds) and by specific tax, such as capital gains, profits and income, property, sales, etc.
This dataset contains tax revenue collected by Chad. It provides detailed tax revenues by sector (Supranational, Federal or Central Government, State or Lander Government, Local Government, and Social Security Funds) and by specific tax, such as capital gains, profits and income, property, sales, etc.
This dataset contains tax revenue collected by Chad. It provides detailed tax revenues by sector (Supranational, Federal or Central Government, State or Lander Government, Local Government, and Social Security Funds) and by specific tax, such as capital gains, profits and income, property, sales, etc.
This dataset contains tax revenue collected by Chad. It provides detailed tax revenues by sector (Supranational, Federal or Central Government, State or Lander Government, Local Government, and Social Security Funds) and by specific tax, such as capital gains, profits and income, property, sales, etc.
Cette base de données présente les recettes fiscales collectées par le Tchad. Elle fournit les recettes fiscales détaillées par secteur (administration supranationale, fédérale ou centrale, administration de l'état ou de länder, administration locale et sécurité sociale) et par taxes spécifiques, telles que plus-values, bénéfices et revenus, patrimoine, ventes, etc.
The purpose of this paper is to examine current regional strategies employed to counter extremism in the Lake Chad Basin region. Using the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC) as a case study, the paper highlights the importance of non-military actors in shaping African regional military strategies. Regional peace and security frameworks have generally placed a predominant emphasis on member countries’ militaries and their institutions. Unfortunately, such an approach remains incomplete in effectively countering transnational terrorist threats. By assessing current LCBC collaborative mechanisms with non-military actors under the Regional Stabilisation Strategy created in 2018, the paper concludes that there is a need to incorporate more local actors in the regional security framework. Such collaborations will improve civil-military relations while boosting the resilience of member states in combatting Boko Haram and other transnational groups.
The purpose of this paper is to explore the gendered impacts of climate change in the Sahel. In particular, it explores the ways in which gender inequality is a critical factor in understanding vulnerability and resilience efforts concerning climate change. It shows that the current climate crisis is affecting livelihoods throughout the Sahel in pronounced ways. In a region highly dependent upon subsistence agriculture and pastoralist livelihoods, climate variability and environmental degradation have made such livelihoods difficult to sustain, the effects of which have broad ranging impacts on social and economic systems. Consequently, migration, livelihood adaptation, social unrest, and political instability emerge from the ecological challenges the Sahel is facing. Those with the resources to respond to and prepare for future climate events will be better equipped to navigate the climate crisis. Unfortunately, those resources are rarely equally distributed at the household, community, and state levels. In particular, gender inequalities within the Sahel pose a very real challenge for adaptation and resilience strategies as states and global institutions make interventions to support at risk populations. The paper then explores what development and state institutions are doing to resolve gender inequity through climate resilience policy, and where these efforts are falling short. The paper concludes with some strategies to improve opportunities for gender equity and climate resilience based on field research within the Sahel.
L’objectif de cette note est d’analyser l’évolution temporelle et spatiale des violences impliquant les femmes en Afrique de l’Ouest au cours des 20 dernières années. Une première partie montre que le nombre de victimes civiles des conflits ouest-africains dépasse désormais celui attribué aux batailles entre le gouvernement et les groupes armés. Le contrôle de la population civile est désormais devenu l’un des enjeux majeurs des insurrections de la région. Cette évolution conduit à une augmentation des violences faites aux femmes, qui sont souvent les premières victimes des luttes identitaires. Une seconde partie montre que les femmes participent également aux actes de violence, notamment par le biais des attentats-suicides dans le bassin du lac Tchad. Ce phénomène est cependant en forte diminution du fait de la perte de contrôle territorial de Boko Haram depuis le milieu des années 2010. En conclusion, la note souligne la nécessité de mettre en œuvre des stratégies contre-insurrectionnelles qui visent primordialement à protéger les populations, notamment les femmes.
Chad has emerged as an important counter-terrorism partner in the Lake Chad Basin and the broader Sahel-Sahara region due to its recent political stability and military contribution to security efforts in these troubled zones. However, a closer look at developments in domestic politics, notably the continued and increasingly severe repression of the political opposition and civil society, suggests that this stability may not be built on solid foundations. This paper considers the role Chad has played in the fight against Boko Haram and other forms of regional violent extremism in an effort to take stock of the current threats the Chadian government faces from external actors. It then investigates growing domestic grievances due to an ongoing fiscal crisis, attacks on civil liberties, and a disrupted electoral calendar which risk escalating and destabilising the current government. The paper argues that the mitigation of these diverse and multi-dimensional security threats, particularly at the domestic level, would benefit from an environment that is more supportive of democratic institutions and the rule of law, thus enhancing the country’s prospects for stability in the short- and long-term.