Federalism

The EURAM annual conference is approaching fast. The general programme is now out: www.euram2010.org.
I hope you will attend the Public Management track; 37 papers have been double-blind reviewed and selected among 100! The programme is attached.
We have also organized a plenary symposium “If public governance means everything, is it possible that it means nothing? Exploring boundaries and manifestations of a blurred concept” with the participation of Stephen Osborne (University of Edinburgh & President of the IRSPM), Myrna Mandell (California State University), Reto Steiner (University of Bern & EURAM Public Management SIG), Les Metcalfe (Durham University Business School), Christoph Reichard (University of Potsdam).

This paper aims to compare the pattern of own-tax collection and tax buoyancy of high and low-income states of India from 2001-02 to 2016-17. The study observed that the tax-to-GSDP ratio decreased in the high-income states. While it observed an increase in low-income states except for Rajasthan. The lower-income states observed the buoyant tax revenue collections. Whereas, the high-income states were not able to maintain the buoyant taxes. Thus, the states with lower tax buoyancies need to strengthen their administrative structure to increase their tax coverage.

The recent decentralization development across the world has been in part driven by assertions of a supposed ‘economic dividend’ associated with expenditure. There is, however, little empirical evidence to validate these assertions in Kenyan counties. It is against this background that this study was carried out to estimate the end product of local decentralization on local economic growth in 47 Kenyan counties using secondary panel data set. Using the ARDL estimation technique the long-run and error correction estimates of the model were generated. The result revealed that increased decentralization through consumption spending stimulates local economic activities hence confirming the Keynesian hypothesis. This study recommends the need for policymakers to put in place policies and strategies that will improve decentralization to boost productivity and economic growth in counties.

Конституция Российской Федерации в статье 5 закрепляет принцип равноправия субъектов Федерации. Эта же статья Основного закона называет шесть видов субъектов РФ, имеющих свои особенности и в связи с этим обладающих различным объемом прав и обязанностей. Разрешим ли парадокс «равноправия неравноправных»?

The Constitution of the Russian Federation secures the principle of the equality of the subjects of the Federation under Article 5. The same Article indicates six types of Russian Federation subjects having their own peculiarities and accordingly possessing different rights and duties. Can this paradox of "equality of the unequals» be solved?

While governments are responsible for monitoring and evaluating health reforms and overall performance, this chapter explains why some of this function has shifted in recent years to specialized intergovernmental bodies, and increasingly, to organizations and networks external to European countries and the federal and provincial governments in Canada. In particular, it examines academic networks that have emerged in response to the need for better comparative data analysis. Some attention is devoted to the potential impact of these academic networks.

1. Un poder judIcIal a Imagen del estado federal en
que se Inserta.
2. Una organIzacIón jurIsdIccIonaL DuaLIsta.
2.1. La organización jurisdiccional federal. 2.2. La jurisdicción estatal
estadounidense.
3. La artIcuLacIón entre La jurIsDIccIón
federaL y La jurIsdIccIón estatal.
4. El gobIerno deL poder judIcIal en Estados unIdos.
5. El estatuto judIcIaL: La seLeccIón,
promocIón, InDependencIa y responsabIlidad de Los jueces.
5.1. Un sistema de selección de jueces plural. 5.2. La promoción
judicial. 5.3. Jueces independientes y responsables.
6. Algunas refLexIones fInales en torno a la InterseccIón entre las organIzacIones judIcIales estatales y federal.

The current battle for climate change in the USA represents two visions of the American Way of Life. The current interpretation is that individual liberty, especially to consume, is paramount. However, the sentiment of the Founding Fathers stipulates that people must act in spite of their federal government, which acts as the main obstacle to meaningful climate action

Nested Federalism and Inuit Governance in the Canadian Arctic traces the political journey toward self-governance taken by three predominantly Inuit regions over the past forty years: Nunavik in northern Québec, the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in the western Northwest Territories, and Nunatsiavut in northern Labrador. The Canadian federal system was never designed to recognize Indigenous governance, and it has resisted formal institutional change. But change has come. Indigenous communities have successfully mobilized to negotiate the creation of self-governing regions. Policymakers and politicians have responded by situating almost all these regions politically and institutionally within existing constituent units of the Canadian federation. The varied governance arrangements emerging as a result are forms of nested federalism, a new and largely unexplored model of government that is transforming Canada as it reformulates the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the state. ...

Este segundo trabajo de la "Serie Federalismo y Administración Pública" examina los modelos de gestión pública existentes en países federales.
En particular, se analiza el paso desde un modelo de "federalismo dual" a uno “cooperativo"; esto es, de un comportamiento aislado de los diferentes niveles estatales a otro que pone el énfasis en la articulación y el trabajo conjunto. A más de diferenciarlos, el presente trabajo compara sus potencialidades y amenazas, así como también realiza una primera aproximación a los distintos patrones de relación cooperativa en Argentina.

Przedmiotem rozdziału jest przegląd najnowszych ujęć teoretycznych i koncepcji demokracji uwzględniających współczesne realia, w tym funkcjonowanie Unii jako nowego porządku politycznego. Autorka zastosowała metodę porównawczą w ujęciu funkcjonalnym, dzięki której możliwe było określenie istoty społeczeństwa obywatelskiego poprzez wskazanie na jego zasadnicze cechy i wypełniane funkcje, ograniczając deskrypcję dostrzeganych różnic. Występuje wciąż wiele wątpliwości związanych z deficytem rozwiązań niezbędnych do prawidłowego funkcjonowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego na ponadnarodowym poziomie. W staraniach opisania zasady demokratyzmu w Unii Europejskiej napotykamy trudności wynikające z niedostosowania teorii demokracji do specyficznego, złożonego mechanizmu podejmowania decyzji w UE.

McGirt v. Oklahoma in 2020 has brought to light decades of debate on the sovereignty of the Tribes and the State. Oklahoma, of all states, has the highest concentration of indigenous nations at 38. The founding fathers of the United States created a constitutional republic. One in which the founders sought to expand with the hope of including the indigenous nations. However, the United States lost its foundational and Constitutional moorings by ignoring the Constitutional debates and understanding. This article seeks to analyze the sovereignty that the founders initially designed and influence on government within today's intergovernmental relations to the Tribal Nations.

The GST Council, a panel of Union and state finance ministers, has met three times till now. Though con sensus has been the mode of decision­making, the process will not be smooth in the days to come. Very important decisions like tax rates, mobilising revenue to give compensation to states and division of tax administrative powers between the Union and the state governments will see tough negotiations and prolonged discussion.

El nivel intermedio de gobierno en un estado garantiza la articulación de las funciones estatales entre el centro y la periferia, y su adecuada configuración requiere adecuarse a la realidad del estado en que se encuentra. Colombia vivió una época de federalismo durante el siglo XIX, garantizando una elevada autonomía a los Estados que lo componían. Desde la constitución de 1886 y en la actual configuración territorial de la constitución de 1991 el nivel intermedio (ahora denominado departamento) ha perdido importancia y sus competencias se han reducido considerablemente. Los autores que hacen parte de la presente publicación analizaron, desde distintas perspectivas, el nivel intermedio en Colombia. Se revisó desde la necesidad de profundización y fortalecimiento de la actual configuración por departamentos, pasando por la posibilidad de crear regiones, hasta la constitución de un estado federal, tal como el que se tuvo en el siglo XIX.

También se destacan los análisis hechos sobre la época histórica del federalismo en Colombia, el municipio en el posconflicto y las regiones metropolitanas colombianas. Por último, se acude a otros ordenamientos jurídicos, los de Alemania, Brasil, España e Italia, para conocer sus experiencias sobre su configuración actual del nivel intermedio. Los estudios que componen esta obra son el fruto del foro internacional “Colombia, ¿unitaria o federal?”, que se llevó a cabo en la universidad externado de Colombia los días 30 y 31 de mayo de 2013.

El libro se centra en el análisis de la doctrina de los órganos consultivos autonómicos elaborada a raíz de las reformas estatutarias realizadas durante la VIII Legislatura. El estudio combina un análisis sincrónico, a manera de foto fija, y un análisis diacrónico, a lo largo de la vida de la propuesta de reforma, con la finalidad de descubrir la existencia de una doctrina general de los órganos consultivos sobre cada una de las materias tratadas, y la suerte que ha corrido esta doctrina a lo largo de la tramitación de la propuesta en cuestión. El trabajo resulta de gran importancia debido a que no disponemos de un control previo de inconstitucionalidad, con lo que el control consultivo sobre las reformas estatutarias cumple una función de garantía del respeto a los límites a los que está sometida la iniciativa autonómica de reforma.

https://web-deli.cortsvalencianes.es/cs/CatalogoPublicaciones/valenciano/html/files/cat_pubicaciones%202010%20val.pdf

Like all other nations Nigeria aspires to greatness but over five decades after Independence still ranks very low on all parameters of good governance. The objective of the paper is to examine the concepts of leadership, participatory democracy and good governance, evaluate their significance as components of the development process and articulate the implications of their absence from the administration of public institutions. The paper argues that all three elements are missing from the development process in Nigeria. Systems Analysis or systems theory as enunciated by David Easton is adopted as the theoretical framework. Methodologically the study relies mainly on secondary historical sources of data collection. The paper is significant for its identification of the need for these concepts as guiding principles of the development process in Nigeria. The scope of the paper is Nigeria as a whole from Independence in 1960 till date. It draws the conclusion that Nigerians must insist...

A lo largo de la historia constitucional argentina, la intervención federal ha sido un instituto sujeto a severos abusos. El propósito de este comentario es reseñar su fuente constitucional, demostrar su uso discrecional para avasallar las distintas autoridades provinciales, y proponer salvar su utilidad a través de un nuevo proceso de aplicación. Estas nuevas pautas de la intervención federal, surgen de un esclarecimiento normativo provisto por la reforma constitucional de 1994, y la reciente jurisprudencia de la CSJN.

By a chronological coincidence, this book intended to explain Spanish autonomous state to foreign readers is published in the year in which the Spanish autonomous state has become international news due to the great challenge it is facing from the Catalan independence forces that control the Government of that Autonomous Community. Throughout the book and especially in the section dedicated to the Concise description of subnational constitutional history, I have explained, in the most objective way I can, how this challenge is being dealt with legally.

Wie hat sich der Schweizer Sicherheitsbereich seit Ende des Kalten Krieges entwickelt? Wer arbeitet heute mit wem zu welchen Gefahren? Basierend auf einer umfassenden und einzigartigen Datenerhebung kartiert dieser Beitrag die Entwicklung des gesamtschweizerischen Sicherheitsbereichs. Die Darstellung der praktischen Arbeitsteilungen, inneren und äusseren Kooperationen, beruflichen Profile und Werdegänge schafft einen analytisch differenzierten und empirisch fundierten Beitrag zu anhaltenden Diskussionen über die landesweite sicherheitspolitische Steuerung.

The aim of this paper is to analyze presidents’ distributive strategies in federal countries under different contexts of fiscal centralization and party system nationalization. To achieve this aim, the focus was placed on the allocation of the complete set of discretionary fiscal transfers to the Argentine provinces, comparing two periods in which presidents from the same political party (Peronist) operated under different contexts: one of fiscal decentralization and party system nationalization during Carlos Menem’s presidencies (1989-1999); and another of fiscal centralization and party system denationalization during the presidencies of Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2003-2014). The results support the hypothesis that changes in fiscal centralization and party system nationalization yield different determinants of discretionary transfer allocations. While under fiscal decentralization and party system nationalization the bargaining power of the provinces is the main explanatory variable, the co-partisanship of provincial governors and presidents explains allocation under fiscal centralization and party system denationalization. A strong effect is found, as well, which shows that presidents benefit the province where they started their political careers.

The paper discusses the role of the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court (STF) in reshaping
the federative pact, insofar as it has reinforced the autonomy of subnational entities
to the detriment of the traditional centralization of powers within the federal Government.
For this purpose, it describes historical aspects that shaped Brazilian federalism,
highlighting the importance of the innovations of the 1988 Constitution. It is argued
that, despite its solid jurisprudence in favor of the Union in federative conflicts, the
judicial activism exercised by the STF, in the current scenario, has contributed to
a redefinition of institutional relations between federated entities, expanding the
decision-making spaces of local entities.

The purpose of this study is to present exhaustive, the autonomy of Trentino-Alto Adige South Tyrol and provide an overview that weaves legal issues with political ones, in the light of historical events, and, as available, reproducing original documents, and citations images. The analysis focuses on the constitutional issues that are enshrined in the Statute of Autonomy and hundreds of implementing rules. The pillars of this autonomy are the Region of Trentino Alto Adige and the Autonomous Provinces of Trento and Bolzano, which interact in a three-pole system.
In the Region of Trentino-Sout Tyrol have lived together for centuries the three linguistic groups: the Italian, German and Ladin. The preservation of linguistic and cultural diversity of language groups has always been a challenge for any democracy and its values of freedom and peace, but also represents a test case for the future of Europe, whose cultural richness is not formed from the merger and the levelling of different cultures in the "melting pot" on the American model, but the humanistic tradition and the richness and diversity of different cultures living in Europe.
Increasingly people from all over Europe, particularly Eastern European countries, but also of several other countries in the world, using our model of autonomy as a basis for their own ethnic problems. The fact that our autonomy could be an incentive to resolving the many ethnic problems in Europe or the world, is a source of pride.---

ABSTRACT DEUTSCH:
Zweck dieser Studie ist es, in übersichtlicher Form die Grundzüge der Autonomie von Trentino-Südtirol darzustellen, einen Überblick über Recht und Politik zu bieten und durch die Wiedergabe von Originaldokumenten, Zitaten und Bildern auszuleuchten. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse liegen die verfassungsrechtlichen Aspekte, die Im Autonomiestatut und in Hunderten von Durchführungsbestimmungen verankert sind. Die Träger dieser Autonomie sind die Region Trentino Südtirol und die Autonomen Provinzen Bozen und Trient, die in einem dreipoligen System zusammenwirken.
Die geschichtlichen Ereignisse wurden bereits in einer Reihe von bedeutenden Werken untersucht und sollen deshalb hier nur in geraffter Form zusammengefasst werden, um zum Verständnis der heutigen Lage beizutragen. Dabei ist es mir ein besonderes Anliegen, eine Gesamtschau zu bieten, die alle Landesteile des ehemaligen Tirols umfasst.
Im Gebiet der Region Trentino-Südtirol leben seit Jahrhunderten drei Sprachgruppen: Italiener, Deutsche und Ladiner. Die Vielfalt an Sprachen und Kulturen stellt eine Herausforderung für jede freiheitliche Demokratie und für die Sicherung des Friedens dar. Sie ist gleichzeitig aber auch ein Prüfstein für die Zukunft Europas, dessen kultureller Reichtum ja nicht im Schmelzriegel-System der amerikanischen Einwanderung liegt, sondern auf den Schätzen verschiedenartiger Kulturen und der humanistischen Tradition aufbaut.
Immer häufiger fordern Interessierte aus ganz Europa, besonders aus dem Osten, aber auch aus anderen Ländern der Welt unser Autonomiemodell als Unterlage zum Studium der eigenen Volksgruppenprobleme an. Das ist auch der Grund für die Drucklegung dieser Studie durch den Regionalrat Trentino-Südtirol in italienischer, deutscher und englischer Sprache, sowie erstmals als Publikation der Region auch in ladinisch, um diese alte Sprache und Kultur aufzuwerten.
Wenn unsere Autonomie einen Anstoß - und mehr kann es nicht sein - zur Lösung der vielfältigen Volksgruppenprobleme in Europa oder anderswo auf der Welt bieten kann, so sind wir dafür dankbar.---

ABSTRACT ITALIANO:
Lo scopo di questo studio è di presentare in forma esaustiva l'autonomia del Trentino-Alto Adige e fornire una panoramica che intrecci gli aspetti giuridici con quelli politici, alla luce degli eventi storici, e, in quanto disponibili, riproducendo documenti originali, citazioni e immagini. Il focus dell'analisi si concentra sulle questioni costituzionali che sono sancite nello Statuto di autonomia e in centinaia di norme di attuazione. I pilastri di quest’autonomia sono la Regione del Trentino Alto Adige e le Province autonome di Trento e di Bolzano, che interagiscono in un sistema tripolare.
Nel territorio della Regione Trentino-Alto Adige convivono da secoli tre gruppi linguistici: quello italiano, tedesco e ladino. La salvaguardia delle molteplicità linguistiche e culturali dei gruppi linguistici costituisce da sempre una sfida per ogni democrazia e per i suoi valori di libertà e di pace; rappresenta però anche un banco di prova per il futuro dell’Europa, la cui ricchezza culturale non è costituita dalla fusione e dal livellamento di diverse culture nel “melting pot” sul modello americano, ma dalla tradizione umanistica e dalla ricchezza e diversità delle varie culture che convivono in Europa.
Sempre più frequentemente persone di tutta l’Europa e in particolare dei paesi dell’Est, ma anche di diversi altri paesi del mondo, utilizzano il nostro modello autonomistico quale base di studio per i propri problemi etnici. Questo è anche il motivo per cui questa pubblicazione è stata predisposta dal Consiglio regionale in lingua italiana, tedesca, inglese ed inoltre, per la prima volta, anche in ladino, per valorizzare questa antica lingua e cultura. Il fatto che la nostra autonomia possa costituire uno stimolo alla soluzione dei molteplici problemi etnici presenti in Europa o nel mondo, è per noi motivo di orgoglio.---

KEYWORDS.
Südtirol Paket, Pariser Vertrag, UNO Resolutionen, Autonomie, Minderheitenschutz, Trentino-Südtirol, Alto Adige Südtirol, Tirol, Autonomiestatut, Durchführungsbestimmungen, Region Trentino Südtirol, Autonome Provinzen Trient und Bozen, Südtirol, Tirol, Sprachgruppen, sprachlichen Minderheiten, Schutz der deutschen Sprache, Ladinisch, Sprachliche Vielfalt, Ethnischer Proporzethnische, Zusammenleben.-
Autonomy, Protection of minorities, Trentino-Alto Adige, South Tyrol, Statute of Autonomy, Implementation rules, Region Trentino Alto Adige, Autonomous provinces of Trento and Bolzano, South Tyrol, Package, Tyrol, Language groups, language minorities, Use of the German language, Ladin, Preservation of linguistic diversity, Ethnic proportion, Coexistence.-
Pacchetto, Accordo di Parigi, Risoluzioni ONU, Autonomia, Tutela minoranze, Trentino-Alto Adige, Statuto di autonomia, Norme di attuazione, Regione Trentino Alto Adige, Province autonome di Trento e di Bolzano, Südtirol, Tirolo, gruppi linguistici, minoranze linguistiche, uso lingua tedesca, ladino, salvaguardia delle molteplicità linguistiche, Proporzionale etnica, convivenza.-