Subnational Politics

As a formerly colonized country, India takes very seriously the defence of its sovereignty and of its independence of action in the external realm as well as its identity as a Third World nation. These reasons contribute to its reluctance to push a democratic agenda in its foreign policy even though it has a democratic political system at home. Another important feature of India’s foreign policy operation is that despite a federal structure, foreign policy remains a highly centralized and executive function. This in turn limits space for creative public diplomacy initiatives especially along India’s international borders, which are often the sites of various kinds of dispute and contestation both at the state-to-state level and at the people-to-people level. Indian elites and the general public are perhaps slowly beginning to realize that dichotomy between the internal and the external in terms of social and political values and engagement do not make for good publicity. In particular, China’s rise is likely to bring the democracy argument with its specific Indian characteristics as opposed to its Western heritage into sharper relief. At the moment though, contradictions in Indian public diplomacy remain writ large.

Nas Relações Internacionais o conceito de Paradiplomacia foi abordado pelos professores Ivo Duchacek (1986) e Panayotis Soldatos (1990) embora o mesmo já era utilizado dentro da área de Direito Internacional, sendo concebida como uma técnica de negociação entre indivíduos, grupos ou entidades segundo Der Derian (1987) ou como um neologismo para a chamada diplomacia paralela (Cervo,2008). Havendo uma evolução do termo conforme sua adesão no panorama internacional e o próprio desenvolvimento das Relações Internacionais e da ação dos atores no cenário internacional, existindo atualmente, diferentes conceitualizações conforme a realidade nacional dos chamados entes sub-estatais (Prieto.2004; Tewari,2017; Schivon 2004; Iglesias 2008). Isto se deve a própria evolução dos Estados, e de conceitos chaves tais como identidade ou território nacional, sendo a concepção clássica “A ação internacional dos entes subnacionais” limitante, já que a mesma não se encaixa na realidade de determinadas regiões ou a processos recentes tais como a geração de fórums de diálogo entre diferentes modelos de representação territorial.

Territórios ultramarinos, Estados Associados, Regiões Autônomas, Territórios históricos etc. Compõe novos elementos dentro do cenário da Paradiplomacia que por sua vez atua ora de forma conjunta, ora de forma paralela com a chamada diplomacia estatal.

Sendo assim, a Paradiplomacia poderia melhor se definir como “As dinâmicas e projeções dos interesses locais no cenário internacional cuja titularidade é de uma determinada região ou localidade” e dessa forma evitar limitar a mesma a uma conjuntura a formação de Estado predeterminado, abrangendo um maior número de atores e ações que de fato já ocorrem no panorama internacional, como fruto da progênie de organizações desde a consolidação da globalização e o incremento da atividade internacional.

Embora o termo pode e deve ser amplamente discutido pela academia das Relações Internacionais, permitindo uma continua evolução do mesmo. Ao longo deste compilatório são utilizadas distintas conceitualizações conforme a natureza e local do tema discutido, buscando dilatar ao máximo a significância da Paradiplomacia e as múltiplas possibilidades desta.
ISBN 9786558901051

Argentina is a major producer of lithium, a vital mineral for making a transition from fossil fuel to renewable energy. Mining is concentrated in three Northwestern provinces, Catamarca, Jujuy, and Salta. Although they have shared historical roots, cultural traditions, socioeconomic profiles, and political institutions as provincial subnational units in a federal system, there is striking variation in how mining projects articulate with local indigenous communities. In some lithium mining projects, companies offered concessions that improved local socioeconomic indicators and mitigated environmental damage. In others, mining companies either made minimal concessions or, alternatively chose to halt projects, usually in response to organized local resistance. Why do lithium mining ventures result in negotiated, unnegotiated, or aborted extraction? The article proposes a typology of modes of extraction together with an explanatory framework that centers on the strengths and strategies of communities and subnational governments in setting the terms of mining.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo general contribuir al debate sobre las relaciones entre el Estado y la sociedad a nivel subnacional y se centra específicamente en el caso de Argentina. Para ello, desarrollamos dos objetivos específicos. En primer lugar, hacemos un planteo teórico y conceptual sobre la importancia de estudiar la diversidad de estructuras económicas que existen a nivel subnacional, para entender el impacto que tienen en las relaciones entre Estado y sociedad. En segundo lugar, proponemos un marco analítico para clasificar a las provincias argentinas según su estructura económica. La clasificación de la estructura económica de las provincias se basa en tres criterios: la fortaleza del sector privado en la economía provincial, el peso relativo del Estado subnacional en la economía, y el tipo de producción que predomina. En base a esto, en las conclusiones hipotetizamos acerca de qué incentivos tienen los actores económicos para vincularse con el Estado provincial de d...

¿Cómo se ha transformado el Congreso mexicano con la democratización? ¿Quiénes toman las decisiones en las cámaras legislativas? ¿A quién representan nuestros representantes? ¿Quiénes y cómo controlan el comportamiento de los legisladores? ¿Cómo se negocia el presupuesto en la Cámara de Diputados?

En este libro, uno de los trabajos más completos sobre la transformación del Congreso mexicano durante la democratización, se atienden estas interrogantes, se analiza el papel que han desempeñado los legisladores durante la aprobación del presupuesto federal y se describe el proceso de institucionalización legislativa de las cámaras del Congreso.

Se sostiene que en la lógica del pacto político presupuestal que involucra a todos los partidos, intervienen no solo variables como la creciente participación ciudadana, la pluralidad de la representación parlamentaria y la apertura de los procesos de negociación sino que también se han afianzado prácticas como el clientelismo, el corporativismo, la limitada rendición de cuentas y el fortalecimiento de liderazgos regionales, sectoriales y partidarios que poco rinden cuentas. A la luz de este trabajo se podrá comprender por qué no se ha logrado cerrar la brecha de desigualdad y atacar problemas como la violencia, la corrupción, el rentismo y la opacidad gubernamental a través del diseño del gasto público.

Este artigo analisa a mudança na elite política
tradicional em Rondônia, a partir do processo
de transição Território-Estado. Fundado no
início dos anos 1980, durante a crise do regime militar, o estado de Rondônia vivenciou
sua primeira forma de organização política
como Território Federal do Guaporé em 1943,
sob a égide da ditadura varguista. Inicialmente, o estudo analisa os principais fundamentos da competição política no período territorial. Em um segundo momento, abordam-se
as transformações na elite política dirigente,
que compreendemos ter início em 1977, com
a criação dos primeiros municípios no eixo
da BR-364, e se prolonga no decorrer da década de 1980. Posteriormente, os dados sobre
o PIB, população e o eleitorado serão objeto
de análise. Por fim, o desenvolvimento econômico e o aumento exponencial do eleitorado
na Mesorregião Leste Rondoniense foram as
principais causas da substituição da antiga
elite política da capital, por uma nova elite dirigente, com base eleitoral na BR-364.

Across many developing countries, the power sector persistently underperforms despite years of market reform efforts. India, where de facto responsibility for the power sector rests with subnational (state) governments, provides a useful laboratory to examine why. The state of West Bengal provides an example of public sector reform as an alternative to the so-called " World Bank template " for electricity liberalization, and a lens on the political preconditions for reform success. Drawing on 30 elite interviews in 2016 alongside comparative evidence from other Indian states, this article documents the reform design and assesses its success. West Bengal's reforms aimed at internally strengthening the utility against political interference. The study finds that this reform model delivered initial performance among the best of any Indian utility, and that successful reforms in several other states were also more statist than often recognized. However, longer-term sustainability remains challenging. While weak rural lobbies had some effect, the study explains this trajectory as the result of the transition from one-party dominance to intensified party-political competition, a finding that resonates with evidence from other Indian states. In contrast to influential political theories developed in the Global North, this suggests that party-political competition does not make Indian politicians more likely to deliver public services, but rather leads to short-termism and political capture of utilities. Conversely, under some conditions one-party dominance can encourage longer-term reforms. The study thus assesses the promise and limits of public sector reforms as an alternative to liberalization, and suggests how electoral competition can influence development priorities in Indian states.

Paradiplomacy is generally referred to in the academic literature as the involvement of the constituent units (regions) of (multi)national states in international affairs. Examples of these meso units are the states in the United States, the provinces in Canada, the Länder in Germany, the oblasts and the republics in Russia, and the autonomous communities in Spain. A focus on the phenomenon of paradiplomacy in its theoretical and practical aspect is meant to shed light on an área of study of increasing interest for academics and practitioners, as it plays a significant role in shaping the foreign and domestic policies of central governments.

Once acting as local representatives of the national government and content to let their larger counterparts do the ‘heavy lifting’, state and provincial governments are increasingly expected to be stewards of their economies and deliver sustained growth rates for their citizens. Spurred on by increasing competition, not least from neighbouring territories, sub-national governments are increasingly formulating their own plans for economic development, taking out loans, investing in specialist facilities, and establishing marketing offices abroad.

Despite this increasingly challenging environment, there is little research on what sub-national governments can or should do to catalyze the development of their economies. Focussing on the electronics sector, this book draws together ten cases of promising states or provinces largely, but not exclusively, from Asia. These dynamic regions have managed to outcompete the primary economic and political centres of power in their countries and are negotiating their own entry into one of the most challenging and demanding sectors. In exploring the issues of agency, autonomy, and state-business relations at the sub-national level, this book aims to shed light on a vital, but overlooked topic.

Tesis de Maestría en Estudios Políticos y Sociales, Programa de Posgrado en Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Septiembre 2014.

El trabajo de investigación tiene como objetivo realizar un estudio comparado del diseño y rediseño institucional; tendencias y efectos de los sistemas electorales en cuatro entidades federativas (Baja California, Estado de México, Tabasco y Distrito Federal). Se toman en cuenta las reformas y la conformación de sus respectivos Congresos en sus tres últimos periodos legislativos (2003 a 2012 y Baja California 2004 a 2010).

Se divide en tres capítulos, en el primer capítulo se establece la relación entre instituciones, diseño institucional, cambio institucional; así como los elementos y efectos de los sistemas electorales. Esta relación es construida a partir de preceptos teóricos basados en el enfoque neoinstitucionalista, específicamente el enfoque histórico-empírico. Se asume esta corriente por las siguientes razones: deposita gran importancia al contexto en el análisis de los sistemas electorales; parte del supuesto que no existen modelos superiores; metodológicamente rompe con lógicas causales y aboga por encontrar relaciones circulares entre el sistema electoral, sistema de gobierno y sistema de partidos.

En el segundo capítulo se establece cuáles son las reglas del juego político en cada una de estas entidades, se estudia la normatividad electoral y sus principales modificaciones. En el análisis se revisan elementos como: 1) la distritación electoral y el reparto de escaños de representación proporcional; y 2) Las coaliciones y candidaturas comunes, así como las autoridades electorales: Institutos Electorales y Tribunales Electorales.

El último capítulo analiza los efectos mecánicos de cada uno de los sistemas electorales. En el capítulo se consideran elementos técnicos como: el tamaño de los Congresos; la proporción del principio de mayoría relativa y el principio de representación proporcional; el tipo de votación; el número y la magnitud de circunscripción; el principio de mayoría relativa: a) la desviación electoral; y b) los distritos locales con mayor sobre y subrepresentación; el principio de representación proporcional: a) la fórmula electoral; b) la barrera legal; c) el principio de sobrerrepresentación; y d) la cláusula de gobernabilidad; y los efectos del sistema: a) la desproporcionalidad; b) la conformación de los Congresos y Asamblea Legislativa; y c) el número efectivo de partidos políticos.

CITA: Cárdenas Arguedas, Sol.  Diseño Institucional, Efectos y Tendencias de los Sistemas Electorales en México: El caso de 4 Entidades Federativas (Baja California, Distrito Federal, Estado de México y Tabasco). Tesis de Maestría en Estudios Políticos y Sociales, PPCPyS, UNAM. Septiembre 2014.

Local governments are ubiquitous politico-administrative units that affect the lives of local communities in various aspects, particularly service delivery, taxation, and political participation. When citizens are enveloped in these omnipresent units, one wonders: who decides in creating or changing local political boundaries, and how are decisions made? Local territorial reform in the Philippines is predominantly characterized by fragmentation. Municipal amalgamation is an extraordinary case in Philippine history. The literature on territorial reorganization, particularly on municipal amalgamation, is scant. Municipal amalgamation—particularly its nature, and politics—has not been comprehensively investigated in the Philippines. Accordingly, the main thrust of this study is to explain why and how municipalities consolidated in the Philippines. Put differently, it is puzzling how a municipal government, with its local administrative authorities and residents, was able to bequeath territory, authority and autonomy to join a new consolidated local government.

The existence of political families is a well‐known fact in Mexican politics. Since the early 20th century, national and subnational politicians in Mexico have been related to other politicians. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Mexico initiated a democratization process that opened the political system to greater contestation, participation, and enforcement of electoral rules. Yet, 30 years after the onset of democratization and the demise of single‐party rule, political families and dynasties continue to be important in Mexican politics. It is even more noticeable at the subnational level, where governors with blood or marital links to other politicians have governed in 27 of the 32 states (84%) since 1989. The aim of this article is to map the existence of subnational political dynasties in Mexico since the transition to democracy and to analyze some possible explanations of this phenomenon. The article makes three main contributions. First, it provides a comprehensive overview of the family relations of all governors elected to the 32 federal entities (states and the autonomous Mexico City) since 1989. Next, it explores some of the explanations advanced by the literature and analyses them in the Mexican case. Finally, it analyses the 2021 gubernatorial elections and the role that family politics played in these elections.

The Democracy Cookbook: Recipes to Renew Governance in Newfoundland and Labrador is an innovative multi-disciplinary citizen engagement project. The 392 page book is a peer-reviewed collection of short and snappy, non-partisan opinion pieces authored by a cross-section of 89 academics, students, journalists, opinion leaders, and other citizens. It also features some politically-themed poetry and food recipes by creative writers, restauranteurs and former politicians. A unique form of grassroots mobilization, the book brings together a wide variety of voices to speak to the matter of “fixing” democratic governance in Newfoundland and Labrador after a period of acute political turmoil. The 11 sections of the book organize an overview of politics and governance in Newfoundland and Labrador (Part 1); the importance of local politics (Part 2); examinations of political leadership (Part 3); discussion about communication and media (Part 4); civic engagement (Part 5); inclusion and diversity (Part 6); the legislative branch (Part 7); government scrutiny and accountability (Part 8); public finances (Part 9); topical issues, such as Muskrat Falls (Part 10); and recommendations for a reform process (Part 11). This is followed by 11 food recipes by restauranteurs and former provincial politicians.

Mexico provides significant insight into the modern challenges being faced by young democracies struggling to shed the remnants of their authoritarian past. Following some classic definitions from democratic theory, the country is best categorized as an electoral democracy striving to become a liberal one. Under such framework, this essay aims to analyze some of the enduring obstacles to Mexico’s democratic consolidation, along with possible ways forward. Based on recent elections, this essay studies two problems that have been remarkably lasting: vote buying and vote coercion. Interestingly, these problems are more acute at the subnational level than they are at the national level, which compels us to revise some of the classic definitions of democracy in the theoretical literature. In particular, I propose a requirement for a country to be considered a liberal democracy instead of an electoral one: democratization must have disseminated to regions beyond the center, as well as to subnational levels beyond the national government. This conceptual discussion helps to frame the type of weaknesses still found in Mexico’s democracy. I show that vote buying and vote coercion remain deeply entrenched in the political culture of several states that have fallen behind in their democracy levels, such as Veracruz. In assessing possible solutions to such problems, I describe the profound political reform of 2014 creating the National Electoral Institute (INE), which took the administration of local elections away from local governments. The results of the midterm elections of June 2015 allow concluding that this reform fell short of solving the enduring weaknesses of Mexico’s democracy. Rather, I suggest that Mexico needs actual regime change at the subnational level. Only then might the country transition from electoral democracy to liberal democracy.

El presente estudio contiene un breve análisis descriptivo de las buenas prácticas (BP) para el fortalecimiento de la gobernanza subnacional, relacionado con las acciones implementadas en tres áreas temáticas: a) descentralización y transferencias intergubernamentales, b) proceso presupuestario del sector público, y c) el acceso a información pública en siete países de América Latina y el Caribe, cinco de régimen unitario —Colombia, Chile, Guatemala, Perú y República Dominicana— y dos con una estructura federal — Argentina y México—. Para ello hemos recopilado la información proporcionada en Internet por los principales portales oficiales de los siete gobiernos nacionales objeto de estudio (durante los meses de abril y mayo del 2012), además de diversos trabajos de investigación relacionados con las tres áreas temáticas referidas, las cuales consideramos parte fundamental de una buena gobernanza en el ámbito subnacional en un país.

Esta primera investigación vislumbra un panorama muy amplio y general de la manera en que estos países enfocan su gobernanza nacional, regional y local, así como del esfuerzo que desarrollan por hacer un buen gobierno y nos ha revelado más de una treintena de potenciales buenas prácticas en los siete países investigados; sin embargo, solo hemos destacado diez a modo de ejemplo.

The crisis of traditional images of manhood in Western cultures, the disruption of nation-state primacy, and the revival of self-determination movements in the aftermath of globalization and the rise of neoliberal policies have caused a rupture in the stability of such concepts as nation and masculinity. This dissertation investigates the impact of these ruptures on the representation of gendered subjects in the subnational cinemas of Flanders, Scotland, and Quebec—that is film industries and imaginaries located in geopolitical contexts that lack nation-state recognition, but operate along the lines of national-belonging principles. Combining the methodologies of production history, film, and cultural analysis, this work looks at subnational cinemas from the interconnected standpoints of their institutional and representational developments. One the one hand, it maps how film production and funding infrastructures emerged in recent subnational contexts at the convergence of national and transnational interests. On the other hand, it considers how performances of gender and national identity are renegotiated in such complex geopolitical and cinematic scenarios. It is the central contention of this dissertation that subnational contexts, by virtue of their cultural and geopolitical hybridity, offer a significant set of possibilities for revisiting monolithic paradigms of national cinemas, identities, and gender power structures in the globalized era.

El libro concentra su interés en las políticas dirigidas a combatir la desigualdad, pobreza y exclusión social, considerando también el rol del Tercer Sector. Se prima un interés por analizar los programas de rentas mínimas de inserción (IMIs). Capítulos de Luis Moreno, Miguel Laparra, Carlos García Serrano, Miguel Ángel Malo y Gregorio Rodríguez-Cabrero, Julio Carabaña y Olga Salido, Sebastià Sarasa, Ana Arriba, Sebastià Sarasa, Elisabet Almeda y Dolors Obiols, Araceli Serrano y Ana Arriba, Luis Sanzo, Miguel Laparra, Manuel Aguilar, Balbina Liberal, Begoña Pérez y Concepción Corera, Javier Noya, Juan Cornejo, Vicente Marbán, y Victor Renes.

This document is the appendix to my doctoral dissertation in Politics at the University of California, Santa Cruz (2019). My dissertation identifies the determinants of sustained state service provision (SSSP) in subnational economic hotspots. It does so through an inductive comparative-historical analysis of three local economies in Colombia: oil production in Barrancabermeja (Santander), commercial rice monocrops in Campoalegre and Palermo (Huila), and hydroelectric dams in the Eastern region of Antioquia. This appendix contains an inventory of new subnational economies in Colombia over the course of the 20th century. Within the dissertation, this inventory is aimed at identifying the universe of cases in which my theory ought to be tested. Beyond the dissertation, its publication as an open-access online document is intended to prompt a long-term, collaborative, crowdsourcing-style exercise aimed at mapping out Colombia’s subnational economic history, starting with the 20th century. This document will be updated over time with revisions in response to feedback from case experts. Furthermore, the inventory is also intended to serve as a guide for possible student research on Colombian subnational political economy or economic history, whether as a class project or an undergraduate or master’s thesis or research paper.

Depuis une vingtaine d’années, le fait régional et l’action régionale semblent s’être fortement développés en Europe. La promotion de l’Europe des régions a été sur le devant de la scène dans la conclusion de nouveaux traités jalonnant la construction européenne depuis quinze ans. Et, de manière emblématique, a été établi un Comité des régions. Celui-ci reste à ce jour doté d’une influence formelle modeste mais son établissement atteste d’un intérêt renouvelé pour l’échelon régional, quand bien même celui-ci recouvre des réalités différentes dans les Etats membres de l’Union européenne.    En parallèle à cette affirmation du fait régional, des mouvements et des partis de revendication régionaliste ont marqué les esprits par leur percée dans certains Etats. En Grande-Bretagne, en France, en Espagne ou en Italie, pour ne citer que quelques exemples, des partis régionalistes ont fait la une par leurs performances électorales et politiques, ou par leur propos : songeons au parti nationaliste basque, au Sinn Fein, à la Ligue du Nord, au Vlaams Belang, ou au parti national écossais.    L’objet du livre est d’analyser l’essence de ces partis régionalistes, d’examiner leurs rôles et leurs performances dans les sociétés européennes, de questionner la nouveauté du phénomène et d’étudier dans quelle mesure ils appartiennent à une même famille. Ce travail est réalisé avec la contribution de plusieurs des meilleurs spécialistes de ces problématiques en Europe.

Está coletânea apresenta os resultados do projeto de  pesquisa intitulado Políticas Públicas em Goiás: diagnóstico, avaliação e proposição , que reuniu um conjunto de professoras/pesquisadoras, da Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG), além de estudantes (de graduação e pós-graduação), que se propuseram a produzir um mapeamento  das políticas públicas  que vêm sendo implementadas no estado de Goiás, nas décadas mais recentes. 
A pesquisa teve um duplo objetivo, em primeiro lugar realizar uma amplo diagnóstico e  discussão  sobre as políticas públicas em Goiás nas mais diversas áreas.  Nessa etapa da pesquisa foram coletadas e sistematizadas informações sobre o desenho e  processo de implementação de um conjunto de políticas públicas em Goiás bem como  seus resultados.  Em segundo lugar apresentar os resultados das políticas públicas analisadas e algumas  proposições com o fim de aprimorar  o desenho e  resultados das políticas.
O livro é composta de seis capítulos, abrangendo a análise das seguintes políticas públicas: Gestão de Pessoas no Setor Público; Violência e Políticas Públicas de Segurança; Políticas Públicas de Desenvolvimento Industrial; Políticas Públicas em Educação; Políticas e Programas Sociais; Políticas Públicas de Saúde. Ao final os leitores poderão formular sua própria opinião sobre a atuação governamental no cenário político goiano, os resultados alcançados e os desafios  para os próximos anos.

Federalism and decentralized party and electoral rules have been an enduring feature of Brazilian democracy. The 1946 and 1988 Constitutions devolved substantial fiscal resources and policy authority to sub-national governments. Electoral rules reinforce political and financial decentralization by allowing sub-national officials to exert substantial influence in national politics as several important decisions relative to elections and party organization—such as party primaries to select candidates to all relevant national posts, with the exception of the presidency—are taken at the state level. 
This chapter analyzes how multilevel elections, strong subnational governments and decentralized electoral rules shape party and coalition dynamics in Brazil. The core argument is that the institutional mix chosen by the drafters of Brazil's 1988 Constitution creates cross-cutting incentives. On the one hand, in stark contrast with the 1946-1964 Republic, the current democratic regime is characterized by an extremely strong federal executive that counts on a wide array of institutional devices to induce both sub-national officials and national party leaders to cooperate with the chief executive's policy agenda. Also, concurrent presidential, national legislative and state elections since 1994 tend to strengthen presidential coattails and the related incentives for party coordination around presidential campaigns. However, at the same these institutions likely foster the organization of a nationalized party system and effective intergovernmental coordination,  incentives and opportunities provided by multilevel elections in the context of autonomous sub-national party branches and highly permissive electoral rules allow for the survival and growth of poorly integrated, office-seeking party organizations organized around gubernatorial races This results in the formation of a highly fragmented party system in which presidents face significant costs to form both pre- and post-electoral coalitions.