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LGBTQ conservatism is an umbrella term which may be divided into two specific sub-categories,[according to whom?] each with its own term and meaning. The first sub-categorical term, pre-Stonewall LGBTQ Conservatism, refers to LGBTQ individuals embracing and promoting (even in the post-Stonewall era) the ideology of a traditional (and traditionally anti-LGBTQ) conservatism in either a general or specifically-LGBTQ social context or environment.[citation needed]Post-Stonewall LGBTQ Conservatism, refers to self-affirming LGBTQ persons with fiscally, culturally, and politically conservative views. These post-Stonewall conservatives' social views, though generally conservative too, at the same time reflect a "gay-affirmation" based on self-determination and more recent socio-historical issues like marriage equality for same-sex couples, LGBTQ family recognition, civic equality generally for LGBTQ people in society, and also a positive role for (LGBTQ-affirming) religion in LGBTQ life.
There is not complete unanimity of opinion among LGBTQ conservatives on all issues, however, especially those regarding the dynamics and politics of the closet and "identity management," and various legal and political issues (e.g. adoption agency placement, rights of private businesses, certain "intra-LGBT" issues of bisexuality, transgender topics, and others.)[citation needed] The first term can include LGBTQ people who are opposed to same-sex marriage or other LGBTQ rights while the second term, contrastingly, usually refers to self-affirming gay people who unequivocally favor marriage as a legal institution for both heterosexuals and gays (in countries where this is feasible) and who simultaneously prefer economic and political conservatism more generally.
The number of self-affirming LGBTQ advocates for conservative ideas and policies became more apparent only after the advent of the modern LGBTQ civil rights movement in the 1970s (which encouraged affirmation of LGBTQ identity to achieve greater consolidation of political power) even as many gay conservatives, labeled as "self-hating" at the time, did remain closeted in areas where anti-gay socially conservative politicians then led organized opposition to LGBTQ rights. The politics and ideology of LGBTQ conservatives today can vary by their own self-definition, developments within larger conservatism, and each country's (and local area's) sociopolitical, cultural, and legal LGBTQ rights landscape.[editorializing]
In France, in 1791, Louis Michel le Peletier de Saint-Fargeau presented a new criminal code to the national Constituent Assembly.[1] He explained that it outlawed only "true crimes", and not "phony offenses created by superstition, feudalism, the tax system, and [royal] despotism".[1] He did not list the crimes "created by superstition". The new penal code did not mention blasphemy, heresy, sacrilege, witchcraft, incest or homosexuality; these former offenses were decriminalized. In 1810, a new criminal code was issued under Napoleon. As with the Penal Code of 1791, it did not contain provisions for religious crimes, incest or homosexuality. In 1852, under the prime ministership of the Duke of Saldanha, a liberal-conservative Cartista, same-sex sexual intercourse was legalized throughout Portugal.[2]
Even though one can justify the omission of these penal provisions from the standpoint of Medicine as well as on grounds taken from certain theories of criminal law–the public's sense of justice (das Rechtsbewußtsein im Volke) views these acts not merely as vices but as crimes [...].
In 1887, during the period known as the Conservative Republic (Spanish: República Conservadora), same-sex sexual intercourse was legalized throughout Argentina.[4]
On February 24, 1954, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, during a cabinet meeting, bluntly replied that the Conservative Party was not going to accept responsibility for making the law more lenient towards gay men. He suggested that an enquiry might be the way forward, proposed limiting press coverage of the convictions of homosexuals, and suggested that any man caught by police should be offered the option of medical treatment. "Otherwise, I wouldn't touch the subject," he said. "Let it get worse – in hope of a more united public pressure for some amendment."[5]
In 2007, Brian Coleman, a former openly gay Conservative member of the London Assembly and former mayor of Barnet, wrote in the New Statesman that in the mid-1950s, London police were aware that future Prime Minister Edward Heath was "cottaging" (seeking out anonymous sex partners in public lavatories) and that they warned him to stop, lest it damage his career. Coleman also claimed that gays "ran" the Conservative Party in London for many years, suggesting Heath may have been "protected". "[Britain] had managed for decades with gay men holding a significant number of public offices", Coleman wrote.[6]
In 1957, after the international conference Wolfenden50, the Conservative government appointed the Committee on Homosexual Offences and Prostitution 1957 to investigate what were perceived as two increasing social problems, in the context of rising prosecutions. The committees terms of reference asked members to consider 'the law and practice' relating to both 'homosexual offenses and the treatment of persons convicted of such offenses' and to offenses connected to 'prostitution and solicitation for immoral purposes'. The association between homosexuality and prostitution reflected the committee's assumption that both were forms of deviance threatening the family as 'the basic unit of society'. The committee's report in 1957 included as its first recommendation 'That homosexual behavior between consenting adults in private be no longer a criminal offense'; other recommendations sought the tightening of the law concerning public same-sex behavior and street prostitution, although acts of selling sex would remain legal.[7]
In May 1965, Arthur Gore, 8th Earl of Arran and Conservative Party Chief Whip, introduced into the House of Lords a bill decriminalizing male same-sex sexual intercourse in England and Wales. During its passage, senior peers inserted a strict privacy clause, applying a more restrictive standard of privacy than for heterosexual behavior. This specified that a 'homosexual act' would not be considered 'private' if 'more than two persons take part or are present', or if occurring in a public lavatory. The bill passed through the Lords in July 1965 and was brought into the House of Commons by Conservative MP Humphrey Berkeley, known to be homosexual by many in parliament. After a Labour victory in the general election in 1966, Berkeley lost his seat and was replaced as the bill's sponsor by Labour MP Leo Abse.[7]
Prospective Conservative Prime Minister Robert Boothby (later Lord Boothby), who was homosexual, was peppered[when defined as?] throughout parliament and the establishment, and hence their political colleagues had every interest in decriminalizing their activities. Boothby was involved in a friendship and possibly a sexual relationship with Ronnie Kray, while simultaneously the long-term lover of Lady Dorothy Macmillan, wife of Harold Macmillan, Conservative Prime Minister from 1957 to 1963.[7]
When the Sexual Offences Act 1967 passed in 1967, only a handful of Conservatives voted for the decriminalization of male same-sex sexual intercourse, including future Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.[8]
On June 25, 1969, shortly before the end of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) – Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) Grand Coalition headed by CDU Chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger, Paragraph 175 was reformed, in that only the "qualified cases" that were previously handled in §175a – sex with a man less than 21 years old, homosexual prostitution, and the exploitation of a relationship of dependency (such as employing or supervising a person in a work situation) – were retained. Paragraph 175b (concerning bestiality) also was removed.
In 2007, Brian Coleman, a former openly gay Conservative member of the London Assembly and former mayor of Barnet, wrote in the New Statesman that many of the gay politicians in the Conservative Party joined the party and became active during the Thatcher years. He also contended that the underlying ethos of Thatcherism might well be pro-gay and it was Margaret Thatcher's personality which attracted so many homosexual men to the party. The reason he contended that the Iron Lady drew many gay men to the Conservative Party was her pure elegance, feminine perfection, perfect dress sense, and sheer determination to change society and while her government might have had an anti-gay aura there was simply nothing in her personal attitude to demonstrate any prejudice, she appointed gay ministers, such as Earl of Avon (son of ex-Prime Minister Anthony Eden). On the subject of AIDS it was her government with Norman Fowler as Health Secretary which faced the issue head on and refused to take a moral tone on public information and prevention work. He finishes by stating that "There are many gay Tory men who would like to sleep with David Cameron but it is Lady Thatcher whose portrait hangs over their bed!"[10]
In 1991, the CGHE reconstituted at the Conservative Party Conference and renamed the Tory Campaign for Homosexual Equality (TORCHE). The organization would remain active til 2004 when it disbanded.[12]
On June 24, 2004, Fine Gael proposed legalizing civil partnerships for same-sex and opposite-sex couples who choose not to marry, the first Irish political party to do so.[13] In November 2004, in reaction to the legal challenge on tax issues Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader Bertie Ahern said "Couples want equality and we should try to deal with some of those issues" but added that moves to legalize gay marriage are "a long way off".[14] During the 2004 Irish presidential election, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and Progressive Democrats, produced policies or made statements in favor of varying forms of recognition for same-sex couples. During the 2007 Irish general election, the manifestos of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and Progressive Democrats, supported civil unions for same-sex couples. All parties ran advertisements in Gay Community News (GNC) with commitments to same-sex couples.
In 2010, Ógra Fianna Fáil came out in favor of same-sex marriage.
In 2010, the Botswana government, under the control of the Botswana Democratic Party, passed an amendment to its Employment Act that will bring an end to dismissal based on an individual's sexual orientation or HIV status.[15]
On October 5, 2011, British Prime Minister David Cameron said at a Conservative Party conference that "So I don't support gay marriage despite being a Conservative. I support gay marriage because I'm a Conservative."[17]
On March 3, 2012, Fianna Fáil came out in favor of same-sex marriage in Ireland.[18]
On February 5, 2013, Marriage Act 2013, during its second reading, received in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom that Conservatives voted 126 for, 134 against (including 8 voted against from the Democratic Unionist Party), 5 both, and 36 did not vote.[19] On May 21, 2013, the act, during its third reading, received in the House of Commons that Conservatives voted 117 for, 127 against (including 8 voted against from the Democratic Unionist Party), 7 both, and 51 did not vote.[20] On June 4, 2013, the act, during its second reading, received in the House of Lords that Conservatives voted against the Dear Amendment to reject second reading, 66 voted in favor, including 2 in favor from the Democratic Unionist Party, 1 in favor from Ulster Unionist Party, and 2 in favor from UK Independence Party, and 63 did not vote.[21] The act had its third reading on July 15, 2013, and was passed by a simple voice vote.[22] The amended Bill returned to the House of Commons for approval of the amendments on July 16, 2013, which the House approved on the same day.[22]
On November 5, 2013, Fine Gael came out in favor of same-sex marriage in Ireland.[23]
On May 22, 2015, the Thirty-Fourth Amendment (Marriage Equality Act) to the Irish Constitution was passed in Ireland via national referendum. 62% of Irish voters voted in favor of same-sex marriage. Voter turnout was 61% of the national electorate. The referendum was introduced under the Fine Gael-Labour coalition government.
On January 16, 2017, Marcelo Crivella, the mayor of Rio de Janeiro, promoted Nélio Georgini, a gay evangelical conservative, to the head of the city LGBTQ council.[24]
In 2018, 30% of the Brazilian LGBTQ community voted for the right-wing populistJair Bolsonaro against 57% of votes for left-wingFernando Haddad in the presidential runoff, according to Datafolha. Following the conservative wave that contributed to the emergence of the Gays com Bolsonaro Movement (inspired by the Gays for Trump organization), the 30% of LGBTQ votes for Bolsonaro shocked many in the Brazilian Media, as Bolsonaro is seen as a socially conservative homophobic politician.[25] The reasons attributed to these votes were the widespread fear of violence, economic insecurity, attachment to traditional values, discontent with the Workers' Party, as well as a perceived political manipulation of LGBTQ activism by the left.[26]
Canada
LGBTory was founded in 2015 as a group for LGBTQ supporters of the Conservative Party of Canada and provincial conservative parties across Canada. Prior to that, small groups existed locally in some Canadian cities or as discussion forums on the Internet.
Openly gay political figures such as Scott Brison, Lorne Mayencourt and Jaime Watt are or have been associated with conservative parties at the provincial or federal levels, Keith Norton, Phil Gillies and Heward Grafftey came out as gay after their careers as politicians had ended, and Richard Hatfield was outed as gay after his death.[27] Most such figures, however, have been Red Tories, a moderate or even progressive faction within Canadian conservatism, rather than conventionally conservative "Blue" Tories; Brison, in fact, quit the Progressive Conservative Party to join the Liberals after the PCs merged with the more right-wing Canadian Alliance to form the Conservative Party.
In 2016, Interim Conservative leader Rona Ambrose became the first leader of the federal Conservative Party to march in the Toronto Pride Parade. She was joined by leadership contestants & MPs, Lisa Raitt, Michael Chong, Kellie Leitch, and Maxime Bernier.
In 2019, Ontario Premier Doug Ford, Deputy Premier Christine Elliott, and cabinet ministers Caroline Mulroney & Stephen Lecce all marched in the York Region Pride Parade. This was the first time a sitting conservative Ontario Premier had marched in a pride parade while in office.
Eric Duncan was elected as the first openly gay Conservative MP in 2019, and Melissa Lantsman was elected as the first openly lesbian Conservative MP in 2021.
LGBTQ representation in politics is promoted by ProudPolitics, a non-partisan networking and mentoring organization whose members span the political spectrum.
Chile
In 2014, the doctrinal council of the conservative National Renewal voted 72.3% to reject a proposal that would have advocated limiting marriage and adoption to heterosexual couples.[29]
This section needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(August 2024)
A 2013 IFOP survey of French LGBTQ people found that French LGBTQ people have same underlying trends as the rest of the population, namely a radicalization of positions and some disenchantment with political parties. The left wing parties of France did not capitalize on Law 2013-404 with LGBTQ voters, which implies that the party positions on social issues are secondary to policy choices, with LGBTQ people having no distinction on this point the rest of the population. Despite some French media representations, sexual orientation does not appear to determine political views. With increasing acceptance of LGBTQ people in France, LGBTQ people in France feel less inclined to mobilize behind parties with the political demands of the LGBTQ community.[31]
Support for the Socialist Party (PS) from 2012 and 2013 found that 21% of bisexuals supported PS in 2012, but only 16% supported PS in 2013, while LGBTQ people maintained support for PS and the Europe Ecology – The Greens at 27% and 6% from 2012 to 2013. Law 2013-404 has allowed the left government to maintain its support among LGBTQ people overall, while in steep decline in the overall population. In 2011, 50% of LGBTQ people supported left wing parties, while in 2012, 44% of LGBTQ people supported left wing parties, and in 2013, 36% of LGBTQ people supported left wing parties. When counting gay voters only, 45% supported left wing parties in 2012, while 38% supported left wing parties in 2013. Among non-heterosexuals, 24% supported left wing parties in 2012, while 21% supported left wing parties in 2013. Among heterosexuals, 21% supported left wing parties in 2012, while 18% supported left wing parties in 2013. Disaffection towards the left party is a phenomenon is affecting all sexual orientation categories of the population.[31]
In 2011, 15% of non-heterosexuals supported center-right wing parties, while in 2012, 20% of non-heterosexuals supported center-right wing parties, and in 2013, 22% of non-heterosexuals supported center-right wing parties. In 2011, 17% of bisexuals supported center-right wing parties, while in 2012, 21% of bisexuals supported center-right wing parties, and in 2013, 17% of bisexuals supported center-right wing parties. In 2011, 13% of LGBTQ people supported center-right wing parties, while in 2012, 20% of LGBTQ people supported center-right wing parties, and in 2013, 21% of LGBTQ people supported center-right wing parties. In 2011, 21% of heterosexuals supported center-right wing parties, while in 2012, 25% of heterosexuals supported center-right wing parties, and in 2013, 22% of heterosexuals supported center-right wing parties.[31]
Despite their opposition to Law 2013–404, the center right parties maintains its support among the LGBTQ electorate, but in a more fragmented way than in the past. In 2012, 16% of LGBTQ people supported the Union for a Popular Movement (UPM), while in 2013, 14% of LGBTQ supported the UPM. In 2012, 20% of heterosexuals people supported the UPM, while in 2013, 17% of heterosexuals supported the UPM. This decline of support for UPM helped benefit of the Union of Democrats and Independents, with 6% among LGBTQ people in 2013, given that the positions taken by some of its leaders, such as Rama Yade and Jean-Louis Borloo, in favor of same-sex marriage it was perhaps not unrelated.[31]
In 2012, 10% of non-heterosexuals supported the National Front, while in 2013, 16% of non-heterosexuals supported the National Front. In 2012, 9% of bisexuals supported the National Front, while in 2013, 16% of bisexuals supported the National Front. In 2012, 10% of LGBTQ people supported the National Front, while in 2013, 15% of LGBTQ people supported the National Front. In 2012, 9% of heterosexuals people supported the National Front, while in 2013, 13% of heterosexuals supported the National Front.[31]
Support for the National Front is stronger in the ranks of LGBTQ people than among all the French people, with 13% support for the National Front in 2013. The National Front is benefiting among LGBTQ voters, with a +5% increase between 2012 and 2013, than in the rest of the population, +4% of heterosexuals in the same period. The increase of the National Front among LGBTQ people is probably due to the composition of the electorate, with more male, urban, and younger people than the average population therefore generally more willing to vote for the National Front. In Paris, 26% of LGBTQ residents support the National Front, with 16% heterosexuals support National Front. The National Front's opposition to Islamism is attractive to LGBTQ people who perceive Islam as a threat to their lives and freedoms.[31]
2013 IFOP survey on French LGBTQ people's political support by party[31]
Much of the Dutch right wing (including figures such as Geert Wilders) has evolved to include LGBTQ rights platforms which do not conflict with the current status quo but also embrace an increased perturbation to supposed threats from minority religions (especially Islam) which, in their view, threaten to upend the vestiges of the liberalism and tolerance which has been associated with the Dutch social climate.
The former political party the Pim Fortuyn List supported LGBTQ rights, and its leader and namesake Pim Fortuyn was openly gay.
The Open Moderates is the LGBT-organisation of the Moderate Party in Sweden. The Open Moderates is an organization for everyone that shares the values of the Moderate Party and who believe that LGBT-issues are important political issues to work with from a center-right perspective.
The origin of the Open Moderates is the Stockholm-based club "Gay Moderates" that was formed already in the late 1970s. That club had mostly social activities and it was active upon until the mid-1990s. A new generation took over and reorganized the Gay Moderates as a new more political network to lobby the Moderate Party. In 2003 the name was changed to the current Open Moderates to signal that the organization is open to everyone regardless of sexual orientation that want to work with LGBTQ political issues.
In recent years, the national conservativeSweden Democrats party has softened its stance on LGBTQ rights and same-sex parenting with party leader Jimmie Åkesson suggesting in 2018 that the party would rewrite its program for the first time to include LGBTQ related issues. One of the SD's legislators and spokesmen Bo Broman is homosexual.
The first LGBTQ Conservative group was called CGHE (Conservative Group for Homosexual Equality). That group was reconstituted at the Conservative party Conference in 1991 and was renamed TORCHE (the Tory Campaign for Homosexual Equality). This group was active until 2003. Some years later LGBTory was formed. LGBTory has an active membership often organized using its Facebook groups and pages and attends vigils and LGBTQ Pride events across the UK including Pride London, Pride Scotia, Leeds Pride, Manchester Pride, Doncaster Pride and Brighton Pride.
LGBTory campaigned in seats throughout the campaign for the May 6, 2010, General Election. There are now at least 12 openly gay and lesbian Conservative MPs in Parliament.
LGBTory, now[when?] renamed to LGBT+ Conservatives, works to promote LGBTQ equality within the Conservative Party and generally across the UK, actively campaigning against the Gay Blood Ban and for marriage equality, regardless of sexuality or gender identity.[citation needed]
The UK Independence Party has an officially recognized LGBTQ in UKIP campaigning group which is active on the social media sites Twitter and Facebook. It has been represented at the party's annual conference.[41]Peter Whittle of the UKIP was the only LGBTQ candidate in the 2016 London Assembly election and afterwards was selected as the UKIP's deputy leader.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) movements are social movements that advocate for LGBTQ people in society. Although there is not a primary or an overarching central organization that represents all LGBTQ people and their interests, numerous LGBTQ rights organizations are active worldwide. The first organization to promote LGBTQ rights was the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee, founded in 1897 in Berlin.
Heterosexism is a system of attitudes, bias, and discrimination in favor of heterosexuality and heterosexual relationships. According to Elizabeth Cramer, it can include the belief that all people are or should be heterosexual and that heterosexual relationships are the only norm and therefore superior.
Societal attitudes toward homosexuality vary greatly across different cultures and historical periods, as do attitudes toward sexual desire, activity and relationships in general. All cultures have their own values regarding appropriate and inappropriate sexuality; some sanction same-sex love and sexuality, while others may disapprove of such activities in part. As with heterosexual behaviour, different sets of prescriptions and proscriptions may be given to individuals according to their gender, age, social status or social class.
The Log Cabin Republicans (LCR) is an organization affiliated with the Republican Party which works to educate the LGBT+ community and Republicans about each other.
Opposition to legal rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people exists throughout the world. LGBTQ rights opponents may be opposed to the decriminalization of homosexuality; laws permitting civil unions or partnerships or supporting LGBT parenting and adoption, LGBT military members, access to assisted reproductive technology, and access to gender-affirming surgery and gender-affirming hormone therapy for transgender individuals.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights in Croatia have expanded since the turn of the 21st century, especially in the 2010s and 2020s. However, LGBT people still face some legal challenges not experienced by non-LGBTQ residents. The status of same-sex relationships was first formally recognized in 2003 under a law dealing with unregistered cohabitations. As a result of a 2013 referendum, the Constitution of Croatia defines marriage solely as a union between a woman and man, effectively prohibiting same-sex marriage. Since the introduction of the Life Partnership Act in 2014, same-sex couples have effectively enjoyed rights equal to heterosexual married couples in almost all of its aspects, except adoption. In 2022, a final court judgement allowed same-sex adoption under the same conditions as for mixed-sex couples. Same-sex couples in Croatia can also apply for foster care since 2020. Croatian law forbids all discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression in all civil and state matters; any such identity is considered a private matter, and such information gathering for any purpose is forbidden as well.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBTQ) people in Ukraine face significant challenges not experienced by non-LGBTQ individuals; historically, the prevailing social and political attitudes have been intolerant of LGBTQ people, and strong evidence suggests this attitude remains in parts of the wider society. Since the fall of the Soviet Union and Ukraine's independence in 1991, the Ukrainian LGBTQ community has gradually become more visible and more organized politically, organizing several LGBTQ events in Kyiv, Odesa, Kharkiv, and Kryvyi Rih.
Homosexuality in India is socially permitted by most of the traditional native philosophies of the nation, and legal rights continue to be advanced in mainstream politics and regional politics. Homosexual cohabitation is also legally permitted and comes with some legal protections and rights.
The rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland have developed significantly over time. Today, lesbian, gay and bisexual rights are considered to be advanced by international standards.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Romania face legal challenges and discrimination not experienced by non-LGBT residents. Attitudes in Romania are generally conservative, with regard to the rights of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender citizens. Nevertheless, the country has made significant changes in LGBT rights legislation since 2000. In the past two decades, it fully decriminalised homosexuality, introduced and enforced wide-ranging anti-discrimination laws, equalised the age of consent and introduced laws against homophobic hate crimes. Furthermore, LGBT communities have become more visible in recent years, as a result of events such as Bucharest's annual pride parade, Timișoara's Pride Week and Cluj-Napoca's Gay Film Nights festival.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) individuals in the Republic of the Philippines have faced many difficulties in their homeland, such as prejudice, violence, abuse, assault, harassment and other forms of anti-LGBT rhetoric. Many LGBT Filipinos are met with mixed attitudes and reactions by their families, friends and others in their communities, as well as professionals, educators, their national public officials, politicians, attorneys and others working for the government and the rest of the general population.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people in Georgia face severe challenges not experienced by non-LGBT residents. However, Georgia is one of the few post-Soviet states that directly prohibits discrimination against all LGBT people in legislation, labor-related or otherwise. Since 2012, Georgian law has considered crimes committed on the grounds of one's sexual orientation or gender identity an aggravating factor in prosecution. The legislative ban on discrimination has been enacted as a part of the Government efforts to bring the country closer to the European Union and make the country's human rights record in line with the demands of Georgia's European and Euro-Atlantic integration.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Northern Ireland enjoy most of the same rights as non-LGBT people. However, the advancement of LGBT rights has traditionally been slower than the rest of the United Kingdom, with the region having lagged behind England, Scotland, and Wales. Northern Ireland was the last part of the United Kingdom where same-sex sexual activity was decriminalised, the last to implement a blood donation “monogamous no waiting period” policy system for men who have sex with men and, after intervention by the Parliament of the United Kingdom, the last to allow same-sex marriage. Compared to the neighbouring Republic of Ireland, all major LGBT rights milestones had been reached earlier in Northern Ireland, with the exception of same-sex marriage. Homosexuality was decriminalised in Northern Ireland a decade earlier and civil partnerships were introduced six years earlier.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Guatemala face legal challenges not experienced by non-LGBTQ residents. Both male and female forms of same-sex sexual activity are legal in Guatemala.
Communist attitudes towards LGBTQ rights have evolved radically in the 21st century. In the 19th and 20th century, communist parties and Marxist–Leninist states varied on LGBTQ rights; some Western and Eastern parties were among the first political parties to support LGBTQ rights, while others, especially the Soviet Union and some of its Eastern Bloc members, harshly persecuted people of the LGBTQ community.
LGBT+ Conservatives is an organisation for LGBT conservatism in the United Kingdom. It is the official LGBT wing of the Conservative Party. The current advocacy group can trace its roots back to the Conservative Group for Homosexual Equality which was later renamed the Tory Campaign for Homosexual Equality. The group was eventually disbanded and the new LGBTory group was formed, changing its name in 2016 to LGBT+ Conservatives.
The following outline offers an overview and guide to LGBTQ topics:
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people in Curaçao have similar rights to non-LGBTQ people. Both male and female forms of same-sex sexual activity are legal in Curaçao. Discrimination on the basis of "heterosexual or homosexual orientation" is outlawed by the Curaçao Criminal Code.
Rainbow capitalism is the involvement of capitalism, corporate capitalism, and consumerism in appropriating and profiting from the LGBT movement. It developed in the 20th and 21st centuries as the LGBT community became more accepted in society and developed sufficient purchasing power, known as pink money. Early rainbow capitalism was limited to gay bars and gay bathhouses, though it expanded to most industries by the early-21st century.
Sexual minorities in Sri Lanka have been counted in recent times as consisting of as little as 0.035% of the population to as high as 19.6%. It is likely that there are around 1,100,000 according to current mapping conventions.
References
1 2 "Livre III ... du code pénal" Choix de rapports, opinions et discours prononcés à la tribune nationale (in French). VI. Paris: A. Eymery. 1819. p. 320. Retrieved March 31, 2008.
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