印度尼西亞大屠殺 (1965年—1966年)
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1965年-1966年印度尼西亞大屠殺 | |
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冷戰的一部分 | |
![]() 反印度尼西亞共產黨讀物 | |
位置 | ![]() |
日期 | 1965年-1966年 |
目標 | 印度尼西亞共產黨成員、共產主義同情者、婦女組織格瓦尼(Gerwani)成員、工會會員、爪哇族阿邦甘(Abangan)、印尼華人、無神論者、左翼分子[1][2] |
類型 | 政治迫害、濫殺和種族清洗[3] |
死亡 | 500,000[4]:3–1,200,000[4]:3[5][6][7] |
主謀 | 印度尼西亞軍隊和各種處決小隊,背後有美國、英國和其他西方政府的協助和鼓勵[8][9][10][11] [12][13] |
印度尼西亞歷史 |
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1965-1966年的印度尼西亞大屠殺(印尼語:Pembunuhan Massal Indonesia & Pembersihan G.30.S/PKI),也稱為印度尼西亞種族滅絕、印度尼西亞反共大清洗,是指發生在印度尼西亞,在美國以及其它西方國家的支持下,受印尼軍隊及政府的煽動,針對當地印度尼西亞共產黨成員、共產主義同情者、婦女組織格瓦尼(Gerwani)成員、工會會員、爪哇族阿邦甘(Abangan)、印尼華人、無神論者、左翼分子的大屠殺以及城市暴動。此次大屠殺開始於一次有爭議的共產主義者的政變,即九三〇事件後,反共者針對共產主義者的肅清。據估算,事件的受害者約為50萬到100萬,部分來源的數據高達200到300萬。大清洗發生在全球冷戰的背景之下,是對共產主義者和親共者的政治清算,也是印尼政府由舊秩序邁向新秩序的關鍵推動事件。此次事件導致了蘇加諾的下台,開啟了蘇哈托為期三十多年的威權獨裁統治。
政變(即九三〇事件)失敗,印尼民眾有了釋放其壓抑許久的反共情緒的出口。他們所支持的印尼陸軍隨即也走在了清洗印度尼西亞共產黨的路上。除此之外,美國、英國、澳大利亞的情報機構在當地發動了反對印度尼西亞共產黨的黑色宣傳。冷戰期間,美國政府及其西方集團的盟友的主要目的之一是將各國納入其勢力範圍並削弱共產主義在世界各地的影響力。英國則尋求機會,想要參與了印尼 - 馬來西亞對抗,卷進與前英帝國殖民地,大英國協成員之一,其鄰國馬來亞聯合邦戰爭的蘇加諾政府下台。
政治、經濟和軍事領域的共產主義者們被屠戮,印度尼西亞共產黨自身難保,被強行解散。屠殺始於1965年十月,叛亂發生後的數周,由首都雅加達起,擴散到中爪哇省的中東部,直至峇里省。屠戮事件在1966年年初達到高潮,之後便逐漸平息。數千位當地民兵以及陸軍參與了屠殺——無論對象是否為共產黨人。全國各地殺戮四起,印尼共在中爪哇省中東部,蘇門答臘北部的據點損失殆盡。可能有超過一百萬人在一次或數次行動中被監禁。蘇加諾在宗教、民族主義和共產主義上實施的「指導式民主」(參見蘇加諾 - 執政)被瓦解,他最重要的支持者——印尼共被軍隊以及伊斯蘭主義者清剿,而軍隊勢力此時正如日中天。1967年三月,蘇加諾被印度尼西亞臨時議會褫奪了他的總統權力,蘇哈托被任命為臨時總統。1968年三月,蘇哈托正式當選總統。
外部勢力介入
[編輯]根據CIA於1962年的一份備忘錄,就清算蘇加諾這一問題上,美國及英國政府的意見高度一致。當時印尼反共政府與美國陸軍的聯繫相當密切——後者為前者培訓了超過1,200名軍官,「包括高級軍官」,以及相關的武器和經濟支持——但CIA否認其參與了屠戮。2017年美國國家安全檔案館與美國國家解密中心(National Declassification Center)解密的政府檔案顯示,美國對「九三〇事件」屠殺過程知情且暗中支持,並曾向印尼軍隊提供金錢、武器和印尼共產黨官員的名單,卻刻意保持沉默,誣陷北京當局。文件更指出,印尼軍方編造了中國共產黨企圖指使印尼共發動政變的謠言[14]。CIA 在1968年一份高度機密的報告中陳述,此次大屠殺「與1930年代的蘇聯大清洗運動,二戰中的納粹種族大屠殺,1950年代的中國土地改革運動,並列為20世紀最慘無人道的大屠殺」[15][16][4]:183。
被誇大的反華
[編輯]反華事件
[編輯]在一些地區,當地的印尼華人被殺害,他們的財產被搶劫和焚燒,這是反華種族主義的結果,藉口是 D. N. 艾迪特讓印尼共產黨更接近中華人民共和國。印尼華裔歷史學家伊塔·法蒂婭·納迪亞 (Ita Fatia Nadia) 在《雅加達郵報》上表示,她的父親是一名「帕圖克青年」,也是一名印尼社會黨黨員。1965年10月,她七歲時,印尼陸軍士兵來到她位於日惹的家進行檢查,隨後他便失蹤了.她還記得,在上學的路上看到屍體,意識到失蹤的家人和鄰居都被殺了,後來她母親告訴她不要管這件事[17]。
20 世紀50年代和60年代初,峇里島上也出現了傳統種姓制度支持者與反對傳統價值觀者(尤其是印尼共產黨)之間的衝突。印尼共產黨被公開指責致力於摧毀該島的文化、宗教和性格,而峇里人和爪哇人一樣,也被敦促摧毀印尼共產黨。峇里島辛加拉惹和登巴薩鎮的所有華人店鋪均被摧毀,許多涉嫌為「蓋世太保」提供經濟支持的店鋪業主被殺害。1965年12月至1966年初,估計有8萬峇里族人被殺,約占當時該島人口的5%,所占比例高於印度尼西亞其他任何地方[18]。
在西加里曼丹,1967年屠殺結束後,當地的達雅克人將45,000名華人從農村地區驅逐出去,造成2,000至5,000人死亡。華人拒絕反擊,因為他們認為自己是「別人土地上的客人」,目的只是進行貿易[19][20] 。
以反華之名掩蓋反共
[編輯]加拿大不列顛哥倫比亞大學歷史系副教授約翰・魯薩(John Roosa)向德國之聲解釋,當年的反共大屠殺是針對印尼共產黨而來,並非華人,過去曾有論述將該事件塑造成「反華種族清洗」或「屠華事件」,都是不對的。
對印尼華人的歧視在蘇門答臘和加里曼丹]的屠殺中扮演了重要角色,這些屠殺被稱為種族滅絕。Charles A. Coppel 對這種說法提出了嚴厲批評,他認為西方媒體和學者不願面對他們所支持的反共議程的後果[21] ,而是把印尼種族主義當成替罪羊,並誇大其詞地聲稱有數十萬或數百萬印尼華人被殺[22] 。Charles A. Coppel 在一篇題為「從未發生過的種族滅絕:解釋1965-1966年印尼反華大屠殺的神話」的文章中談到了這種歪曲的報道。Coppel在1998年5月騷亂的報道中也看到了同樣的偏見,當時人道主義志願者團隊指出,非華裔搶劫者占被殺人數的大多數[23] 。他的論點繼續引發爭論[24]。
據估計,約有2,000名印尼華人被殺害(反共大屠殺總死亡人數估計在50萬至300萬人之間),有記錄顯示,在望加錫、棉蘭和龍目島發生了屠殺[25]。Robert Cribb和Charles A. Coppel指出,在清洗期間,實際上只有「相對較少」的華人被殺害,而大多數死者都是印尼原住民[26] 。華人的死亡人數達數千人,而印尼原住民的死亡人數則達數十萬。被屠殺的絕大多數人是峇里人和爪哇人[22]。
新加坡南洋理工大學歷史系助理教授周陶沫(Taomo Zhou)向德國之聲指出,「九三〇事件」對中共而言,雖然是外交上很大的挫敗,但卻被中共拿來政治動員文化大革命。當時中華人民共和國許多報刊稱印尼反共大屠殺是蘇哈托迫害印尼共、華人、華僑的行為,所以「國內群眾要繼續革命到底」,強烈譴責蘇哈托是「法西斯走狗」。[14]。
後續
[編輯]由於蘇哈托政權下的鎮壓,大屠殺並沒有被列入印尼的教科書中,也沒有對此事做出反省。就意識形態而言,如何為大屠殺事件中所展現的民眾暴力做出一個完美的解釋,是所有學者所面臨的挑戰。為避免再次發生類似九三〇事件的動盪,「新秩序」政權採取保守主義,對已有的政治體系做出了嚴格的控制。在蘇哈托一派看來,由於共產主義本身及其所帶來的威脅,污名化(參見社會污名)以削減其影響力的手段是必不可少的。這種情況一直持續到了21世紀的今天。
參見
[編輯]參考文獻
[編輯]- ^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 288.
- ^ Mechanics of Mass Murder: A Case for Understanding the Indonesian Killings as Genocide. Journal of Genocide Research. [2017-12-22]. (原始內容存檔於2022-04-16).
- ^ Melvin, Jess. Mechanics of Mass Murder: A Case for Understanding the Indonesian Killings as Genocide. Journal of Genocide Research. 2017, 19 (4): 487–511. doi:10.1080/14623528.2017.1393942
.
- ^ 4.0 4.1 4.2 Robinson, Geoffrey B. The Killing Season: A History of the Indonesian Massacres, 1965–66. Princeton University Press. 2018 [2021-11-30]. ISBN 978-1-4008-8886-3. (原始內容存檔於2018-08-20).
- ^ Melvin, Jess. The Army and the Indonesian Genocide: Mechanics of Mass Murder. Routledge. 2018: 1 [2021-11-30]. ISBN 978-1-138-57469-4. (原始內容存檔於2019-06-08).
- ^ Blumenthal, David A.; McCormack, Timothy L. H. The Legacy of Nuremberg: Civilising Influence Or Institutionalised Vengeance?. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. 2008: 80 [2024-02-22]. ISBN 978-90-04-15691-3. (原始內容存檔於2024-01-05) (英語).
- ^ The Memory of Savage Anticommunist Killings Still Haunts Indonesia, 50 Years On (頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館), Time
- ^ Robinson, Geoffrey B. The Killing Season: A History of the Indonesian Massacres, 1965–66. Princeton University Press. 2018: 206–207 [2021-11-30]. ISBN 978-1-4008-8886-3. (原始內容存檔於2018-08-20).
In short, Western states were not innocent bystanders to unfolding domestic political events following the alleged coup, as so often claimed. On the contrary, starting almost immediately after October 1, the United States, the United Kingdom, and several of their allies set in motion a coordinated campaign to assist the Army in the political and physical destruction of the PKI and its affiliates, the removal of Sukarno and his closest associates from political power, their replacement by an Army elite led by Suharto, and the engineering of a seismic shift in Indonesia's foreign policy towards the West. They did this through backdoor political reassurances to Army leaders, a policy of official silence in the face of the mounting violence, a sophisticated international propaganda offensive, and the covert provision of material assistance to the Army and its allies. In all these ways, they helped to ensure that the campaign against the Left would continue unabated and its victims would ultimately number in the hundreds of thousands.
- ^ Melvin, Jess. Telegrams confirm scale of US complicity in 1965 genocide. Indonesia at Melbourne. University of Melbourne. 20 October 2017 [21 October 2017]. (原始內容存檔於2021-12-08).
The new telegrams confirm the US actively encouraged and facilitated genocide in Indonesia to pursue its own political interests in the region, while propagating an explanation of the killings it knew to be untrue.
- ^ Simpson, Bradley. Economists with Guns: Authoritarian Development and U.S.–Indonesian Relations, 1960–1968. Stanford University Press. 2010: 193 [2024-02-22]. ISBN 978-0-8047-7182-5. (原始內容存檔於2018-06-25).
Washington did everything in its power to encourage and facilitate the Army-led massacre of alleged PKI members, and U.S. officials worried only that the killing of the party's unarmed supporters might not go far enough, permitting Sukarno to return to power and frustrate the [Johnson] Administration's emerging plans for a post-Sukarno Indonesia. This was efficacious terror, an essential building block of the neoliberal policies that the West would attempt to impose on Indonesia after Sukarno's ouster.
- ^ Perry, Juliet. Tribunal finds Indonesia guilty of 1965 genocide; US, UK complicit. CNN. 21 July 2016 [5 June 2017]. (原始內容存檔於2018-06-13).
- ^ Bevins, Vincent. The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World. PublicAffairs. 2020: 157. ISBN 978-1541742406.
The United States was part and parcel of the operation at every stage, starting well before the killing started, until the last body dropped and the last political prisoner emerged from jail, decades later, tortured, scarred, and bewildered.
- ^ Lashmar, Paul; Gilby, Nicholas; Oliver, James. Revealed: how UK spies incited mass murder of Indonesia's communists. The Observer. 17 October 2021 [2024-02-22]. (原始內容存檔於2021-11-22).
- ^ 14.0 14.1 德國之聲. 印尼:共产党与“930事件”为何仍是禁忌话题?. 德國之聲. [2024-02-15]. (原始內容存檔於2024-02-15).
- ^ Mark Aarons (2007). "Justice Betrayed: Post-1945 Responses to Genocide (頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館)." In David A. Blumenthal and Timothy L. H. McCormack (eds). The Legacy of Nuremberg: Civilising Influence or Institutionalised Vengeance? (International Humanitarian Law). 網際網路檔案館的存檔,存檔日期5 January 2016. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 90-04-15691-7 p. 81 (頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館).
- ^ David F. Schmitz. The United States and Right-Wing Dictatorships, 1965–1989. Cambridge University Press. 2006: 48–9. ISBN 978-0-521-67853-7.
- ^ 1965 survivors seek closure as UK documents expose Western complicity in mass killings. The Jakarta Post. [2023-06-28] (英語).
- ^ Friend (2003), p. 111; Taylor (2003), p. 358; Vickers (2005), p. 159; Robinson (1995), p. ch. 11.
- ^ John Braithwaite. Anomie and violence: non-truth and reconciliation in Indonesian peacebuilding. ANU E Press. 2010: 294 [15 December 2011]. ISBN 978-1-921666-22-3.
In 1967, Dayaks had expelled Chinese from the interior of West Kalimantan. In this Chinese ethnic cleansing, Dayaks were co-opted by the military who wanted to remove those Chinese from the interior who they believed were supporting communists. The most certain way to accomplish this was to drive all Chinese out of the interior of West Kalimantan. Perhaps 2000–5000 people were massacred (Davidson 2002:158) and probably a greater number died from the conditions in overcrowded refugee camps, including 1500 Chinese children aged between one and eight who died of starvation in Pontianak camps (p. 173). The Chinese retreated permanently to the major towns...the Chinese in West Kalimantan rarely resisted (though they had in nineteenth-century conflict with the Dutch, and in 1914). Instead, they fled. One old Chinese man who fled to Pontianak in 1967 said that the Chinese did not even consider or discuss striking back at Dayaks as an option. This was because they were imbued with a philosophy of being a guest on other people's land to become a great trading diaspora.
- ^ Eva-Lotta E. Hedman. Eva-Lotta E. Hedman , 編. Conflict, violence, and displacement in indonesia. SOSEA-45 Series illustrated. SEAP Publications. 2008: 63 [15 December 2011]. ISBN 978-0-87727-745-3.
the role of indigenous Dayak leaders accounted for their "success." Regional officers and interested Dayak leaders helped to translate the virulent anti-community environment locally into an evident anti-Chinese sentiment. In the process, the rural Chinese were constructed as godless communists complicit with members of the local Indonesian Communist Party...In October 1967, the military, with the help of the former Dayak Governor Oevaang Oeray and his Lasykar Pangsuma (Pangsuma Militia) instigated and facilitated a Dayak-led slaughter of ethnic Chinese. Over the next three months, thousands were killed and roughly 75,000 more fled Sambas and northern Pontianak districts to coastal urban centers like Pontianak City and Singkawang to be sheltered in refugee and "detainment" camps. By expelling the "community" Chinese, Oeray and his gang... intended to ingratiate themselves with Suharto's new regime.
- ^ Coppel 2008, p. 122.
- ^ 22.0 22.1 Coppel 2008, p. 118.
- ^ Coppel 2008, p. 119.
- ^ Melvin, Jess (2013), Not Genocide? Anti-Chinese Violence in Aceh, 1965–1966 網際網路檔案館的存檔,存檔日期8 June 2015., in: Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 32, 3, 63–91. ISSN 1868-4882 (online), ISSN 1868-1034 (print)
- ^ Tan 2008,第240–242頁.
- ^ Cribb & Coppel 2009.
外部連結
[編輯]- The Indonesia/East Timor Documentation Project (頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館). National Security Archive
- Lessons of the 1965 Indonesian Coup Terri Cavanagh, World Socialist Web Site, 1998.
- U.S. Seeks to Keep Lid on Far East Purge Role(頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館). The Los Angeles Times. 28 July 2001.
- Accomplices in Atrocity.(頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館) The Indonesian killings of 1965(頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館). Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 7 September 2008
- The Forgotten Massacres (頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館). Jacobin. 2 June 2015.
- The Indonesian Massacre: What Did the US Know? (頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館). The New York Review of Books. November 2, 1015.
- 50 years ago today, American diplomats endorsed mass killings in Indonesia.(頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館) Here’s what that means for today.(頁面存檔備份,存於網際網路檔案館) The Washington Post. December 2, 2015.
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