Greek Muslims

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Greek Muslims
Ελλήνες μουσουλμάνοι
The Genre Painting LACMA M.85.7 (19 of 28).jpg
Greek woman in hijab, Turkey, 1710
Regions with significant populations
Languages
Turkish, Greek (Pontic Greek, Cretan Greek, Cypriot Greek, Cappadocian Greek), Georgian, Russian, Arabic
Related ethnic groups
Other Greeks, Turks

Greek Muslims, also known as Grecophone Muslims, [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] are Muslims of Greek ethnic origin whose adoption of Islam (and often the Turkish language and identity) dates to the period of Ottoman rule in the southern Balkans. They consist primarily of descendants of Ottoman-era converts to Islam from Greek Macedonia (e.g., Vallahades), Crete (Cretan Muslims), and northeastern Anatolia (particularly in the regions of Trabzon, Gümüşhane, Sivas, Erzincan, Erzurum, and Kars).

Contents

Despite their ethnic Greek origin, the contemporary Grecophone Muslims of Turkey have been steadily assimilated into the Turkish-speaking Muslim population. Sizable numbers of Grecophone Muslims, not merely the elders but even young people, have retained knowledge of their respective Greek dialects, such as Cretan and Pontic Greek. [1] Because of their gradual Turkification, as well as the close association of Greece and Greeks with Orthodox Christianity and their perceived status as a historic, military threat to the Turkish Republic, very few are likely to call themselves Greek Muslims. In Greece, Greek-speaking Muslims are not usually considered as forming part of the Greek nation. [7]

In the late Ottoman period, particularly after the Greco-Turkish War (1897), several communities of Greek Muslims from Crete and southern Greece were also relocated to Libya, Lebanon, and Syria, where, in towns like al-Hamidiyah, some of the older generation continue to speak Greek. [8] Historically, Greek Orthodoxy has been associated with being Romios (i.e., Greek) and Islam with being Turkish, despite ethnicity or language. [9]

Most Greek-speaking Muslims in Greece left for Turkey during the 1920s population exchanges under the Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations (in return for Turkish-speaking Christians such as the Karamanlides). [10] Due to the historical role of the millet system, religion and not ethnicity or language was the main factor used during the exchange of populations. [10] All Muslims who departed Greece were seen as "Turks," whereas all Orthodox people leaving Turkey were considered "Greeks," again regardless of their ethnicity or language. [10] An exception was made for the native Muslim Pomaks and Western Thrace Turks living east of the River Nestos in East Macedonia and Thrace, Northern Greece, who are officially recognized as a religious minority by the Greek government. [11]

In Turkey, where most Greek-speaking Muslims live, there are various groups of Grecophone Muslims, some autochthonous, some from parts of present-day Greece and Cyprus who migrated to Turkey under the population exchanges or through immigration.

Motivations for conversion to Islam

Taxation

Dhimmi were subject to the heavier tax, jizya, versus the Muslim zakat. Other major taxes were the Defter and İspençe and the more severe Haraç, whereby a document was issued which stated that "the holder of this certificate is able to keep his head on the shoulders since he paid the Haraç tax for this year..." All these taxes were waived if the person converted to Islam. [12] [13] [14]

Devşirme

Greek non-Muslims were also subjected to practices like Devşirme (blood tax), in which the Ottomans took Christian boys from their families and later converted them to Islam with the aim of selecting and training the ablest of them for leading positions in Ottoman society. Devşirme was not, however, the only means of conversion of Greek Christians. Many male and female orphans voluntarily converted to Islam in order to be adopted or to serve near Turkish families. [15]

Another benefit converts received was better legal protection. The Ottoman Empire had two separate court systems, Islamic and non-Islamic, with the decisions of the former superseding those of the latter. Because non-Muslims were forbidden in the Islamic court, they could not defend their cases and were doomed to lose every time.[ citation needed ]

Career opportunities

Conversion also yielded greater employment prospects and possibilities of advancement in the Ottoman government bureaucracy and military. Subsequently, these people became part of the Muslim community of the millet system, which was closely linked to Islamic religious rules. At that time, people were bound to their millets by their religious affiliations (or their confessional communities), rather than by their ethnic origins. [16] Muslim communities prospered under the Ottoman Empire, and as Ottoman law did not recognize such notions as ethnicity, Muslims of all ethnic backgrounds enjoyed precisely the same rights and privileges. [17]

Avoiding slavery

During the Greek War of Independence, Ottoman Egyptian troops under the leadership of Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt ravaged the island of Crete and the Greek countryside of the Morea, where Muslim Egyptian soldiers enslaved vast numbers of Christian Greek children and women. Ibrahim arranged for the enslaved Greek children to be forcefully converted to Islam en masse. [18] The enslaved Greeks were subsequently transferred to Egypt, where they were sold. Several decades later in 1843, the English traveler and writer Sir John Gardner Wilkinson described the state of enslaved Greeks who had converted to Islam in Egypt:

White Slaves – In Egypt there are white slaves and slaves of colour. [...] There are [for example] some Greeks who were taken in the War of Independence. [...] In Egypt, the officers of rank are for the most part enfranchised slaves. I have seen in the bazars of Cairo Greek slaves who had been torn from their country, at the time it was about to obtain its liberty; I have seen them afterwards holding nearly all the most important civil and military grades; and one might be almost tempted to think that their servitude was not a misfortune, if one could forget the grief of their parents on seeing them carried off, at a time when they hoped to bequeath to them a religion free from persecution, and a regenerated country.

[19]

A great many Greeks and Slavs became Muslims to avoid these hardships. Conversion to Islam is quick, and the Ottoman Empire did not keep extensive documentation on the religions of their individual subjects. The only requirements were knowing Turkish, saying you were Muslim, and possibly getting circumcised. Converts might also signal their conversion by wearing the brighter clothes favored by Muslims, rather than the drab garments of Christians and Jews in the empire. [20]

Greek has a specific verb, τουρκεύω (tourkevo), meaning "to become a Turk." [21] The equivalent in Serbian and other South Slavic languages is turčiti (imperfective) or poturčiti (perfective). [22]

Greek Muslims of Pontus and the Caucasus

Geographic dispersal

Pontic Greek (called Ρωμαίικα/Roméika in the Pontus, not Ποντιακά/Pontiaká as it is in Greece), is spoken by large communities of Pontic Greek Muslim origin, spread out near the southern Black Sea coast. Pontian Greek Muslims are found within Trabzon province in the following areas: [23] [24]

  • In the town of Tonya and in six villages of Tonya district.
  • In six villages of the municipal entity of Beşköy in the central and Köprübaşı districts of Sürmene.
  • In nine villages of the Galyana valley in Maçka district. These Greek Muslims were resettled there in abandoned former Greek Orthodox Pontian dwellings from the area of Beşköy after a devastating flood in 1929.
  • In the Of valley, which contains the largest cluster of Pontian speakers.
  • There are 23 Greek Muslim villages in Çaykara district, [25] though due to migration these numbers have fluctuated; according to native speakers of the area, there were around 70 Greek Muslim villages in Çaykara district. [26]
  • Twelve Greek Muslim villages are also located in the Dernekpazarı district. [25]
  • In other settlements such as Rize (with a large concentration in İkizdere district), Erzincan, Gümüşhane, parts of Erzerum province, and the former Russian Empire's province of Kars Oblast (see Caucasus Greeks) and Georgia (see Islam in Georgia).

Today these Greek-speaking Muslims [27] regard themselves and identify as Turks. [26] [28] Nonetheless, a great many have retained knowledge of and/or are fluent in Greek, which continues to be a mother tongue for even young Pontic Muslims. [29] Men are usually bilingual in Turkish and Pontic Greek, while many women are monolingual Pontic Greek speakers. [29]

History

Many Pontic natives were converted to Islam during the first two centuries following the Ottoman conquest of the region. Taking high military and religious posts in the empire, their elite were integrated into the ruling class of imperial society. [30] The converted population accepted Ottoman identity, but in many instances people retained their local, native languages. [30] In 1914, according to the official estimations of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, about 190,000 Greek Muslims were counted in the Pontus alone. [31] Over the years, heavy emigration from the Trabzon region to other parts of Turkey, to places such as Istanbul, Sakarya, Zonguldak, Bursa and Adapazarı, has occurred. [25] Emigration out of Turkey has also occurred, such as to Germany as guest workers during the 1960s. [25]

Glossonyms

In Turkey, Pontic Greek Muslim communities are sometimes called Rum. However, as with Yunan (Turkish for "Greek") or the English word "Greek," this term 'is associated in Turkey to be with Greece and/or Christianity, and many Pontic Greek Muslims refuse such identification. [32] [33] The endonym for Pontic Greek is Romeyka, while Rumca and/or Rumcika are Turkish exonyms for all Greek dialects spoken in Turkey. [34] Both are derived from ρωμαίικα, literally "Roman", referring to the Byzantines. [35] Modern-day Greeks call their language ελληνικά (Hellenika), meaning Greek, an appellation that replaced the previous term Romeiika in the early 19th century. [35] In Turkey, standard modern Greek is called Yunanca; ancient Greek is called either Eski Yunanca or Grekçe. [35]

Religious practice

According to Heath W. Lowry's [36] seminal work on Ottoman tax books [37] (Tahrir Defteri, with co-author Halil İnalcık), most "Turks" in Trebizond and the Pontic Alps region in northeastern Anatolia are of Pontic Greek origin. Pontian Greek Muslims are known in Turkey for their conservative adherence to Sunni Islam of the Hanafi school and are renowned for producing many Quranic teachers. [29] Sufi orders such as Qadiri and Naqshbandi have a great impact.

Cretan Muslims

Cretan Muslims, 19th-20th century. Cretan Turks.jpg
Cretan Muslims, 19th-20th century.

The term "Cretan Muslims" (Turkish : Girit Müslümanları) or "Cretan Turks" (Greek : Τουρκοκρητικοί; Turkish : Girit Türkleri) refers to Greek-speaking Muslims [2] [38] [39] who arrived in Turkey after or slightly before the start of the Greek rule in Crete in 1908, and especially in the context of the 1923 agreement for the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations. Prior to their resettlement in Turkey, deteriorating communal relations between Cretan Greek Christians and Cretan Greek Muslims drove the latter to identify with Ottoman and later Turkish identity. [40]

Geographic dispersal

Cretan Muslims have largely settled on the coastline, stretching from the Çanakkale to İskenderun. [41] Significant numbers were resettled in other Ottoman-controlled areas around the eastern Mediterranean by the Ottomans following the establishment of the autonomous Cretan State in 1898. Most ended up in coastal Syria and Lebanon, particularly the town of Al-Hamidiyah, in Syria, (named after the Ottoman sultan who settled them there), and Tripoli in Lebanon, where many continue to speak Greek as their mother tongue. Others were resettled in Ottoman Tripolitania, especially in the eastern cities like Susa and Benghazi, where they are distinguishable by their Greek surnames. Many of the older members of this last community still speak Cretan Greek in their homes. [41]

A small community of Cretan Greek Muslims still resides in Greece in the Dodecanese islands of Rhodes and Kos. [42] These communities were formed prior to the area becoming part of Greece in 1948, when their ancestors migrated there from Crete, and their members are integrated into the local Muslim population as Turks today. [42]

Language

Some Grecophone Muslims of Crete composed literature for their community in the Greek language, such as songs, but wrote it in the Arabic alphabet. [43] although little of it has been studied. [39]

Today, in various settlements along the Aegean coast, elderly Grecophone Cretan Muslims are still conversant in Cretan Greek. [41] Many in the younger generations are fluent in the Greek language. [44]

Often, members of the Muslim Cretan community are unaware that the language they speak is Greek. [2] Frequently, they refer to their native tongue as Cretan (KritikaΚρητικά or Giritçe) instead of Greek.

Religious practice

Cretan Greek Muslims are Sunnis of the Hanafi school, with a highly influential Bektashi minority who helped shape the folk Islam and religious tolerance of the entire community.

Epirote Greek Muslims

Muslims from the region of Epirus, known collectively as Yanyalılar (singular Yanyalı, meaning "person from Ioannina") in Turkish and ΤουρκογιαννιώτεςTurkoyanyótes in Greek (singular ΤουρκογιαννιώτηςTurkoyanyótis, meaning "Turk from Ioannina") arrived in Turkey in two waves of migration, in 1912 and after 1923. After the exchange of populations, Grecophone Epirote Muslims resettled themselves in the Anatolian section of Istanbul, especially the districts from Erenköy to Kartal, which had previously been populated by wealthy Orthodox Greeks. [45] Although the majority of the Epirote Muslim population was of Albanian origins, Grecophone Muslim communities existed in the towns of Souli, [46] Margariti (both majority-Muslim), [47] [48] Ioannina, Preveza, Louros, Paramythia, Konitsa, and elsewhere in the Pindus mountain region. [49] The Greek-speaking Muslim [3] [43] populations who were a majority in Ioannina and Paramythia, with sizable numbers residing in Parga and possibly Preveza, "shared the same route of identity construction, with no evident differentiation between them and their Albanian-speaking cohabitants." [3] [45]

Hoca Sadeddin Efendi, a Greek-speaking Muslim from Ioannina in the 18th century, was the first translator of Aristotle into Turkish. [50] Some Grecophone Muslims of Ioannina composed literature for their community in the Greek language, such as poems, using the Arabic alphabet. [43] The community now is fully integrated into Turkish culture.[ verification needed ] Last, the Muslims from Epirus that were of mainly Albanian origin are described as Cham Albanians instead.

Macedonian Greek Muslims

The Greek-speaking Muslims [4] [7] [38] [51] [52] who lived in the Haliacmon of western Macedonia [53] were known collectively as Vallahades ; they had probably converted to Islam en masse in the late 1700s. The Vallahades retained much of their Greek culture and language. This is in contrast with most Greek converts to Islam from Greek Macedonia, other parts of Macedonia, and elsewhere in the southern Balkans, who generally adopted the Turkish language and identity and thoroughly assimilated into the Ottoman ruling elite. According to Todor Simovski's assessment (1972), 13,753 Muslim Greeks lived in Greek Macedonia in 1912. [54]

In the 20th century, the Vallahades were considered by other Greeks to have become Turkish and were not exempt from the 1922–1923 population exchange between Greece and Turkey. The Vallahades were resettled in western Asia Minor, in such towns as Kumburgaz, Büyükçekmece, and Çatalca or in villages like Honaz near Denizli. [4] Many Vallahades still continue to speak the Greek language, which they call Romeïka [4] and have become completely assimilated into the Turkish Muslim mainstream as Turks. [55]

Thessalian Greek Muslims

Greek-speaking Muslims lived in Thessaly, [56] mostly centered in and around cities such as Larissa, Trikala, Karditsa, Almyros, and Volos.

Grecophone Muslim communities existed in the towns and certain villages of Elassona, Tyrnovos, and Almyros. According to Lampros Koutsonikas, Muslims in the kaza of Elassona lived in six villages such as Stefanovouno, Lofos, Galanovrysi and Domeniko, as well as the town itself and belonged to the Vallahades group. [57] Evliya Chelebi, who visited the area in 1660s, also mentioned in his Seyahâtnâme that they spoke Greek. [58] In the 8th volume of his Seyahâtnâme he mentions that many Muslims of Thessaly were converts of Greek origin. [59] In particular, he writes that the Muslims of Tyrnovos were converts, and that he could not understand the sect to which the of Muslims of Domokos belonged, claiming they were mixed with "infidels" and thus relieved of paying the haraç tax . [59] Moreover, Chelebi does not mention at all the 12 so-called Konyar Turkish villages that are mentioned in the 18th-century Menâkıbnâme of Turahan Bey, such as Lygaria, Fallani, Itea, Gonnoi, Krokio and Rodia, which were referenced by Ottoman registrars in the yearly books of 1506, 1521. and 1570. This indicates that the Muslims of Thessaly are indeed mostly of convert origin. [60] There were also some Muslims of Vlach descent assimilated into these communities, such as those in the village of Argyropouli. After the Convention of Constantinople in 1881, these Muslims started emigrating to areas that are still under Turkish administration including to the villages of Elassona. [61]

Artillery captain William Martin Leake wrote in his Travels in Northern Greece (1835) that he spoke with the Bektashi Sheikh and the Vezir of Trikala in Greek. In fact, he specifically states that the Sheikh used the word "ἄνθρωπος" to define men, and he quotes the Vezir as saying, καί έγώ εϊμαι προφήτης στά Ιωάννινα.. [62] British Consul-General John Elijah Blunt observed in the last quarter of the 19th century, "Greek is also generally spoken by the Turkish inhabitants, and appears to be the common language between Turks and Christians."

Research on purchases of property and goods registered in the notarial archive of Agathagellos Ioannidis between 1882 and 1898, right after the annexation, concludes that the overwhelming majority of Thessalian Muslims who became Greek citizens were able to speak and write Greek. An interpreter was needed only in 15% of transactions, half of which involved women, which might indicate that most Thessalian Muslim women were monolingual and possibly illiterate. [63] However, a sizable population of Circassians and Tatars were settled in Thessaly in the second half of the 19th century, in the towns of Yenişehir (Larissa), Velestino, Ermiye (Almyros), and villages of Balabanlı (Asimochori) and Loksada in Karditsa. [64] It is possible that they and also the Albanian Muslims were the ones who did not fully understand the Greek Language. Moreover, some Muslims served as interpreters in these transactions.

Greek Morean/Peleponnesian Muslims

Greek-speaking Muslims lived in cities, citadels, towns, and some villages close to fortified settlements in the Peleponnese, such as Patras, Rio, Tripolitsa, Koroni, Navarino, and Methoni. Evliya Chelebi has also mentioned in his Seyahatnâme that the language of all Muslims in Morea was Urumşa, which is demotic Greek. In particular, he mentions that the wives of Muslims in the castle of Gördüs were non-Muslims. He says that the peoples of Gastouni speak Urumşa, but that they were devout and friendly nonetheless. He explicitly states that the Muslims of Longanikos were converted Greeks, or ahıryan. [58]

Greek Cypriot Muslims

In 1878 the Muslim inhabitants of Cyprus constituted about one-third of the island's population of 120,000. They were classified as being either Turkish or "neo-Muslim." The latter were of Greek origin, Islamised but speaking Greek, and similar in character to the local Christians. The last of such groups was reported to arrive at Antalya in 1936. These communities are thought to have abandoned Greek in the course of integration. [65] During the 1950s, there were still four Greek speaking Muslim settlements in Cyprus: Lapithiou, Platanissos, Ayios Simeon and Galinoporni that identified themselves as Turks. [5] A 2017 study on the genetics of Turkish Cypriots has shown strong genetic ties with their fellow Orthodox Greek Cypriots. [66] [67]

Greek Muslims of the Aegean Islands

Despite not having a majority Muslim population at any time during the Ottoman period, [68] some Aegean Islands such as Chios, Lesbos, Kos, Rhodes, Lemnos and Tenedos, and on Kastellorizo contained a sizable Muslim population of Greek origin. [69] Before the Greek Revolution, there were also Muslims on the island of Euboea, but there were no Muslims in the Cyclades and Sporades island groups. Evliya Chelebi mentions that there were 100 Muslim houses on the island of Aegina in 1660s. [59] On most islands, Muslims were only living in and around the main centers of the islands. Today, about 5,000–5,500 Greek-speaking Muslims (called Turks of the Dodecanese) live on Kos and Rhodes. This is because the Dodecanese islands were governed by Italy during the Greek-Turkish population exchange, and so these populations were exempt. However, many migrated after the Paris Peace Treaties in 1947.

Crimea

In the Middle Ages the Greek population of Crimea traditionally adhered to Eastern Orthodox Christianity, even despite undergoing linguistic assimilation by the local Crimean Tatars. In 1777–1778, when Catherine the Great of Russia conquered the peninsula from the Ottoman Empire, the local Orthodox population was forcibly deported and settled north of the Azov Sea. In order to avoid deportation, some Greeks chose to convert to Islam. Crimean Tatar-speaking Muslims of the village of Kermenchik (renamed to Vysokoye  [ ru ] in 1945) kept their Greek identity and were practicing Christianity in secret for a while. In the nineteenth century the lower half of Kermenchik was populated with Christian Greeks from Turkey, whereas the upper remained Muslim. By the time of the 1944 deportation, the Muslims of Kermenchik had already been identified as Crimean Tatars, and were forcibly expelled to Central Asia together with the rest of Crimea's ethnic minorities. [70]

Lebanon and Syria

There are about 7,000 Greek-speaking Muslims living in Tripoli, Lebanon and about 8,000 in Al Hamidiyah, Syria. [71] The majority of them are Muslims of Cretan origin. Records suggest that the community left Crete between 1866 and 1897, on the outbreak of the last Cretan uprising against the Ottoman Empire, which ended the Greco-Turkish War of 1897. [71] Sultan Abdul Hamid II provided Cretan Muslim families who fled the island with refuge on the Levantine coast. The new settlement was named Hamidiye after the sultan.

Many Grecophone Muslims of Lebanon somewhat managed to preserve their Cretan Muslim identity and Greek language [72] Unlike neighbouring communities, they are monogamous and consider divorce a disgrace. Until the Lebanese Civil War, their community was close-knit and entirely endogamous. However many of them left Lebanon during the 15 years of the war. [71]

Greek-speaking Muslims [6] constitute 60% of Al Hamidiyah's population. The percentage may be higher but is not conclusive because of hybrid relationship in families. The community is very much concerned with maintaining its culture. The knowledge of the spoken Greek language is remarkably good and their contact with their historical homeland has been possible by means of satellite television and relatives. They are also known to be monogamous. [71] Today, Grecophone Hamidiyah residents identify themselves as Cretan Muslims, while some others as Cretan Turks. [73]

By 1988, many Grecophone Muslims from both Lebanon and Syria had reported being subject to discrimination by the Greek embassy because of their religious affiliation. The community members would be regarded with indifference and even hostility, and would be denied visas and opportunities to improve their Greek through trips to Greece. [71]

Central Asia

In the Middle Ages, after the Seljuq victory over the Byzantine Emperor Romanus IV, many Byzantine Greeks were taken as slaves to Central Asia. The most famous among them was Al-Khazini, a Byzantine Greek slave taken to Merv, then in the Khorasan province of Persia but now in Turkmenistan, who was later freed and became a famous Muslim scientist. [74]

Other Greek Muslims

Muslims of partial Greek descent (non-conversions)

Tevfik Fikret.jpg
Tevfik Fikret (1867–1915) was an Ottoman poet who is considered the founder of the modern school of Turkish poetry, his mother was a Greek convert to Islam from Chios.
Osman Hamdi Bey.jpg
Osman Hamdi Bey (1842–1910) was an Ottoman statesman, archaeologist, intellectual, art expert and pioneering painter of Greek descent. He was the founder of Istanbul Archaeology Museums and of Istanbul Academy of Fine Arts (Turkish: Sanayi-i Nefise Mektebi), today known as the Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University.

Muslims of Greek descent (non-conversions)

Huseyin Hilmi Pasha (1855-1922-1923) was born into a Muslim family of Greek descent on Lesbos. Hussein Hilmi.JPG
Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha (1855–1922–1923) was born into a Muslim family of Greek descent on Lesbos.
Ahmed Vefik Pasha (1823-1891) Ottoman statesman, diplomat and playwright of Greek ancestry who presided over the first Turkish parliament Ahmed Vefik Pasha.jpg
Ahmed Vefik Pasha (1823–1891) Ottoman statesman, diplomat and playwright of Greek ancestry who presided over the first Turkish parliament

Greek converts to Islam

Ibrahim Edhem Pasha (1819-1893) was an Ottoman statesman of Greek origin. Ethem Pasha Greek Muslim Ottoman.JPG
Ibrahim Edhem Pasha (1819–1893) was an Ottoman statesman of Greek origin.
Mustapha Khaznadar (ca. 1817-1878) was a Muslim Greek who served as Prime Minister of Tunis. Mustapha Khaznadar 1846.jpg
Mustapha Khaznadar (ca. 1817–1878) was a Muslim Greek who served as Prime Minister of Tunis.
Raghib Pasha (ca. 1819-1884) was a Greek convert to Islam who served as Prime Minister of Egypt. Isma'il Raghib Pasha.jpg
Raghib Pasha (ca. 1819–1884) was a Greek convert to Islam who served as Prime Minister of Egypt.

See also

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ottoman Greeks</span> Ethnic Greeks living within the Ottoman Empire

Ottoman Greeks were ethnic Greeks who lived in the Ottoman Empire (1299–1922), much of which is in modern Turkey. Ottoman Greeks were Greek Orthodox Christians who belonged to the Rum Millet. They were concentrated in eastern Thrace, and western, central, and northeastern Anatolia. There were also sizeable Greek communities elsewhere in the Ottoman Balkans, Ottoman Armenia, Ottoman Syria and the Ottoman Caucasus, including in what, between 1878 and 1917, made up the Russian Caucasus province of Kars Oblast, in which Pontic Greeks, northeastern Anatolian Greeks, and Caucasus Greeks who had collaborated with the Russian Imperial Army in the Russo-Turkish War of 1828–1829 were settled in over 70 villages, as part of official Russian policy to re-populate with Orthodox Christians an area that was traditionally made up of Ottoman Muslims and Armenians.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Islam in Georgia (country)</span>

Islam in Georgia was introduced in 654 when an army sent by the Third Caliph of Islam, Uthman, conquered Eastern Georgia and established Muslim rule in Tbilisi. Currently, Muslims constitute approximately 9.9% of the Georgian population. According to other sources, Muslims constitute 10-11% of Georgia's population.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Eastern Orthodoxy in Turkey</span> Overview of Eastern Orthodoxy in the Republic of Turkey

Eastern Orthodox Christianity is today the religion of only a minority in Turkey. It was once the dominant religion, during the time of the Byzantine Empire, as the region that comprises Turkey today was a central part of the Byzantine heritage. Today, less than one tenth of one percent of the population are Orthodox Christians. The provinces of Istanbul and Hatay, which includes Antakya, are the main centers of Christianity in Turkey, with comparatively dense Christian populations, though they are minorities in these areas. The traditional variant of Orthodox Christianity present in Turkey is the Eastern Orthodox branch, focused mainly in the Greek Orthodox Church.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ottoman Crete</span> Province of the Ottoman Empire from 1646 to 1898

The island of Crete was declared an Ottoman province (eyalet) in 1646, after the Ottomans managed to conquer the western part of the island as part of the Cretan War, but the Venetians maintained their hold on the capital Candia, until 1669, when Francesco Morosini surrendered the keys of the town. The offshore island fortresses of Souda, Grambousa, and Spinalonga would remain under Venetian rule until 1715, when they were also captured by the Ottomans.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Caucasus Greeks</span> Ethnic group

The Caucasus Greeks, also known as the Greeks of Transcaucasia and Russian Asia Minor, are the ethnic Greeks of the North Caucasus and Transcaucasia in what is now southwestern Russia, Georgia, and northeastern Turkey. These specifically include the Pontic Greeks, though they today span a much wider region including the Russian north Caucasus, and the former Russian Caucasus provinces of the Batum Oblast' and the Kars Oblast', now in north-eastern Turkey and Adjara in Georgia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cretan revolt (1878)</span>

The Cretan revolt of 1878 was an insurrection of the Cretan people against the Ottoman occupation of the island. This insurrection is part of a larger movement for independence from the Ottoman Empire, which Crete was part of since the middle of the 17th century.

Greek Aljamiado refers to a tradition that existed prior to the 20th century of writing Greek language in the Arabic script. The term Aljamiado is a borrowing from Romance languages such as Spanish, for which a similar tradition existed. Although less widespread and less studied than these counterparts, Greek Aljamiado has a long and diverse tradition as well, as far back as the 13th century, with poems written Jalal al-Din Rumi and his son Sultan Walad in Greek but in Arabic script.

References

  1. 1 2 Mackridge, Peter (1987). "Greek-speaking Moslems of north-east Turkey: prolegomena to a study of the Ophitic sub-dialect of Pontic." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies. 11. (1): 117.
  2. 1 2 3 Philliou, Christine (2008). "The Paradox of Perceptions: Interpreting the Ottoman Past through the National Present". Middle Eastern Studies. 44. (5): 672. "The second reason my services as an interpreter were not needed was that the current inhabitants of the village which had been vacated by apparently Turkish-speaking Christians en route to Kavala, were descended from Greek-speaking Muslims that had left Crete in a later stage of the same population exchange. It was not infrequent for members of these groups, settled predominantly along coastal Anatolia and the Marmara Sea littoral in Turkey, to be unaware that the language they were speaking was Greek. Again, it was not illegal for them to be speaking Greek publicly in Turkey, but it undermined the principle that Turks speak Turkish, just like Frenchmen speak French and Russians speak Russian."
  3. 1 2 3 Lambros Baltsiotis (2011). The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community. European Journal of Turkish Studies. "It's worth mentioning that the Greek speaking Muslim communities, which were the majority population at Yanina and Paramythia, and of substantial numbers in Parga and probably Preveza, shared the same route of identity construction, with no evident differentiation between them and their Albanian speaking co-habitants."
  4. 1 2 3 4 Koukoudis, Asterios (2003). The Vlachs: Metropolis and Diaspora. Zitros. p. 198. "In the mid-seventeenth century, the inhabitants of many of the villages in the upper Aliakmon valley-in the areas of Grevena, Anaselitsa or Voio, and Kastoria— gradually converted to Islam. Among them were a number of Kupatshari, who continued to speak Greek, however, and to observe many of their old Christian customs. The Islamicised Greek-speaking inhabitants of these areas came to be better known as "Valaades". They were also called "Foutsides", while to the Vlachs of the Grevena area they were also known as "Vlăhútsi". According to Greek statistics, in 1923 Anavrytia (Vrastino), Kastro, Kyrakali, and Pigadtisa were inhabited exclusively by Moslems (i.e Valaades), while Elatos (Dovrani), Doxaros (Boura), Kalamitsi, Felli, and Melissi (Plessia) were inhabited by Moslem Valaades and Christian Kupatshari. There were also Valaades living in Grevena, as also in other villages to the north and east of the town. ... the term "Valaades" refers to Greek-speaking Moslems not only of the Grevena area but also of Anaselitsa. In 1924, despite even their own objections, the last of the Valaades being Moslems, were forced to leave Greece under the terms of the compulsory exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey. Until then they had been almost entirely Greek-speakers. Many of the descendants of the Valaades of Anaseltisa, now scattered through Turkey and particularly Eastern Thrace (in such towns as Kumburgaz, Büyükçekmece, and Çatalca), still speak Greek dialect of Western Macedonia, which, significantly, they themselves call Romeïka "the language of the Romii". It is worth noting the recent research carried out by Kemal Yalçin, which puts a human face on the fate of 120 or so families from Anavryta and Kastro, who were involved in the exchange of populations. They set sail from Thessaloniki for Izmir, and from there settled en bloc in the village of Honaz near Denizli."
  5. 1 2 Beckingham, Charles Fraser (1957). "The Turks of Cyprus." Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 87. (2): 170–171. "While many Turks habitually speak Turkish there are 'Turkish', that is, Muslim villages in which the normal language is Greek; among them are Lapithou, Platanisso, Ayios Simeon and Galinoporni. This fact has not yet been adequately investigated. With the growth of national feeling and the spread of education the phenomenon is becoming not only rarer but harder to detect. In a Muslim village the school teacher will be a Turk and will teach the children Turkish. They already think of themselves as Turks, and having once learnt the language, will sometimes use it in talking to a visitor in preference to Greek, merely as matter of national pride. It has been suggested that these Greek-speaking Muslims are descended from Turkish- speaking immigrants who have retained their faith but abandoned their language because of the greater flexibility and commercial usefulness of Greek. It is open to the objection that these villages are situated in the remoter parts of the island, in the western mountains and in the Carpass peninsula, where most of the inhabitants are poor farmers whose commercial dealings are very limited. Moreover, if Greek had gradually replaced Turkish in these villages, one would have expected this to happen in isolated places, where a Turkish settlement is surrounded by Greek villages rather than where there are a number of Turkish villages close together as there are in the Carpass. Yet Ayios Simeon (F I), Ayios Andronikos (F I), and Galinoporni (F I) are all Greek-speaking, while the neighbouring village of Korovia (F I) is Turkish-speaking. It is more likely that these people are descended from Cypriots converted to Islam after 1571, who changed their religion but kept their language. This was the view of Menardos (1905, p. 415) and it is supported by the analogous case of Crete. There it is well known that many Cretans were converted to Islam, and there is ample evidence that Greek was almost the only language spoken by either community in the Cretan villages. Pashley (1837, vol. I, p. 8) 'soon found that the whole rural population of Crete understands only Greek. The Aghás, who live in the principal towns, also know Turkish; although, even with them, Greek is essentially the mother-tongue.'"
  6. 1 2 Werner, Arnold (2000). "The Arabic dialects in the Turkish province of Hatay and the Aramaic dialects in the Syrian mountains of Qalamun: two minority languages compared". In Owens, Jonathan, (ed.). Arabic as a minority language. Walter de Gruyter. p. 358. "Greek speaking Cretan Muslims".
  7. 1 2 Mackridge, Peter (2010). Language and national identity in Greece, 1766–1976. Oxford University Press. p. 65. "Greek-speaking Muslims have not usually been considered as belonging to the Greek nation. Some communities of Greek-speaking Muslims lived in Macedonia. Muslims, most of them native speakers of Greek, formed a slight majority of the population of Crete in the early nineteenth century. The vast majority of these were descended from Christians who had voluntarily converted to Islam in the period following the Ottoman conquest of the island in 1669."
  8. Barbour, S., Language and Nationalism in Europe, Oxford University Press, 2000, ISBN   0-19-823671-9
  9. Hodgson, Marshall (2009). The Venture of Islam, Volume 3: The Gunpower Empires and Modern Times. University of Chicago Press. Chicago. pp. 262–263. "Islam, to be sure, remained, but chiefly as woven into the character of the Turkish folk. On this level, even Kemal, unbeliever as he was, was loyal to the Muslim community as such. Kemal would not let a Muslim-born girl be married to an infidel. Especially in the early years (as was illustrated in the transfer of populations with Greece) being a Turk was still defined more by religion than by language: Greek-speaking Muslims were Turks (and indeed they wrote their Greek with the Turkish letters) and Turkish-speaking Christians were Greeks (they wrote their Turkish with Greek letters). Though language was the ultimate criterion of the community, the folk-religion was so important that it might outweigh even language in determining basic cultural allegiance, within a local context."
  10. 1 2 3 Poulton, Hugh (2000). "The Muslim experience in the Balkan states, 1919‐1991." Nationalities Papers. 28. (1): 46. "In these exchanges, due to the influence of the millet system (see below), religion not ethnicity or language was the key factor, with all the Muslims expelled from Greece seen as "Turks," and all the Orthodox people expelled from Turkey seen as "Greeks" regardless of mother tongue or ethnicity."
  11. See Hugh Poulton, 'The Balkans: minorities and states in conflict', Minority Rights Publications, 1991.
  12. Νικόλαος Φιλιππίδης (1900). Επίτομος Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους 1453–1821. Εν Αθήναις: Εκ του Τυπογραφείου Α. Καλαράκη. Ανακτήθηκε στις 23 Ιουλίου 2010.
  13. Ιωάννης Λυκούρης (1954). Η διοίκησις και δικαιοσύνη των τουρκοκρατούμενων νήσων : Αίγινα – Πόρος – Σπέτσαι – Ύδρα κλπ., επί τη βάσει εγγράφων του ιστορικού αρχείου Ύδρας και άλλων. Αθήνα. Ανακτήθηκε στις 7 Δεκεμβρίου 2010.
  14. Παναγής Σκουζές (1777–1847) (1948). Χρονικό της σκλαβωμένης Αθήνας στα χρόνια της τυρανίας του Χατζή Αλή (1774–1796). Αθήνα: Α. Κολολού. Ανακτήθηκε στις 6 Ιανουαρίου 2011.
  15. Yılmaz, Gülay (1 December 2015). "The Devshirme System and the Levied Children of Bursa in 1603-4". Belleten (in Turkish). 79 (286): 901–930. doi:10.37879/belleten.2015.901. ISSN   0041-4255.
  16. Ortaylı, İlber. "Son İmparatorluk Osmanlı (The Last Empire: Ottoman Empire)", İstanbul, Timaş Yayınları (Timaş Press), 2006. pp. 87–89. ISBN   975-263-490-7 (in Turkish).
  17. Eastern Europe: An Introduction to the People, Lands, and Culture, Richard C. Frucht, ISBN   1-57607-800-0, ABC-CLIO, 2005, p. 803.
  18. Yeʼor, Bat (2002). Islam and Dhimmitude: where civilizations collide. Fairleigh Dickinson Univ Press. p. 131. ISBN   978-0-8386-3943-6 . Retrieved 10 September 2014. At the request of Sultan Mahmud II (1803-39), Muhammed Ali sent the Egyptian army to subdue a Greek revolt. In 1823 the re-attachment of Crete to the pashlik of Crete created a base from which to attack the Greeks. Egyptian troops led by Ibrahim Pasha, the adopted son of Muhammad Ali, proceeded to devastate the island completely; villages were burned down, plantations uprooted, populations driven out or led away as slaves, and vast numbers of Greek slaves were deported to Egypt. This policy was pursued in the Morea where Ibrahim organized systematic devastation, with massive Islamization of Greek children. He sent sacks of heads and ears to the sultan in Constantinople and cargoes of Greek slaves to Egypt.
  19. Wilkinson, Sir John Gardner (1843). Modern Egypt and Thebes: Being a Description of Egypt; Including the Information Required for Travellers in that County, Volume 1. J. Murray. pp.  247–249. OCLC   3988717. White Slaves. – In Egypt there are white slaves and slaves of colour. [...] There are also some Greeks who were taken in the War of Independence. [...] In like manner in Egypt, the officers of rank are for the most part enfranchised slaves. I have seen in the bazars of Cairo Greek slaves who had been torn from their country, at the time it was about to obtain its liberty; I have seen them afterwards holding nearly all the most important civil and military grades; and one might be almost tempted to think that their servitude was not a misfortune, if one could forget the grief of their parents on seeing them carried off, at a time when they hoped to bequeath to them a religion free from persecution, and a regenerated country.
  20. Sharkey, Heather J. (2009). A History of Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the Middle East. Cambridge University Press. p. 74. "To signal conversion, converts changed their clothes to brighter Muslim clothes – in the sixteenth century, for example, by abandoning the gray outer coats and flat, black-topped shoes that an edict prescribed for Christian and Jewish men."
  21. Sharkey, p. 74. "Thus, for example, a Greek verb for converting to Islam was tourkevo, meaning literally "to become a Turk."
  22. The New Encyclopedia of Islam, ed. Cyril Glassé, Rowman & Littlefield, 2008, p.129
  23. Mackridge. Greek-speaking Moslems of north-east Turkey. 1987. p. 115-116.
  24. Özkan, Hakan (2013). "The Pontic Greek spoken by Muslims in the villages of Beşköy in the province of present-day Trabzon." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies. 37. (1): 130–131.
  25. 1 2 3 4 Hakan. The Pontic Greek spoken by Muslims. 2013. p. 131.
  26. 1 2 Schreiber, Laurentia (2015). Assessing sociolinguistic vitality: an attitudinal study of Rumca (Romeyka) . (Thesis). Free University of Berlin. p. 12. "Moreover, in comparison with the number of inhabitants of Romeyka-speaking villages, the number of speakers must have been considerably higher (Özkan 2013). The number of speakers was estimated by respondents of the present study as between 1,000 and 5,000 speakers. They report, however, that the number of Rumca-speaking villages has decreased due to migration (7).(7) Trabzon’da ban köylerinde konuşuluyor. Diǧer köylerde de varmış ama unutulmuş. Çaykaran’ın yüz yırmı köyu var Yüz yırmı köyünden hemen hemen yetmişinde konuşuluyor. F50 "[Rumca] is spoken in some villages at Trabzon. It was also spoken in the other villages but it has been forgotten. Çaykara has 120 villages. Rumca is more or less spoken in 70 of 120 villages.""; p.55. "Besides Turkish national identity, Rumca speakers have a strong Muslim identity (Bortone 2009, Ozkan 2013) functioning as a dissolution of the split between Rumca and Turkish identity by emphasising common religious identity. Furthermore, the Muslim faith is used as a strong indicator of Turkishness. Emphasis on Turkish and Muslim identity entails at the same time rejection of any Rumca ethnic identity (Bortone 2009, Ozkan 2013) in relation to Greece, which is still considered an enemy country (Sitaridou 2013). Denial of any links to Greece goes so far that some female respondents from G2 even hesitated to mention the word Rum or Greek. On the one hand, respondents are aware of the Greek origin of Rumca and may even recognize shared cultural elements. Due to the lack of a distinct ethnic identity, Rumca speakers have no political identity and do not strive to gain national acknowledgement (Sitaridou 2013, Bortone 2009, Macktidge 1987)."
  27. Poutouridou, Margarita (1997). " Archived 18 May 2015 at the Wayback Machine The Of valley and the coming of Islam: The case of the Greek-speaking muslims." Bulletin of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies. 12: 47–70.
  28. Mackridge. Greek-speaking Moslems of north-east Turkey. 1987. p. 117. "lack of any apparent sense of identity other than Turkish".
  29. 1 2 3 Mackridge. Greek-speaking Moslems of north-east Turkey. 1987. p. 117.
  30. 1 2 Popov, Anton (2016). Culture, Ethnicity and Migration After Communism: The Pontic Greeks. Routledge. p. 54. ISBN   978-1-317-15579-9.
  31. Α. Υ.Ε., Κ. Υ.,Α/1920, Ο Ελληνισμός του Πόντου, Έκθεση του Αρχιμανδρίτη Πανάρετου, p.12
  32. Bortone, Pietro (2009). "Greek with no models, history or standard: Muslim Pontic Greek." In Silk, Michael & Alexandra Georgakopoulou (eds.). Standard languages and language standards: Greek, past and present. Ashgate Publishing. p. 68-69. "Muslim Pontic Greek speakers, on the other hand, did not regard themselves as in any way Greek. They therefore had no contact with Greeks from Greece, and no exposure to the language of Greece. To this day, they have never seen Modern Greek literature, have never heard Biblical Greek, have never studied classical Greek, have never learnt any Standard Greek (not even the Greek alphabet), have not heard Greek radio or TV, nor any form of the Greek language other than their own – and have not been touched by the strict Greek policies of language standardization, archaization and purism. In other words, their Greek has had no external models for centuries. Furthermore, it is not written, printed, or broadcast. So it has no recorded local tradition and therefore no internal models to refer back to either.".
  33. Hakan. The Pontic Greek spoken by Muslims. 2013. p. 137-138. "Trabzon is well known for its staunch nationalists. Beşköy is no exception to this rule. Because of the danger of being perceived as Greeks (Rum) clinging to their language and culture, or even worse as Pontians who seek 'their lost kingdom of Pontus' (which is an obscure accusation voiced by Turkish nationalists), it comes as no surprise that MP-speaking people are particularly sensitive to questions of identity. It has to be clarified at this point that the English term 'Greek' is not identical to the Turkish Rum, which means Greek-speaking people of Turkey. Nobody in Beşköy would identify themselves as Yunan, which denotes everything Greek coming from Greece (T. Yunanistan). However, as Rum is perceived in Turkey as linked in some way to Greece or the Orthodox Church, the Greek-speaking Muslims cannot easily present their language as their own, as other minorities in the Black Sea region such as the Laz do. In addition to the reasons stated above, many of the MP-speakers of Beşköy strive to be the best Turks and the most pious Muslims. I had no encounter with MP-speakers without the issue of identity being brought up in connection with their language. After a while the MP-speakers themselves would begin to say something on this very sensitive topic. Precisely because of the omnipresence and importance of this issue I cannot leave it uncommented in this introduction. Nevertheless, I did not question people systematically with the use of prepared questionnaires about their identity, their attitude vis-à-vis the language, i.e. if they like speaking it, if they want to pass it on to their children consciously, if they encountered difficulties because they speak MP, if they consider themselves of Turkish or Greek descent, if they can be Turks and Greeks at the same time, and how they regard Greece and the Pontians who live there. Appropriate answers to these very important sociolinguistic questions can only be found through extensive fieldwork that is endorsed by the Turkish authorities and a dedicated analysis of the data in a sizeable article or even a monograph. Nevertheless, I would like to dwell on some general tendencies that I have observed on the basis of the testimonies of my informants on their attitudes to language and identity. Of course I do not claim that these views are representative of MP-speakers in general, but they reflect the overwhelming impression I had during fieldwork in the region. Therefore I deem it necessary and valuable to give a voice to their opinions here. Many of the MP-speakers I met deny the Greekness of their language, although they know at least that many words in Standard Modern Greek (SMG) are identical to the ones in MP. As a linguist I was often asked to join them in their view in favour of the distinctness of their language. Without telling a lie I tried to reconcile the obvious truth that MP is a Greek dialect with the equally true assertion that MP and SMG are two different languages in the way that Italian and Spanish are distinct languages, to the extent that some characteristics are very similar and others completely different. In most cases they were satisfied with this answer."
  34. Hakan. The Pontic Greek spoken by Muslims. 2013. p. 132-133.
  35. 1 2 3 Hakan. The Pontic Greek spoken by Muslims. 2013. p. 133.
  36. Professor. Department of Near Eastern Studies. Princeton University
  37. Trabzon Şehrinin İslamlaşması ve Türkleşmesi 1461–1583 Archived 22 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine ISBN   975-518-116-4
  38. 1 2 Katsikas, Stefanos (2012). "Millet legacies in a national environment: Political elites and Muslim communities in Greece (1830s–1923)". In Fortna, Benjamin C., Stefanos Katsikas, Dimitris Kamouzis, & Paraskevas Konortas (eds). State-nationalisms in the Ottoman Empire, Greece and Turkey: Orthodox and Muslims, 1830–1945. Routledge. 2012. p.50. "Indeed, the Muslims of Greece included... Greek speaking (Crete and West Macedonia, known as Valaades)."
  39. 1 2 Dedes, Yorgos (2010). "Blame it on the Turko-Romnioi (Turkish Rums): A Muslim Cretan song on the abolition of the Janissaries". In Balta, Evangelia & Mehmet Ölmez (eds.). Turkish-Speaking Christians, Jews and Greek-Speaking Muslims and Catholics in the Ottoman Empire . Eren. Istanbul. p. 324. "Neither the younger generations of Ottoman specialists in Greece, nor specialist interested in Greek-speaking Muslims have not been much involved with these works, quite possibly because there is no substantial corpus of them."
  40. Tsitselikis, Konstantinos (2012). Old and New Islam in Greece: From historical minorities to immigrant newcomers. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 45. "In the same period, there was a search for common standards to govern state-citizen relations based on principles akin to the Greek national ideology. Thus the Muslims found themselves more in the position of a being a national minority group rather than a millet. The following example is evocative. After long discussions, the Cretan Assembly adopted the proposal to abolish soldiers' cap visors especially for Muslim soldiers. Eleftherios Venizelos, a fervent supporter of upgrading Muslims' institutional status, voted against this proposal because he believed that by adopting this measure the Assembly "would widen instead of fill the breach between Christians and Muslims, which is national rather than religious". As Greek Christians gradually began to envisage joining the Greek Kingdom through symbolic recognition of national ties to the 'mother country', the Muslim communities reacted and contemplated their alternative 'mother nation' or 'mother state', namely Turkishness and the Empire. Indicatively, Muslim deputies complained vigorously about a Declaration made by the plenary of the Cretan Assembly which stated that they body's works would be undertaken 'in the name of the King of Greece'. The transformation of a millet into a nation, a process which unfolded in response to both internal dynamics and outside pressures, was well underway."
  41. 1 2 3 Kappler, Matthias (1996). "Fra religione e lingua/grafia nei Balcani: i musulmani grecofoni (XVIII-XIX sec.) e un dizionario rimato ottomano-greco di Creta." Oriente Moderno. 15. (76): 91. "In ogni caso, i musulmani cretesi, costituendo la maggior parte dei musulmani grecofoni, hanno risentito particolarmente dello scambio deile popolazioni del 1923 (anche se molti di loro erano emigrati già dagli anni '80 del secolo scorso, e in altre parti della Grecia addirittura subito dopo l’indipendenza), scambio che, come è noto, si basava sul criterio della millet ottomana, cioè sull’appartenenza religiosa, e non su quella linguistica (un’appartenenza "culturale" era impossibile da definirsi). Condividendo la sorte dei cristiani turcofoni venuti dall’Asia minore, i quali mutavano la struttura socio-culturale della Grecia, i musulmani grecofoni hanno dovuto lasciare le loro case, con la conseguenza che ancora fino a pochi anni fa in alcune città della costa anatolica (Çeşme, Izmir, Antalya) era possibile sentir conversare certe persone anziane, apparentemente "turche", in dialetto greco-cretese."
  42. 1 2 Comerford, Patrick (2000). "Defining Greek and Turk: Uncertainties in the search for European and Muslim identities". Cambridge Review of International Affairs. 13.(2): 250. "Despite the provisions of the Lausanne Treaty, some surprising and unforeseen anomalies were to arise. As yet, the Greek state did not include the Dodecannese, and many of the Muslims from Crete moved to Kos and Rhodes, began to integrate with the local Muslim population. When the Dodecannese were incorporated in the Greek state in 1948, the Turks of Kos and Rhodes found once again that they were citizens of Greece. On many occasions I have passed the dilapidated refugee village of Kritika "the Cretans" on the coast road out of Rhodes town on the way to the airport; in the town itself, it is easy to pick out Turkish names on the marquees of sandal-makers, or on the names of kafenia and kebab stands. In Kos, the domestic architecture of the bi-ethnic village of Platani can be strongly reminiscent of rural styles in provincial Crete."
  43. 1 2 3 Kotzageorgis, Phokion (2010). Gruber, Christiane J.; Colby, Frederick Stephen (eds.). The Prophet's Ascension: Cross-cultural Encounters with the Islamic Mi'rāj Tales. Indiana University Press. p. 297. ISBN   978-0-253-35361-0. The element that makes this text a unicum is that it is written in Greek script. In the Ottoman Empire, the primary criterion for the selection of an alphabet in which to write was religion. Thus, people who did not speak—or even know—the official language of their religion used to write their religious texts in the languages that they knew, though in the alphabet where the sacred texts of that religion were written. Thus, the Grecophone Catholics of Chios wrote using the Latin alphabet, but in the Greek language ( frangochiotika ); the Turcophone Orthodox Christians of Cappadocia wrote their Turkish texts using the Greek alphabet ( karamanlidika ); and the Grecophone Muslims of the Greek peninsula wrote in Greek language using the Arabic alphabet ( tourkogianniotika , tourkokretika ). Our case is much stranger, since it is a quite early example for that kind of literature and because it is largely concerned with religious themes."; p. 306. The audience for the Greek Mi'rājnāma was most certainly Greek-speaking Muslims, in particular the so-called Tourkogianniotes (literally, the Turks of Jannina). Although few examples have been discovered as yet, it seems that these people developed a religious literature mainly composed in verse form. This literary form constituted the mainstream of Greek Aljamiado literature from the middle of the seventeenth century until the population exchange between Greece and Turkey in 1923. Tourkogianniotes were probably of Christian origin and were Islamized sometime during the seventeenth century. They did not speak any language other than Greek. Thus, even their frequency in attending mosque services did not provide them with the necessary knowledge about their faith. Given their low level of literacy, one important way that they could learn about their faith was to listen to religiously edifying texts such as the Greek Mi'rājnāma.
  44. Mackridge. Greek-speaking Moslems of north-east Turkey. 1987. p. 117. "A similar adherence to Greek is shown by Moslem Cretans and their descendants who live on the western and southern coasts of Asia Minor; but these people defiantly talk about themselves as Cretan."
  45. 1 2 Yildirim, Onur (2006). Diplomacy and displacement: reconsidering the Turco-Greek exchange of populations, 1922–1934. Taylor & Francis. p. 112. "As we learn from Riza Nur's memoirs, the Anatolian section of Istanbul, especially the districts from Erenköy to Kartal, which had been populated by the wealthiest of the Greek minority, was subjected to the invasion of the Albanian refugees from Janina, who spoke only Greek."
  46. Municipality of Paramythia, Thesprotia Archived 9 June 2002 at archive.today . Paramythia.gr
  47. Historical Abstracts: Bibliography of the World's Historical Literature Archived 8 October 2023 at the Wayback Machine . Published 1955
  48. Handbook for Travellers in Greece by Amy Frances Yule and John Murray. Published 1884. J. Murray; p. 678
  49. Das Staatsarchiv by Institut für auswärtige Politik (Germany), Berlin (Germany) Institut für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht, Germany Auswärtiges Amt Today. Published 1904. Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft m.b.H.; p.31
  50. Dimitris Tziovas, Greece and the Balkans: Identities, Perceptions and Cultural Encounters since the Enlightenment by Dēmētrēs Tziovas. Published 2003. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.; p.56
  51. Livanios, Dimitris (2008). "The Quest for Hellenism: Religion, Nationalism and Collective Identities in Greece (1453–1913)." The Historical Review/La Revue Historique. 3: 42. "in Macedonia there were also Greek-speaking Muslims, the valaades."
  52. Tsitselikis. Old and New Islam in Greece. 2012. p. 63. "Greek-speaking Muslims (Valaades)".
  53. Jubilee Congress of the Folk-lore Society by Folklore Society (Great Britain). Published 1930; p.140
  54. Who are the Macedonians? by Hugh Poulton. Published 2000, Indiana University Press; p. 85
  55. Kappler. I musulmani grecofoni. 1996. p. 86. "Accenni alla loro religiosità popolare mistiforme "completano" questo quadro, ridotto, sulla trasmissione culturale di un popolo illetterato ormai scornparso: emigrati in Asia minore dalla fine del secolo scorso, e ancora soggetti allo scambio delle popolazioni del 1923, i "Vallahades", o meglio i loro discendenti, sono ormai pienamente assimilati agli ambienti turchi di Turchia."
  56. Kemal Karpat (1985), Ottoman Population, 1830–1914, Demographic and Social Characteristics, The University of Wisconsin Press, p. 70
  57. "Α. Vacalopoulos, History of Macedonia 1354–1833 – 10.1". promacedonia.org. Retrieved 24 February 2019.
  58. 1 2 Develi, Hayati (2011). Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi" nin Verilerine Göre 17. yüzyıl Yunanistan" ında Dilsel Dağılım. Yapı Kredi Yayınları. pp. 160–170. ISBN   978-975-08-2120-2.
  59. 1 2 3 Kahraman, Seyit Ali (2011). Günümüz Türkçesiyle Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi: Gümülcine, Kandiye, Selanik, Tırhala, Atina, Mora, Navarin, Girit Adası, Hanya, Kandiye, Elbasan, Ohri, Tekirdağı. Istanbul, Turkey: Yapı Kredi Yayınları. pp. 185–196. ISBN   978-975-08-1976-6.
  60. Kiel, Machiel. "TIRNOVA". İslam Ansiklopedisi.
  61. Serbestoğlu, İbrahim (2014). "Yunanistan'a Geçiş Sürecinde Teselya Müslümanlarının Durumu". Belleten. 78 (283): 1075–1097. doi: 10.37879/belleten.2014.1075 . S2CID   238489026.
  62. Leake, William Martin (2015). Travels in northern Greece. London: Creative Media Partners, LLC. pp.  285. ISBN   978-1-297-23937-3.
  63. ΝΤΑΝΙΚΑ, ΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΙΑ (2016). ""Speaking only the ottoman language": Need for an interpreter among the muslim population of Larissa (Greece) in 1882-1898". Μνήμων. 35 (35): 293–313. doi: 10.12681/mnimon.20261 via EKT ePublishing.
  64. Serbestoğlu, İbrahim (2014). "Yunanistan'a Geçiş Sürecinde Teselya Müslümanlarının Durumu". Belleten. 78 (283): 1075–1097. doi: 10.37879/belleten.2014.1075 . S2CID   238489026 via DergiPark.
  65. Peter Alford Andrews, Ethnic Groups in the Republic of Turkey, Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1989, ISBN   3-89500-297-6
  66. "Study finds Greek and Turkish Cypriots to be close genetically". Cyprus Mail. 21 June 2017. Archived from the original on 28 April 2023. Retrieved 25 February 2019.
  67. Heraclides, Alexandros; Bashiardes, Evy; Fernández-Domínguez, Eva; Bertoncini, Stefania; Chimonas, Marios; Christofi, Vasilis; King, Jonathan; Budowle, Bruce; Manoli, Panayiotis; Cariolou, Marios A. (16 June 2017). "Y-chromosomal analysis of Greek Cypriots reveals a primarily common pre-Ottoman paternal ancestry with Turkish Cypriots". PLOS One . 12 (6): e0179474. Bibcode:2017PLoSO..1279474H. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0179474 . ISSN   1932-6203. PMC   5473566 . PMID   28622394.
  68. Karpat, Kemal (1985). Ottoman Population, 1830-1914: Demographic and Social Characteristics . Madison, Wisconsin, United States: University of Wisconsin Press. pp.  162–163. ISBN   978-0-299-09160-6.
  69. "Lozan Mubadilleri » CEZAİR-İ BAHR-İ SEFİD VİLAYETİ" (in Turkish). Retrieved 16 April 2019.
  70. The Russian World: Kermenchik – Crimea's Lonely Spot? by I.Kovalenko
  71. 1 2 3 4 5 Greek-Speaking Enclaves of Lebanon and Syria by Roula Tsokalidou. Proceedings II Simposio Internacional Bilingüismo. Retrieved 4 December 2006
  72. The forgotten Turks: Turkmens of Lebanon Archived 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine (report). Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies. February 2010. Retrieved 8 May 2015. p. 13. "The number of Cretan Turks in Lebanon is not known precisely, but their number is estimated to be around 10,000. Those people call themselves Turks, but they are aware that they are of Cretan origin, so they call themselves "muhacircler" (immigrants)."
  73. The forgotten Turks.2010. p.14. "The locals of Hamidiye do not describe themselves as Cretan Turks, but as Cretan Muslims or Ottomans. Some of the better educated locals in Tripoli have researched their roots and define themselves as Cretan Turks."
  74. Klotz, "Multicultural Perspectives in Science Education: One Prescription for Failure".
    "Al-Khazini (who lived in the 12th century), a slave of the Seljuk Turks, but of Byzantine origin, probably one of the spoils of the victory of the Seljuks over the Christian emperor of Constantinople, Romanus IV Diogenes."
  75. Hichens, Robert Smythe (1909). Bella Donna: A Novel, Volumes 1–2. A. L. Burt Company. pp. 111, 209. OCLC   1971323. Although he was dressed like an Englishman, and on deck wore a straw hat with the word "Scott" inside it, he soon let them know that his name was Mahmoud Baroudi, that his native place was Alexandria, that he was of mixed Greek and Egyptian blood, and that he was a man of great energy and will, interested in many schemes, pulling the strings of many enterprises. ...Baroudi's father was a rich Turco-Egyptian. His mother had been a beautiful Greek girl, who had embraced Islam when his father fell in love with her and proposed to marry her.
  76. Rose, Andrew (2013). The Prince, the Princess and the Perfect Murder. Hachette UK. ISBN   978-1-4447-7648-5. Mahmoud Baroudi, 'of mixed Greek and Egyptian blood
  77. The Nature of the Early Ottoman State, Heath W. Lowry, 2003 SUNY Press, p.153
  78. Lyigun, Murat (2015). War, Peace, and Prosperity in the Name of God: The Ottoman Role in Europe's Socioeconomic Evolution. London: University of Chicago Press. p. 119.
  79. Edmonds, Anna. Turkey's religious sites. Damko. p. 1997. ISBN   975-8227-00-9.
  80. Babinger, Franz (1992). Mehmed the Conqueror and His Time. Princeton University Press. p. 51. ISBN   0-691-01078-1.
  81. Lowry, Heath W. (2003). The Nature of the Early Ottoman State. SUNY Press. p. 153. ISBN   978-0-7914-8726-6. Mother of Bayezid II was Gülbahar Hatun (a Pontic Greek from the village of Douvera in Trabzon)
  82. Sakaoğlu, Necdet (2007). Famous Ottoman Women. Avea. p. 71. ISBN   978-975-7104-77-3. Gülbahar Hatun' s husband Sultan Bayezid II (opposite page) and his mausoleum in Istanbul. – Chronicler of Trabzon, Şakir Şevket writes that the income from Vakfikebir and Vakfısagir taxes were donated to the Hatuniye Külliyesi, and that the revenues collected from the thirty-two plateaus of Maçka were distributed among the staff and kitchen of this kulliye. Şakir Şevket explains the above mentioned issue as, "The aforesaid girl is originally Greek, and that is why she is described as a Greek princess on her mausoleum. It is told that she has been taken by Fatih and wedded to Sultan Bayezid, she was the daughter of a Christian man in the village of Vayvara." We understand from this explanation that she was captured during the conquest of Trabzon and given to Bayezid. Halil Edhem Bey indicates in the "Vâlide-i Sultan Selim-i Evvel Gülbahâr Hâtun Mausoleum, year 911" part of his article, "Ottoman Epigraphs in Trabzon", that there act of foundation by Valide Sultan, and quotes the inscription on her tomb, which is told to be written by Sultan Selim – "May Bânû-yi Rûm, who has turned her face from the world towards eternity, sit on the throne of Heaven and may God bless her." The year of death written on the last lines is 911 AH (1505 AD). There are no Islamic wishes or prayers on this epigraph of six verses, written in Persian rather than Arabic. It is mentioned that the person lying in the mausoleum is a Greek princess (Banû-yi Rum), but her father's name and her name are not.
  83. Iyigun, Murat (2015). War, Peace & Prosperity in the Name of God: The Ottoman Role in Europe's Socioeconomic Evolution. University of Chicago Press. p. 119. ISBN   978-0-226-23228-7. Handan Sultan... Greek...
  84. Freely, John (1996). Istanbul: the imperial city. Viking. p.  242. ISBN   0-14-024461-1. Rabia Gulnus a Greek girl who had been captured in the Ottoman invasion of Crete. Rabia Gulnus was the mother of Mehmet's first two sons, the future sultans Mustafa II and Ahmet III
  85. 1 2 Library Information and Research Service (2005). The Middle East. Library Information and Research Service. p. 91. She was the daughter of a Cretan (Greek) family and she was the mother of Mustafa II (1664–1703), and Ahmed III (1673–1736).
  86. Bromley, J. S. (1957). The New Cambridge Modern History. University of California: University Press. p. 554. ISBN   0-521-22128-5. the mother of Mustafa II and Ahmed III was a Cretan
  87. Palmer, Alan (2009). The decline and fall of the Ottoman Empire. Barnes & Noble. p.  27. ISBN   978-1-56619-847-9. Unusually, the twenty-nine-year old Ahmed III was a brother, rather than a half- brother, of his predecessor; their Cretan mother, Rabia
  88. 1 2 Shankland, David (2004). Archaeology, anthropology, and heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia: the life and times of F.W. Hasluck, 1878–1920. Isis Press. p. 125. ISBN   975-428-280-3. Osman Hamdi Bey's father, Edhem Pasha (ca. 1818-1893) was a high official of the Empire. A Greek boy captured on Chios after the 1822 massacres, he was acquired and brought up by Husrev Pasha, who sent him to Paris in 1831 in order to acquire a western education.
  89. 1 2 "Osman Hamdi Bey". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 13 July 2009. Osman Hamdi Bey..(1) Turkish statesman and art expert, son of Hilmi Pasha, one of the last of the grand viziers of the old regime, was born at Istanbul. The family was of Greek origin. Hilmi Pasha himself, as a boy of 12, was rescued from the massacre of the Greeks at Chios in 1825 and bought by Mahmud..&...(2) Statesman and art expert who asserted the right of Constantinople to receive the finds made by various archaeological enterprises in the Ottoman Empire. Hamdi Bey founded the Archaeological Museum of Istanbul and became its director in 1881. His enlightened taste and energy did much to establish the reputation of the museum and its impressive collection of Greco-Roman antiquities.
  90. Ayşegül Yaraman-Başbuğu, Biyografya: Tevfik Fikret, Bağlam, 2006, ISBN   978-975-8803-60-6, p. 17., (in Turkish) "Kökleri, baba tarafından Çankırı 'sancağı'nın Çerkeş kazasına, anne tarafından ise Sakız adalı, Islâmiyeti benimseyen Rum asıllı bir aileye uzanan Mehmet Tevfik (sonradan Tevfik Fikret) 24 Aralık 1867 tarihinde İstanbul'da doğmuş..."
  91. Mehmet Kaplan, Tevfik Fikret: Devir- Şahsiyet- Eser, Dergâh Yayınları, 1987, p. 63., (in Turkish) "Ana tarafına gelince: Fikret'in annesi Hatice Refia Hanım, annesi ve babası ihtida etmiş bir Sakızlı Rum ailesinden"
  92. Baxter, Emily (2 April 2018). "Exclusive: In Conversation With Saudi's Most Compelling New Face". Harper's BAZAAR Arabia. Eid travels: I'm not sure yet, maybe Greece. My grandmother is Greek so we go there every summer and any island in Greece is pretty much perfect – I love the beach.
  93. Prothero, George Walter (1920). Peace Handbooks: The Balkan states. H. M. Stationery Office. p.  45. OCLC   4694680. Hussein Hilmi Pasha, descended from a Greek convert to Islam in the island of Mitylene, was sent to Macedonia as High Commissioner.
  94. Wheeler, Edward J, ed. (1909). Current Literature. Current Literature Pub. Co. p. 389. OCLC   4604506. His Excellency Hussein Hilmi Pacha is a Turk "of the isles." The politest Turks of all come from the isles. There is also Greek blood in his veins,
  95. Great Britain. Foreign Office. Historical Section (1920). Handbooks prepared under the direction of the Historical section of the foreign office. H.M. Stationery off. p. 45. OCLC   27784113. Hussein Hilmi Pasha, descended from a Greek convert to Islam in the island of Mitylene, was sent to Macedonia as High Commissioner.
  96. Abbott, George Frederick (1909). Turkey in transition. E. Arnold. p.  149. OCLC   2355821. For Hilmi is a novus homo. A native of Mytilene, of obscure origin, partly Greek, he began his career as secretary to Kemal Bey
  97. Prothero, George Walter (1920). Peace Handbooks: The Balkan states. H. M. Stationery Office. p.  45. OCLC   4694680. Hussein Hilmi Pasha, descended from a Greek convert to Islam in the island of Mitylene.
  98. Archivum ottomanicum v. 23. Mouton. 2006. p. 272. Hüseyin Hilmi (1855–1923), who was to become Grand Vezir twice in 1909
  99. Trivedi, Raj Kumar (1994). The critical triangle: India, Britain, and Turkey, 1908–1924. Publication Scheme. p. 77. ISBN   81-85263-91-4. OCLC   31173524. the Ottoman Red Crescent Society of which Hilmi Pasha was the head, which he said, utilized their money for the purpose it was contributed by Muslims in India.
  100. Kent, Marian (1996). The Great Powers and the End of the Ottoman Empire. Routledge. p. 227. ISBN   0-7146-4154-5. Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha (1855-1923) (Ottoman Inspector-General of Macedonia, 1902-8
  101. Kent, Marian (1996). The Great Powers and the End of the Ottoman Empire. Routledge. p. 227. ISBN   0-7146-4154-5. Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha (1855-1923) Minister for the Interior, 1908-9)
  102. Kent, Marian (1996). The Great Powers and the End of the Ottoman Empire. Routledge. p. 227. ISBN   0-7146-4154-5. Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha (1855-1923) Ambassador at Vienna, 1912-18
  103. "Posebna izdanja". 64–66. Serbian Academy of Science and Arts. 1927: 128.
  104. 1 2 Berkes, Niyazi – Ahmad, Feroz (1998). The development of secularism in Turkey. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. 29. ISBN   1-85065-344-5. Ahmed Vefik Pasa (1823-91), the grandson of a Greek convert to Islam and the holder of several of the highest positions, was one of those interested in Turkish studies.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  105. Galton, Francis (1864). Vacation tourists and notes of travel in 1860 [1861, 1962–3]. Macmillan. p. 91. OCLC   228708521. The statesman whom the Turks like best is Achmet Vefyk Effendi. Although a Greek by descent, he is a more orthodox Moslem than Fuad or Aali, and is the head of the reforming party, whose object is to bring about reform for the purpose of re-establishing the Turkish empire on the basis on which it stood in its palmy day, rather than adopt European customs.
  106. Stewart, Desmond (1971). The Middle East: temple of Janus. Doubleday. p. 189. OCLC   135026. Ahmed Vefik Pasha was the grandson of a Greek convert to Islam.
  107. Layard, Austen Henry – Bruce, William Napier – Otway, Arthur John (1903). Sir A. Henry Layard, G.C.B., D.C.L. J. Murray. p. 93. OCLC   24585567. Fuad Pasha – unlike Ahmed Vefyk, who had Greek blood in his veins – was a pure Turk by descent.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  108. Pickthall, Marmaduke William – Islamic Culture Board – Asad, Muhammad (1975). Islamic culture. Islamic Culture Board – Hyderabad, Deccan. OCLC   1774508. Ahmad Vefik Pasha) (grandson of a Greek convert) published influential works : Les Tuns Anciens et Modernes (1169) and Lahja-i-Osmani, respectively{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  109. Macfie, A. L. (1998). The end of the Ottoman Empire, 1908–1923. Longman. p. 85. ISBN   0-582-28763-4. In 1876 Ahmed Vefik Pasha, the grandson of a Greek convert to Islam, and a keen student of Turkish customs, published the first Turkish-Ottoman dictionary
  110. Taher, Mohamed (1997). Encyclopaedic survey of Islamic culture. Anmol Publications PVT. LTD. p. 97. ISBN   81-7488-487-4. Ahmad Vefik Pasha (grandson of a Greek convert) published influential works : Les Turcs Anciens et Modernes ( 1 1 69) and Lahja-i-Osmani, respectively
  111. "Ahmed Vefik Paşa". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 12 August 2009. Ahmed Vefik Paşa Ottoman statesman and scholar born 6 July 1823, Constantinople [now Istanbul] died 2 April 1891, Constantinople... He presided over the first Turkish Parliament (1877) and was twice appointed grand vizier (chief minister) for brief periods in 1878 and 1882.
  112. "Ahmed Vefik Paşa". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 12 August 2009. Ahmed Vefik Paşa Ottoman statesman and scholar born 6 July 1823, Constantinople [now Istanbul] died 2 April 1891, Constantinople... In 1879 he became the vali (governor) of Bursa, where he sponsored important reforms in sanitation, education, and agriculture and established the first Ottoman theatre.
  113. Houtsma, Martinus T. (1987). E. J. Brill's first encyclopaedia of Islam: 1913 – 1936, Volume 9. Brill. p. 1145. ISBN   90-04-08265-4. RESMI, AHMAD Ottoman statesman and historian. Ahmad b. Ibrahim, known as Resmi, belonged to Rethymo (turk. Resmo; hence his epithet) in Crete and was of Greek descent (cf. J. v. Hammer, GOR, viii. 202). He was born in III (1700) and came in 1146 (1733) to Stambul where he was educated, married a daughter of the Ke is Efendi
  114. Müller-Bahlke, Thomas J. (2003). Zeichen und Wunder: Geheimnisse des Schriftenschranks in der Kunst- und Naturalienkammer der Franckeschen Stiftungen : kulturhistorische und philologische Untersuchungen. Franckesche Stiftungen. p. 58. ISBN   978-3-931479-46-6. Ahmed Resmi Efendi (1700-1783). Der osmanische Staatsmann und Geschichtsschreiber griechischer Herkunft. Translation "Ahmed Resmi Efendi (1700-1783). The Ottoman statesman and historian of Greek origin
  115. European studies review (1977). European studies review, Volumes 7–8. Sage Publications. p. 170. Resmi Ahmad (−83) was originally of Greek descent. He entered Ottoman service in 1733 and after holding a number of posts in local administration, was sent on missions to Vienna (1758) and Berlin (1763–4). He later held a number of important offices in central government. In addition, Resmi Ahmad was a contemporary historian of some distinction.
  116. Hamilton Alexander Rosskeen Gibb (1954). Encyclopedia of Islam. Brill. p. 294. ISBN   90-04-16121-X. Ahmad b. Ibrahim, known as Resmi came from Rethymno (Turk. Resmo; hence his epithet?) in Crete and was of Greek descent (cf. Hammer- Purgstall, viii, 202). He was born in 1112/ 1700 and came in 1 146/1733 to Istanbul,
  117. Comerford. Defining Greek and Turk: Uncertainties in the search for European and Muslim identities. 2000. p. 251. And in Turkey, there was surprise too in the 1980s when it was discovered that one cabinet minister the late Adnan Kahveci, once vetoed as Turgut Ozal's choice as Foreign Minister, spoke fluent Greek. His family came from a mountain village that had once been part of the independent Greek kingdom of Trebizond but whose descendants had converted to Islam.
  118. "Arınç Ahmediye köyünde çocuklarla Rumca konuştu" [Arınç spoke Greek with the children in the village of Ahmediye]. Milliyet (in Turkish). Turkey. 23 September 2012. Retrieved 8 May 2015.
  119. Bülent Arınç anadili Rumca konuşurken [Bülent Arınç talking to native speakers of Greek](video) (in Turkish and Greek). You Tube. 2013. Retrieved 8 May 2015.[ dead YouTube link ]
  120. "Greece angered over Turkish Deputy PM's Hagia Sophia remarks". Hürriyet Daily News. Turkey. 19 November 2013. Retrieved 8 May 2015.
  121. 1 2 Latimer, Elizabeth Wormeley (2008). Russia and Turkey in the Nineteenth Century. BiblioBazaar. p. 204. ISBN   978-0-559-52708-1. Gand vizier Edhem Pasha... The history of Edhem is a curious one. He was born of Greek parents, and saved from the massacre of Scio in 1822. He was then sold as a slave in Constantinople, and bought by the grand vizier.
  122. 1 2 Fage, J. D.; Oliver, Roland Anthony; Sanderson, G. N. (1985). The Cambridge history of Africa, Volume 6. Cambridge University Press. p. 173. ISBN   978-0-521-22803-9. Politically, the only person of any account in the Bardo palace was the prime minister, the all-powerful Mustafa Khaznadar, a mamluk of Greek extraction, who had managed to remain in power, under three beys, since 1837. The khaznadar, intelligent and cunning, maintained at court a careful balance between France and England, but his own sympathies were on the side of Great Britain on account of his connections with Wood, the British consul. At the palace, he alone exercised influence over the feeble spirit of the bey.
  123. Nepomnyashchy, Catharine Theimer; Svobodny, Nicole; Trigos, Ludmilla A. (2006). Under the sky of my Africa: Alexander Pushkin and blackness . Northwestern University Press. p.  53. ISBN   0-8101-1971-4. Shortly afterward a new grand vizier, Hasan, came to take the place of the old one, and he held his post during the period we are interested in: from November 16, 1703, to September 28, 1704.
  124. Evg Radushev, Svetlana Ivanova, Rumen Kovachev – Narodna biblioteka "Sv. sv. Kiril i Metodiĭ. Orientalski otdel, International Centre for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations, Research Centre for Islamic History, Art, and Culture (2003). Inventory of Ottoman Turkish documents about Waqf preserved in the Oriental Department at the St. St. Cyril and Methodius National Library. Narodna biblioteka "Sv. sv. Kiril i Metodiĭ. p. 224. ISBN   954-523-072-X. Hasan Pasa (Damad-i- Padisahi), Greek convert from Morea. He began his career as imperial armourer and rose to the post of Grand Vezir (1703). He married the daughter of Sultan Mehmed IV, Hatice Sultan, fell into disgrace and was exiled with his wife to izmit.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  125. Nepomnyashchy, Catharine Theimer; Svobodny, Nicole; Trigos, Ludmilla A. (2006). Under the sky of my Africa: Alexander Pushkin and blackness . Northwestern University Press. p.  53. ISBN   0-8101-1971-4. Shortly afterward a new grand vizier, Hasan, came to take the place of the old one, and he held his post during the period we are interested in: from November 16, 1703, to September 28, 1704. He was the new sultan's son-in-law... "he was a very honest and comparatively humane pasha of Greek origin and cannot be suspected of selling the sultan's pages to a foreigner."
  126. Baker, Anthony E (1993). The Bosphorus. Redhouse Press. p. 146. ISBN   975-413-062-0. The Valide Sultan was born Evmania Voria, daughter of a Greek priest in a village near Rethymnon on Crete. She was captured by the Turks when they took Rethymnon in 1645.
  127. Freely, John (1996). Istanbul: the imperial city. Viking. p.  242. ISBN   0-14-024461-1. Rabia Gulnus a Greek girl who had been captured in the Ottoman invasion of Crete. Rabia Gulnus was the mother of Mehmet's first two sons, the future sultans Mustafa II and Ahmet III.
  128. Bromley, J. S. (1957). The New Cambridge Modern History. University of California: University Press. p. 554. ISBN   0-521-22128-5. the mother of Mustafa II and Ahmed III was a Cretan.
  129. Palmer, Alan (2009). The decline and fall of the Ottoman Empire. Barnes & Noble. p.  27. ISBN   978-1-56619-847-9. Unusually, the twenty-nine-year old Ahmed III was a brother, rather than a half- brother, of his predecessor; their Cretan mother, Rabia.
  130. Sardo, Eugenio Lo (1999). Tra greci e turchi: fonti diplomatiche italiane sul Settecento ottomano. Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche. p. 82. ISBN   88-8080-014-0. Their mother, a Cretan, lady named Rabia Gulnus, continued to wield influence as the Walide Sultan – mother of the reigning sultan.
  131. Thys-Şenocak, Lucienne (2006). Ottoman women builders. Ashgate. p. 46. ISBN   0-7546-3310-1. The sultan appears to have been in no hurry to leave his prized concubine from the Ottoman conquest of Rethymnon, Crete – the haseki Emetullah Gulnus, and their new son Mustafa.
  132. Buturović, Amila; Schick, İrvin Cemil (2007). Women in the Ottoman Balkans: gender, culture and history. I.B.Tauris. p. 24. ISBN   978-1-84511-505-0. Mahpeikir [Kösem Mahpeyker] and Revia Gülnûş [Rabia Gülnûş] were Greek.
  133. Freely, John (2000). Inside the Seraglio: private lives of the sultans in Istanbul. Penguin. p. 163. ISBN   84-493-0962-X. Mehmet had by now set up his own harem, which he took with him in his peregrinations between Topkapi Sarayi and Edirne Sarayi. His favourite was Rabia Gülnûş Ummetüllah, a Greek girl from Rethymnon.
  134. Freely, John (2001). The lost Messiah. Viking. p. 132. ISBN   0-670-88675-0. He set up his harem there, his favourite being Rabia Giilniis Ummetiillah, a Greek girl from Rethymnon on Crete.
  135. Raymond, André (2000). Cairo. Harvard University Press. p.  35. ISBN   0-674-00316-0. After the accession of the fourth Fatimid caliph, al-Mu'izz (953- 975), a cultivated and energetic ruler who found an able second in Jawhar, an ethnic Greek, conditions for conquest of Egypt improved.
  136. Richardson, Dan (2003). Egypt. Rough Guides. p.  133. ISBN   1-84353-050-3. The Fatimid general, Gohar (Jewel), a converted ~ Greek, immediately began a new city where the dynasty henceforth reigned * (969-1171).
  137. Collomb, Rodney (2006). The rise and fall of the Arab Empire and the founding of Western pre-eminence. Spellmount. p.  73. ISBN   1-86227-327-8. a Greek mercenary born in Sicily, and his 100000-man army had little
  138. Saunders, John Joseph (1990). A History of Medieval Islam . Routledge. p.  133. ISBN   0-415-05914-3. Under Mu'izz (955-975) the Fatimids reached the height of their glory, and the universal triumph of isma 'ilism appeared not far distant. The fourth Fatimid Caliph is an attractive character: humane and generous, simple and just, he was a good administrator, tolerant and conciliatory. Served by one of the greatest generals of the age, Jawhar al-Rumi, a former Greek slave, he took fullest advantage of the growing confusion in the Sunnite world.
  139. Chodorow, Stanley; Knox, MacGregor; Shirokauer, Conrad; Strayer, Joseph R.; Gatzke, Hans W. (1994). The Mainstream of Civilization. Harcourt Press. p. 209. ISBN   0-15-501197-9. The architect of his military system was a general named Jawhar, an islamicized Greek slave who had led the conquest of North Africa and then of Egypt
  140. Fossier, Robert – Sondheimer, Janet – Airlie, Stuart – Marsack, Robyn (1997). The Cambridge illustrated history of the Middle Ages . Cambridge University Press. p.  170. ISBN   0-521-26645-9. When the Sicilian Jawhar finally entered Fustat in 969 and the following year founded the new dynastic capital, Cairo, 'The Victorious', the Fatimids ...{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  141. Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events. D. Appleton. 1878. p. 268. OCLC   184889012. EDHEM PASHA, the successor of Midhat Pasha as Grand Vizier, was born at Chio, of Greek parents, in 1823. He was saved, when a child, by Turkish soldiers
  142. Littell, Eliakim (1888). The Living age. The Living Age Co. p. 614. OCLC   10173561. Edhem Pasha was a Greek by birth, pure and unadulterated, having when an infant been stolen from the island of Chios at the time of the great massacre there
  143. Gilman, Daniel Coit (1906). The New International Encyclopaedia. Dodd, Mead and company. p.  644. OCLC   223290453. A Turkish soldier and statesman, born of Greek parents on the island of Chios. In 1831 he was taken to Paris, where he was educated in engineering
  144. 1 2 Kissling, H. J. (1997). The Last Great Muslim Empires. BRILL. pp. 140–141. ISBN   978-90-04-02104-4. In the 17th century, the two most successful rulers were converted Greeks, both originally from the island of Chios and therefore known as Saqizly, which has that meaning in Turkish. The first, Muhammad (1632-1649), had lived in Algiers as a Christian for some years and then adopted Islam and the profession of a privateer. ...Uthman, also a former Christian, to high military command.
  145. Morsy, Magali (1984). orth Africa, 1800–1900: a survey from the Nile Valley to the Atlantic. Longman. p. 185. ISBN   0-582-78377-1. Mustafa Khaznadar became Prime Minister in 1837, a position he maintained under three successive bey-s, more or less continuously until 1873.
  146. Ziadeh, Nicola A. (1969). Origins of nationalism in Tunisia. Librarie du Liban. p. 11. OCLC   3062278. Mustafa Khaznadar was of Greek origin (b. 1817), and proved to be one of the most influential persons Tunisia saw in her modern history. He took the interest of his master and the country to heart and did all he could to prevail on Ahmad Bey to see that Tunisia acquired as much as she could
  147. Association of Muslim Social Scientists.; International Institute of Islamic Thought (2008). The American journal of Islamic social sciences, Volume 25, Issues 1–4. American journal of Islamic social sciences (AJISS). p. 56. OCLC   60626498. A mamluk of Greek origin raised by Prince Ahmad (later Ahmad Bey). Khaznadar first worked as the prince's private treasurer before the latter succeeded his father to the throne in 1837. Then, he immediately became Ahmad Bey's khaznadar (treasurer ){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  148. Rowley, Harold Henry; Weis, Pinkas Rudolf (1986). Journal of Semitic Studies, Volumes 31–32. Manchester University Press. p. 190. OCLC   1782837. the Greek Mustafa Khaznadar, a former slave who from 1837 to 1873 was Minister of Finance and the actual ruler of the country
  149. 1 2 Shivji, Issa G. (1991). State and constitutionalism: an African debate on democracy. SAPES Trust. p. 235. ISBN   0-7974-0993-9. The Hussienite Dynasty was itself of Greek origin and Prime Minister Mustapha Kharznader was a Greek whose original name was Stravelakis.
  150. 1 2 Binous, Jamila – Jabeur, Salah (2002). Houses of the Medina: Tunis. Dar Ashraf Editions. p. 143. OCLC   224261384. Mustapha's name was in fact Georges Kalkias Stravelakis, born in 1817 on the island of Chio (Greece) where he was captured during the 1824 massacres{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  151. Gallagher, Nancy Elizabeth (2002). Medicine and Power in Tunisia, 1780–1900 . Cambridge University Press. p.  125. ISBN   0-521-52939-5. Mustafa Khaznadar (George Kalkias Stravelakis) was born on the island of Chios in 1817. The nephews were sons of a brother who had remained in Chios in 1821. Bin Diyaf stated that he had learned of his expenditure from a receipt he had seen on the fifteenth page of a state treasury register kept by Khaznadar.
  152. Simon, Reeva S. – Mattar, Philip – Bulliet, Richard W. (1996). Encyclopedia of the modern Middle East. Macmillan Reference USA. p. 1018. ISBN   0-02-897062-4. Mustafa Khaznader was born Georges Kalkias Stravelakis, on the island of Chios. In 1821, during the Greek rebellion against the Turks, he was seized, taken to Constantinople, and sold into slavery, In 1821 he was sent to Tunis, where he was sold again.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  153. Mohamed, Duse (1911). In the land of the pharaohs: a short history of Egypt from the fall of Ismail to the assassination of Boutros Pasha. D. Appleton and company. p. xii. OCLC   301095947. PRIME MINISTERS * Ragheb Pasha was Prime Minister from July 12, 1882
  154. Vizetelly, Edward (1901). From Cyprus to Zanzibar, by the Egyptian delta: the adventures of a journalist in the isle of love, the home of miracles, and the land of cloves. C.A. Pearson. p.  118. OCLC   81708788. This Ragheb Pasha, a decrepit old man with a reputation of venality, was of Greek extraction, and had originally been a Greek slave.
  155. The Nineteenth century, Volume 13. Henry S. King & Co. 1883. p. 121. OCLC   30055032. Ragheb Bey, as I knew him first, was a Candiote, a Mussulman of Greek origin, and gifted with the financial cunning of his race. He began political life in Egypt under Said Pasha, as an employé in the financial department where he was speedily promoted to a high...
  156. 'Izz al-'Arab, 'Abd al-'Azīz (2002). European control and Egypt's traditional elites: a case study in elite economic nationalism Volume 15 of Mellen studies in economics. Edwin Mellen Press. p. 59. ISBN   0-7734-6936-2. Isma'il Pasha Raghib and al-Shaykh al-Bakri. Raghib was an established figure in the state administrative machinery, who came from Greek origins, and who had held various portfolios in finance and served as President of the first Majlis Shura al-Nuwwab in 1866.
  157. Blunt, Wilfrid Scawen (1980). Secret history of the English occupation of Egypt: being a personal narrative of events Volume 2 of Centenary of the Arabi revolution 1881–1981. Arab Centre for Research and Publishing. OCLC   7840850. Ragheb Pasha is (as mentioned by Ninet) of Greek descent, though a Moslem
  158. Schölch, Alexander (1981). Egypt for the Egyptians!: the socio-political crisis in Egypt, 1878–1882. Ithaca Press. p. 326. ISBN   0-903729-82-2. Isma'il Raghib was born in Greece in 1819; the sources differ over his homeland. After first being kidnapped to Anatolia, he was brought as a slave to Egypt in 1246 (1830/1), by Ibrahim Pasha, and there he was 'converted' from Christianity
  159. McCoan, James Carlile (1898). Egypt. P. F. Collier. p.  102. OCLC   5663869. Raghib Pasha, the new Minister – by birth a Sciote Greek, sold into Egypt after the massacre of 1822 – is said to be an able administrator, and enjoys a high personal character
  160. The Nineteenth century, Volume 13. Henry S. King & Co. 1883. p. 121. OCLC   30055032. Ragheb Bey, as I knew him first, was a Candiote, a Mussulman of Greek origin
  161. Schölch, Alexander (1981). Egypt for the Egyptians!: the socio-political crisis in Egypt, 1878–1882. Ithaca Press. p. 326. ISBN   0-903729-82-2. Isma'il Raghib ...After first being kidnapped to Anatolia, he was brought as a slave to Egypt in 1246 (1830/1), by Ibrahim Pasha, and there he was 'converted' from Christianity
  162. Naylor, Phillip Chiviges (2009). North Africa: a history from antiquity to the present . University of Texas Press. pp.  120–121. ISBN   978-0-292-71922-4. "One of the most famous corsairs was Turghut (Dragut) (?–1565), who was of Greek ancestry and a protégé of Khayr al-Din. He participated in the successful Ottoman assault on Tripoli in 1551 against the Knights of St. John of Malta.
  163. Beeching, Jack (1983). The galleys at Lepanto: Jack Beeching. Scribner. pp.  72–73. ISBN   978-0-684-17918-6. "And the corsairs' greatest leader, Dragut, had also done time, at the oar of a Genoese galley. Dragut was born of Greek parents, Orthodox Christians, at Charabulac on the coast of Asia Minor, but a Turkish governor took a fancy to the boy and carried him off to Egypt.
  164. Chambers, Iain (2008). Mediterranean crossings: the politics of an interrupted modernity. Duke University Press. pp.  38–39. ISBN   978-0-8223-4126-0. "Neither was the career of Dragut, another Greek whom we find in 1540s on the Tunisian coast and in 1561 installed at Tripoli in Barbary, in place of the Knights of Malta whom the Turks had expelled five years earlier.
  165. Pauls, Michael; Facaros, Dana (2000). Turkey. New Holland Publishers. pp.  286–287. ISBN   978-1-86011-078-8. "It is named after the 16th-century Admiral Turgut (Dragut), who was born here to Greek parents; his mentor Barbarossa, another Greek who 'turned Turk', in a moment of unusual humility declared that Dragut was ahead of him 'both in fishing and bravery'.
  166. 1 2 Lewis, Dominic Bevan Wyndham (1931). Charles of Europe. Coward-McCann. pp. 174–175. OCLC   485792029. A new star was now rising in the piratical firmament, Barbarossa's lieutenant Dragut-Reis, a Greek who had been taken prisoner by the corsairs in his youth and had turned Mahometan.
  167. Braudel, Fernand (1995). The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean world in the age of Philip II, Volume 2 . University of California Press. pp. 908–909. ISBN   978-0-520-20330-3. "Of all the corsairs who preyed on Sicilian wheat, Dragut (Turghut) was the most dangerous. A Greek by birth, he was now about fifty years old and behind him lay a long and adventurous career including four years in the Genoese galleys.
  168. Reynolds, Clark G. (1974). Command of the sea: the history and strategy of maritime empires. Morrow. pp. 120–121. ISBN   978-0-688-00267-1. "Ottomans extended their western maritime frontier across North Africa under the naval command of another Greek Moslem, Torghoud (or Dragut), who succeeded Barbarossa upon the latter's death in 1546.
  169. Naylor, Phillip Chiviges (2009). North Africa: a history from antiquity to the present . University of Texas Press. pp.  120–121. ISBN   978-0-292-71922-4. "One of the most famous corsairs was Turghut (Dragut) (?–1565), who was of Greek ancestry and a protégé of Khayr al-Din. ...While pasha, he built up Tripoli and adorned it, making it one of the most impressive cities along the North African littoral.
  170. Cassola, Arnold (21 October 2018). "Süleyman the Magnificent and other Ottoman Great Siege protagonists...after Malta".
  171. Fitzsimmons, Mick; Harris, Bob (5 January 2001). "Cat Stevens – A Musical Journey". Taped documentary interview synopsis. BBC2. Retrieved 20 December 2008.

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