French phonology

Last updated

French phonology is the sound system of French. This article discusses mainly the phonology of all the varieties of Standard French. Notable phonological features include its uvular r, nasal vowels, and three processes affecting word-final sounds:

Contents

An example of the above is this:

Consonants

Consonant phonemes of French
Labial Dental/
Alveolar
Palatal/
Postalv.
Velar/
Uvular
Nasal m n ɲ ( ŋ )
Plosive voiceless p t k
voiced b d ɡ
Fricative voiceless f s ʃ
voiced v z ʒ ʁ
Approximant plain l j
labial ɥ w
Distribution of guttural r (such as [R R kh]
) in Europe in the mid-20th century.
.mw-parser-output .legend{page-break-inside:avoid;break-inside:avoid-column}.mw-parser-output .legend-color{display:inline-block;min-width:1.25em;height:1.25em;line-height:1.25;margin:1px 0;text-align:center;border:1px solid black;background-color:transparent;color:black}.mw-parser-output .legend-text{}
not usual
only in some educated speech
usual in educated speech
general Uvular rhotics in Europe.png
Distribution of guttural r (such as ʀχ]) in Europe in the mid-20th century.
  not usual
  only in some educated speech
  usual in educated speech
  general

Phonetic notes:

Example words [14]
VoicelessVoiced
IPA ExampleGloss IPA ExampleGloss
/p//pu/ pou 'louse'/b//bu/ boue 'mud'
/t//tu/ tout 'all', 'anything' (possibility)/d//du/ doux 'sweet' (food, feelings), 'gentle' (person), 'mild' (weather)
/k//ku/ cou 'neck'/ɡ//ɡu/ goût 'taste'
/f//fu/ fou 'crazy'/v//vu/ vous 'you'
/s//su/ sous 'under', 'on' (drugs), 'in' (packaging), 'within' (times)/z//zu/ zou 'shoo'
/ʃ//ʃu/ chou 'cabbage', 'lovely' (person, pet)/ʒ//ʒu/ joue 'cheek'
/m//mu/ mou 'soft', 'weak' (stronger: person, actions)
/n//nu/ nous 'we, us'
/ɲ//ɲu/ gnou 'gnu' (dated, /ɡnu/ in modern French)
/ŋ//kuŋ.fu/ kung-fu 'kung-fu'
/l//lu/ loup 'wolf'
/ʁ//ʁu/ roue 'wheel'

Geminates

Although double consonant letters appear in the orthographic form of many French words, geminate consonants are relatively rare in the pronunciation of such words. The following cases can be identified. [15]

The geminate pronunciation [ʁʁ] is found in the future and conditional forms of the verbs courir ('to run') and mourir ('to die'). The conditional form il mourrait[il.muʁ.ʁɛ] ('he would die'), for example, contrasts with the imperfect form il mourait[il.mu.ʁɛ] ('he was dying'). In some other words, most modern speakers have reduced [ʁʁ] to [ʁ], such as "il pourrait" ('he could'). Other verbs that have a double rr orthographically in the future and conditional are pronounced with a simple [ʁ]: il pourra ('he will be able to'), il verra ('he will see').

When the prefix in- combines with a base that begins with n, the resulting word is sometimes pronounced with a geminate [nn] and similarly for the variants of the same prefix im-, il-, ir-:

Other cases of optional gemination can be found in words like syllabe ('syllable'), grammaire ('grammar'), and illusion ('illusion'). The pronunciation of such words, in many cases, a spelling pronunciation varies by speaker and gives rise to widely varying stylistic effects. [16] In particular, the gemination of consonants other than the liquids and nasals /mnlʁ/ is "generally considered affected or pedantic". [17] Examples of stylistically marked pronunciations include addition [ad.di.sjɔ̃] ('addition') and intelligence [ɛ̃.tɛl.li.ʒɑ̃s] ('intelligence').

Gemination of doubled m and n is typical of the Languedoc region, as opposed to other southern accents.

A few cases of gemination do not correspond to double consonant letters in the orthography. [18] The deletion of word-internal schwas (see below), for example, can give rise to sequences of identical consonants: là-dedans[lad.dɑ̃] ('inside'), l'honnêteté[lɔ.nɛt.te] ('honesty'). The elided form of the object pronoun l' ('him/her/it') is also realised as a geminate [ll] when it appears after another l to avoid misunderstanding:

Gemination is obligatory in such contexts.

Finally, a word pronounced with emphatic stress can exhibit gemination of its first syllable-initial consonant:

Liaison

Many words in French can be analyzed as having a "latent" final consonant that is pronounced only in certain syntactic contexts when the next word begins with a vowel. For example, the word deux /dø/ ('two') is pronounced [dø] in isolation or before a consonant-initial word (deux jours/døʒuʁ/[dø.ʒuʁ] 'two days'), but in deux ans/døz‿ɑ̃/ (→ [dø.zɑ̃] 'two years'), the linking or liaison consonant /z/ is pronounced.

Vowels

Vowels of Parisian French, from Collins & Mees (2013:225-226). Some speakers merge /oe/
with /e/
(especially in the northern half of France) and /a/
with /a/
. In the latter case, the outcome is an open central [a] between the two (not shown on the chart). French vowel chart.svg
Vowels of Parisian French, from Collins & Mees (2013 :225–226). Some speakers merge /œ̃/ with /ɛ̃/ (especially in the northern half of France) and /a/ with /ɑ/. In the latter case, the outcome is an open central [ ä ] between the two (not shown on the chart).

Standard French contrasts up to 13 oral vowels and up to 4 nasal vowels. The schwa (in the center of the diagram next to this paragraph) is not necessarily a distinctive sound. Even though it often merges with one of the mid front rounded vowels, its patterning suggests that it is a separate phoneme (see the subsection Schwa below).

The table below primarily lists vowels in contemporary Parisian French, with vowels only present in other dialects in parentheses.

Oral
  Front Central Back
unrounded rounded
Close i y u
Close-mid e ø ə o
Open-mid ɛ ( ɛː ) œ ɔ
Open a ( ɑ )
Nasal
Front Back
unrounded rounded
Open-mid ɛ̃ ( œ̃ ) ɔ̃
Open ɑ̃

While some dialects feature a long /ɛː/ distinct from /ɛ/ and a distinction between an open front /a/ and an open back /ɑ/, Parisian French features only /ɛ/ and just one open vowel /a/ realised as central [ä]. Some dialects also feature a rounded /œ̃/, which has merged with /ɛ̃/ in Paris.

In Metropolitan French, while /ə/ is phonologically distinct, its phonetic quality tends to coincide with either /ø/ or /œ/.

Example words
VowelExample
IPA Orthography Gloss
Oral vowels
/i//si/ si 'if'
/e//fe/ fée 'fairy'
/ɛ//fɛ/ fait 'does'
/ɛː//fɛːt/ fête 'party'
/y//sy/ su 'known'
/ø//sø/ ceux 'those'
/œ//sœʁ/ sœur 'sister'
/ə//sə/ ce 'this'/'that'
/u//su/ sous 'under'
/o//so/ sot 'silly'
/ɔ//sɔʁ/ sort 'fate'
/a//sa/ sa 'his'/'her'
/ɑ//pɑt/ pâte 'dough'
Nasal vowels
/ɑ̃//sɑ̃/ sans 'without'
/ɔ̃//sɔ̃/ son 'his'
/ɛ̃/ [19] /bʁɛ̃/ brin 'twig'
/œ̃//bʁœ̃/ brun 'brown'
Semi-vowels
/j//jɛʁ/ hier 'yesterday'
/ɥ//ɥit/ huit 'eight'
/w//wi/ oui 'yes'
† Not distinguished in all dialects.

Close vowels

In contrast with the mid vowels, there is no tense–lax contrast in close vowels. However, non-phonemic lax (near-close) [ɪ, ʏ, ʊ] appear in Quebec as allophones of /i,y,u/ when the vowel is both phonetically short (so not before /v,z,ʒ,ʁ/) and in a closed syllable, so that e.g. petite[pə.t͡sɪt] 'small (f.)' differs from petit 'small (m.)' [pə.t͡si] not only in the presence of the final /t/ but also in the tenseness of the /i/. Laxing always occurs in stressed closed syllables, but it is also found in other environments to various degrees. [20] [21]

In Metropolitan French, /i,u/ are consistently close [i, u], [22] [23] [24] but the exact height of /y/ is somewhat debatable as it has been variously described as close [ y ] [22] [23] and near-close [ ʏ ]. [24]

Mid vowels

Although the mid vowels contrast in certain environments, there is a limited distributional overlap so they often appear in complementary distribution. Generally, close-mid vowels (/e,ø,o/) are found in open syllables, and open-mid vowels (/ɛ,œ,ɔ/) are found in closed syllables. However, there are minimal pairs: [22]

Beyond the general rule, known as the loi de position among French phonologists, [25] there are some exceptions. For instance, /o/ and /ø/ are found in closed syllables ending in [z], and only [ɔ] is found in closed monosyllables before [ʁ], [ɲ], and [ɡ]. [26]

The Parisian realization of /ɔ/ has been variously described as central [ ɞ ] [24] and centralized to [ ɞ ] before /ʁ/, [2] in both cases becoming similar to /œ/.

The phonemic opposition of /ɛ/ and /e/ has been lost in the southern half of France, where these two sounds are found only in complementary distribution. The phonemic oppositions of /ɔ/ and /o/ and of /œ/ and /ø/ in terminal open syllables have been lost in almost all of France, but not in Belgium or in areas with an Arpitan substrate, where pot and peau are still opposed as /pɔ/ and /po/. [27]

Open vowels

The phonemic contrast between front /a/ and back /ɑ/ is sometimes no longer maintained in Parisian French, which leads some researchers to reject the idea of two distinct phonemes. [28] However, the back [ɑ] is always maintained in Northern French, but only in final open syllables, [29] avocat (lawyer) [avokɑ] , but in final closed syllables, the /ɑ/ phoneme is fronted to [aː], but it is always long, pâte (pasta) [paːt]. The distinction is still clearly maintained in many dialects such as Quebec French. [30]

While there is much variation among speakers in France, a number of general tendencies can be observed. First of all, the distinction is most often preserved in word-final stressed syllables such as in these minimal pairs:

tache /taʃ/[taʃ] ('stain'), vs. tâche /tɑʃ/[tɑʃ] ('task')
patte /pat/[pat] ('leg'), vs. pâte /pɑt/[pɑt] ('paste, pastry')
rat /ʁa/[ʁa] ('rat'), vs. ras /ʁɑ/[ʁɑ] ('short')

There are certain environments that prefer one open vowel over the other. For example, /ɑ/ is preferred after /ʁw/ and before /z/:

trois [tʁwɑ] ('three'),
gaz [ɡɑz] ('gas'). [31]

The difference in quality is often reinforced by a difference in length (but the difference is contrastive in final closed syllables). The exact distribution of the two vowels varies greatly from speaker to speaker. [32]

Back /ɑ/ is much rarer in unstressed syllables, but it can be encountered in some common words:

château [ʃɑ.to] ('castle'),
passé [pɑ.se] ('past').

Morphologically complex words derived from words containing stressed /ɑ/ do not retain it:

âgé /ɑʒe/[aː.ʒe] ('aged', from âge /ɑʒ/[ɑʒ])
rarissime/ʁaʁisim/[ʁaʁisim] ('very rare', from rare /ʁɑʁ/[ʁɑʁ]).

Even in the final syllable of a word, back /ɑ/ may become [a] if the word in question loses its stress within the extended phonological context: [31]

J'ai été au bois/ʒeeteobwɑ/[ʒe.e.te.o.bwɑ] ('I went to the woods'),
J'ai été au bois de Vincennes/ʒeeteobwɑdəvɛ̃sɛn/[ʒe.e.te.o.bwad.vɛ̃.sɛn] ('I went to the Vincennes woods').

Nasal vowels

The phonetic qualities of the back nasal vowels differ from those of the corresponding oral vowels. The contrasting factor that distinguishes /ɑ̃/ and /ɔ̃/ is the extra lip rounding of the latter according to some linguists, [33] and tongue height according to others. [34] Speakers who produce both /œ̃/ and /ɛ̃/ distinguish them mainly through increased lip rounding of the former, but many speakers use only the latter phoneme, especially most speakers in northern France such as Paris (but not farther north, in Belgium). [33] [34]

In some dialects, particularly that of Europe, there is an attested tendency for nasal vowels to shift in a counterclockwise direction: /ɛ̃/ tends to be more open and shifts toward the vowel space of /ɑ̃/ (realised also as [æ̃]), /ɑ̃/ rises and rounds to [ɔ̃] (realised also as [ɒ̃]) and /ɔ̃/ shifts to [õ] or [ũ]. Also, in some regions, there also is an opposite movement for /ɔ̃/ for which it becomes more open like [ɒ̃], resulting in a merger of Standard French /ɔ̃/ and /ɑ̃/ in this case. [34] [35] According to one source, the typical phonetic realization of the nasal vowels in Paris is [æ̃] for /ɛ̃/, [ɑ̃] for /ɑ̃/ and [õ̞] for /ɔ̃/, suggesting that the first two are unrounded open vowels that contrast by backness (like the oral /a/ and /ɑ/ in some accents), whereas /ɔ̃/ is much closer than /ɛ̃/. [36]

In Quebec French, two of the vowels shift in a different direction: /ɔ̃/[õ], more or less as in Europe, but /ɛ̃/[ẽ] and /ɑ̃/[ã]. [37]

In the Provence and Occitanie regions, nasal vowels are often realized as oral vowels before a stop consonant, thus reviving the n otherwise lost in other accents: quarante /kaʁɑ̃t/[kaˈʁantə].

Contrary to the oral /ɔ/, there is no attested tendency for the nasal /ɔ̃/ to become central in any accent.

Schwa

When phonetically realised, schwa (/ə/), also called e caduc ('dropped e') and e muet ('mute e'), is a mid-central vowel with some rounding. [22] Many authors consider its value to be [ œ ], [38] [39] while Geoff Lindsey suggests [ ɵ ]. [40] [41] Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006) state, more specifically, that it merges with /ø/ before high vowels and glides:

netteté /nɛtəte/[nɛ.tø.te] ('clarity'),
atelier /atəlje/[a.tø.lje] ('workshop'),

in phrase-final stressed position:

dis-le !/dilə/[di.ˈlø] ('say it'),

and that it merges with /œ/ elsewhere. [42] However, some speakers make a clear distinction, and it exhibits special phonological behavior that warrants considering it a distinct phoneme. Furthermore, the merger occurs mainly in the French of France; in Quebec, /ø/ and /ə/ are still distinguished. [43]

The main characteristic of French schwa is its "instability": the fact that under certain conditions it has no phonetic realization.

In French versification, word-final schwa is always elided before another vowel and at the ends of verses. It is pronounced before a following consonant-initial word. [45] For example, une grande femme fut ici, [ynɡʁɑ̃dfamfy.t‿i.si] in ordinary speech, would in verse be pronounced [y.nəɡʁɑ̃.dəfa.məfy.t‿i.si], with the /ə/ enunciated at the end of each word.

Schwa cannot normally be realised as a front vowel ([ œ ]) in closed syllables. In such contexts in inflectional and derivational morphology, schwa usually alternates with the front vowel /ɛ/:

harceler /aʁsəle/[aʁ.sœ.le] ('to harass'), with
il harcèle/ilaʁsɛl/[i.laʁ.sɛl] ('[he] harasses'). [46]

A three-way alternation can be observed, in a few cases, for a number of speakers:

appeler /apəle/[ap.le] ('to call'),
j'appelle/ʒ‿apɛl/[ʒa.pɛl] ('I call'),
appellation /apelasjɔ̃/[a.pe.la.sjɔ̃] ('brand'), which can also be pronounced [a.pɛ.la.sjɔ̃]. [47]

Instances of orthographic e that do not exhibit the behaviour described above may be better analysed as corresponding to the stable, full vowel /œ/. The enclitic pronoun le , for example, always keeps its vowel in contexts like donnez-le-moi/dɔnemwa/[dɔ.ne.lœ.mwa] ('give it to me') for which schwa deletion would normally apply (giving *[dɔ.nɛl.mwa]), and it counts as a full syllable for the determination of stress.

Cases of word-internal stable e are more subject to variation among speakers, but, for example, un rebelle/œ̃ʁəbɛl/ ('a rebel') must be pronounced with a full vowel in contrast to un rebond/œ̃ʁəbɔ̃/ → or [œ̃ʁ.bɔ̃] ('a bounce'). [48]

Length

Except for the distinction still made by some speakers between /ɛ/ and /ɛː/ in rare minimal pairs like mettre [mɛtʁ] ('to put') vs. maître [mɛːtʁ] ('teacher'), variation in vowel length is entirely allophonic. Vowels can be lengthened in closed, stressed syllables, under the following two conditions:

When such syllables lose their stress, the lengthening effect may be absent. The vowel [o] of saute is long in Regarde comme elle saute !, in which the word is phrase-final and therefore stressed, but not in Qu'est-ce qu'elle saute bien ! [51] In accents wherein /ɛː/ is distinguished from /ɛ/, however, it is still pronounced with a long vowel even in an unstressed position, as in fête in C'est une fête importante. [51]

The following table presents the pronunciation of a representative sample of words in phrase-final (stressed) position:

PhonemeVowel value in closed syllableVowel value in
open syllable
Non-lengthening consonantLengthening consonant
/i/ habite [a.bit] livre [liːvʁ] habit [a.bi]
/e/ été [e.te]
/ɛ/ faites [fɛt] faire [fɛːʁ] fait [fɛ]
/ɛː/ fête [fɛːt] rêve [ʁɛːv]
/ø/ jeûne [ʒøːn] joyeuse [ʒwa.jøːz] joyeux [ʒwa.jø]
/œ/ jeune [ʒœn] œuvre [œːvʁ]
/o/ saute [soːt] rose [ʁoːz] saut [so]
/ɔ/ sotte [sɔt] mort [mɔːʁ]
/ə/ le [lə]
/y/ débute [de.byt] juge [ʒyːʒ] début [de.by]
/u/ bourse [buʁs] bouse [buːz] bout [bu]
/a/ rate [ʁat] rage [ʁaːʒ]rat[ʁa]
/ɑ/ appâte [a.pɑːt] rase [ʁɑːz] appât [a.pɑ]
/ɑ̃/ pende [pɑ̃ːd] genre [ʒɑ̃ːʁ] pends [pɑ̃]
/ɔ̃/ réponse [ʁe.pɔ̃ːs] éponge [e.pɔ̃ːʒ] réponds [ʁe.pɔ̃]
/œ̃/ emprunte [ɑ̃.pʁœ̃ːt] grunge [ɡʁœ̃ːʒ] emprunt [ɑ̃.pʁœ̃]
/ɛ̃/ teinte [tɛ̃ːt] quinze [kɛ̃ːz] teint [tɛ̃]

Devoicing

In Parisian French, the close vowels /i,y,u/ and the mid front /e,ɛ/ at the end of utterances can be devoiced. A devoiced vowel may be followed by a sound similar to the voiceless palatal fricative [ç]:

Merci./mɛʁsi/[mɛʁ.si̥ç] ('Thank you.'),
Allez !/ale/[a.le̥ç] ('Go!'). [52]

In Quebec French, close vowels are often devoiced when unstressed and surrounded by voiceless consonants:

université/ynivɛʁsite/[y.ni.vɛʁ.si̥.te] ('university'). [53]

Though a more prominent feature of Quebec French, phrase-medial devoicing is also found in European French. [54]

Elision

The final vowel (usually /ə/) of a number of monosyllabic function words is elided in syntactic combinations with a following word that begins with a vowel. For example, compare the pronunciation of the unstressed subject pronoun, in je dors/ʒədɔʁ/[ʒə.dɔʁ] ('I am sleeping'), and in j'arrive/ʒ‿aʁiv/[ʒa.ʁiv] ('I am arriving').

Glides and diphthongs

The glides [j], [w], and [ɥ] appear in syllable onsets immediately followed by a full vowel. In many cases, they alternate systematically with their vowel counterparts [i], [u], and [y] such as in the following pairs of verb forms:

nie[ni]; nier [nje] ('deny')
loue[lu]; louer [lwe] ('rent')
tue[ty]; tuer [tɥe] ('kill')

The glides in the examples can be analyzed as the result of a glide formation process that turns an underlying high vowel into a glide when followed by another vowel: /nie/[nje].

This process is usually blocked after a complex onset of the form obstruent + liquid (a stop or a fricative followed by /l/ or /ʁ/). For example, while the pair loue/louer shows an alternation between [u] and [w], the same suffix added to cloue[klu], a word with a complex onset, does not trigger the glide formation: clouer[klu.e] ('to nail'). Some sequences of glide + vowel can be found after obstruent-liquid onsets, however. The main examples are [ɥi], as in pluie[plɥi] ('rain'), [wa], as in proie[pʁwa] ('prey'), and [wɛ̃], as in groin[ɡʁwɛ̃] ('snout'). [55] They can be dealt with in different ways, as by adding appropriate contextual conditions to the glide formation rule or by assuming that the phonemic inventory of French includes underlying glides or rising diphthongs like /ɥi/ and /wa/. [56] [57]

Glide formation normally does not occur across morpheme boundaries in compounds like semi-aride ('semi-arid'). [58] However, in colloquial registers, si elle[si.ɛl] ('if she') can be pronounced just like ciel [sjɛl] ('sky'), or tu as[ty.ɑ] ('you have') like tua[tɥa] ('[(s)he] killed'). [59]

The glide [j] can also occur in syllable coda position, after a vowel, as in soleil [sɔlɛj] ('sun'). There again, one can formulate a derivation from an underlying full vowel /i/, but the analysis is not always adequate because of the existence of possible minimal pairs like pays [pɛ.i] ('country') / paye [pɛj] ('paycheck') and abbaye [a.bɛ.i] ('abbey') / abeille [a.bɛj] ('bee'). [60] Schane (1968) proposes an abstract analysis deriving postvocalic [j] from an underlying lateral by palatalization and glide conversion (/lj//ʎ//j/). [61]

VowelOnset glideExamples
/j//ɥ//w/
/a//ja//ɥa//wa/paillasse, Éluard, poire
/ɑ//jɑ//ɥɑ//wɑ/acartre, tuas, jouas
/ɑ̃//jɑ̃//ɥɑ̃//wɑ̃/vaillant, exténuant, Assouan
/e//je//ɥe//we/janvier, muer, jouer
/ɛ//jɛ//ɥɛ//wɛ/lierre, duel, mouette
/ɛ̃//jɛ̃//ɥɛ̃//wɛ̃/bien, juin, soin
/i//ji//ɥi//wi/yin, huile, ouïr
/o//jo//ɥo//wo/Millau, duo, statuquo
/ɔ//jɔ//ɥɔ//wɔ/Niort, quatuor, wok
/ɔ̃//jɔ̃//ɥɔ̃//wɔ̃/lion, tuons, jouons
/ø//jø//ɥø//wø/mieux, fructueux, boueux
/œ//jœ//ɥœ//wœ/antérieur, sueur, loueur
/œ̃/
/u//ju//wu/caillou, Wuhan
/y//jy/feuillu

Stress

Word stress is not distinctive in French, so two words cannot be distinguished based on stress placement alone. Grammatical stress is always on the final full syllable (syllable with a vowel other than schwa) of a word. Monosyllables with schwa as their only vowel ( ce , de , que , etc.) are generally clitics but otherwise may receive stress. [38]

The difference between stressed and unstressed syllables in French is less marked than in English. Vowels in unstressed syllables keep their full quality, regardless of whether the rhythm of the speaker is syllable-timed or mora-timed (see isochrony). [62] Moreover, words lose their stress to varying degrees when pronounced in phrases and sentences. In general, only the last word in a phonological phrase ( mot phonétique ) retains its full grammatical stress (on its last full syllable). [63]

Emphatic stress

Emphatic stress is used to call attention to a specific element in a given context such as to express a contrast or to reinforce the emotive content of a word. In French, this stress falls on the first consonant-initial syllable of the word in question. The characteristics associated with emphatic stress include increased amplitude and pitch of the vowel and gemination of the onset consonant, as mentioned above. [64] Emphatic stress does not replace, but occurs in tandem with, grammatical stress. [65]

For words that begin with a vowel, emphatic stress falls on the first syllable that begins with a consonant or on the initial syllable with the insertion of a glottal stop or a liaison consonant.

Intonation

French intonation differs substantially from that of English. [66] There are four primary patterns:

See also

Related Research Articles

A vowel is a syllabic speech sound pronounced without any stricture in the vocal tract. Vowels are one of the two principal classes of speech sounds, the other being the consonant. Vowels vary in quality, in loudness and also in quantity (length). They are usually voiced and are closely involved in prosodic variation such as tone, intonation and stress.

Unless otherwise noted, statements in this article refer to Standard Finnish, which is based on the dialect spoken in the former Häme Province in central south Finland. Standard Finnish is used by professional speakers, such as reporters and news presenters on television.

Sandhi is any of a wide variety of sound changes that occur at morpheme or word boundaries. Examples include fusion of sounds across word boundaries and the alteration of one sound depending on nearby sounds or the grammatical function of the adjacent words. Sandhi belongs to morphophonology.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Non-native pronunciations of English</span> Overview of English-learners pronunciation

Non-native pronunciations of English result from the common linguistic phenomenon in which non-native speakers of any language tend to transfer the intonation, phonological processes and pronunciation rules of their first language into their English speech. They may also create innovative pronunciations not found in the speaker's native language.

The phonology of Standard German is the standard pronunciation or accent of the German language. It deals with current phonology and phonetics as well as with historical developments thereof as well as the geographical variants and the influence of German dialects.

The phonology of Portuguese varies among dialects, in extreme cases leading to some difficulties in mutual intelligibility. This article on phonology focuses on the pronunciations that are generally regarded as standard. Since Portuguese is a pluricentric language, and differences between European Portuguese (EP), Brazilian Portuguese (BP), and Angolan Portuguese (AP) can be considerable, varieties are distinguished whenever necessary.

The Catalan phonology has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two standard varieties, one based on Central Eastern dialect and another one based on South-Western or Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects, as well as regional pronunciation differences.

English phonology is the system of speech sounds used in spoken English. Like many other languages, English has wide variation in pronunciation, both historically and from dialect to dialect. In general, however, the regional dialects of English share a largely similar phonological system. Among other things, most dialects have vowel reduction in unstressed syllables and a complex set of phonological features that distinguish fortis and lenis consonants.

In phonology, epenthesis means the addition of one or more sounds to a word, especially in the beginning syllable (prothesis) or in the ending syllable (paragoge) or in-between two syllabic sounds in a word. The opposite process, where one or more sounds are removed, is referred to as elision.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">R-colored vowel</span> Phonetic sound in some languages

An r-colored or rhotic vowel is a vowel that is modified in a way that results in a lowering in frequency of the third formant. R-colored vowels can be articulated in various ways: the tip or blade of the tongue may be turned up during at least part of the articulation of the vowel or the back of the tongue may be bunched. In addition, the vocal tract may often be constricted in the region of the epiglottis.

In phonetics, vowel reduction is any of various changes in the acoustic quality of vowels as a result of changes in stress, sonority, duration, loudness, articulation, or position in the word, and which are perceived as "weakening". It most often makes the vowels shorter as well.

Meridional French, also referred to as Francitan, is the regional variant of the French language spoken in the area of Marseille, Avignon and Toulouse. It is influenced by the Occitan language.

Dutch phonology is similar to that of other West Germanic languages, especially Afrikaans and West Frisian.

Hindustani is the lingua franca of northern India and Pakistan, and through its two standardized registers, Hindi and Urdu, a co-official language of India and co-official and national language of Pakistan respectively. Phonological differences between the two standards are minimal.

Nepali is the national language of Nepal. Besides being spoken as a mother tongue by more than 48% of the population of Nepal, it is also spoken in Bhutan and India. The language is recognized in the Nepali constitution as an official language of Nepal.

Hiw is an Oceanic language spoken on the island of Hiw, in the Torres Islands of Vanuatu. With about 280 speakers, Hiw is considered endangered.

This article explains the phonology of Malay and Indonesian based on the pronunciation of Standard Malay, which is the official language of Brunei and Singapore, "Malaysian" of Malaysia, and Indonesian the official language of Indonesia and a working language in Timor Leste. There are two main standards for Malay pronunciation, the Johor-Riau standard, used in Brunei and Malaysia, and the Baku, used in Indonesia and Singapore.

French exhibits perhaps the most extensive phonetic changes of any of the Romance languages. Similar changes are seen in some of the northern Italian regional languages, such as Lombard or Ligurian. Most other Romance languages are significantly more conservative phonetically, with Spanish, Italian, and especially Sardinian showing the most conservatism, and Portuguese, Romanian, Catalan, and Occitan showing moderate conservatism.

This article aims to describe the phonology and phonetics of central Luxembourgish, which is regarded as the emerging standard.

This article is about the phonology and phonetics of the West Frisian language.

References

  1. Map based on Trudgill (1974 :220)
  2. 1 2 3 Fougeron & Smith (1993), p. 79.
  3. 1 2 3 Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996), p. 192.
  4. Adams (1975), p. 288.
  5. 1 2 3 Fougeron & Smith (1993), p. 75.
  6. Phonological Variation in French: Illustrations from Three Continents, edited by Randall Scott Gess, Chantal Lyche, Trudel Meisenburg.
  7. Wells (1989), p. 44.
  8. Grevisse & Goosse (2011), §32, b.
  9. Grevisse & Goosse (2011), §33, b.
  10. Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 47.
  11. Berns (2013).
  12. 1 2 Detey et al. (2016), pp. 131, 415.
  13. Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 42.
  14. Fougeron & Smith (1993), pp. 74–75.
  15. Tranel (1987), pp. 149–150.
  16. Yaguello (1991), cited in Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006) , p. 51.
  17. Tranel (1987), p. 150.
  18. Tranel (1987), pp. 151–153.
  19. John C. Wells prefers the symbol /æ̃/, as the vowel has become more open in recent times and is noticeably different from oral /ɛ/:
  20. Walker (1984), pp. 51–60.
  21. Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), pp. 25–6.
  22. 1 2 3 4 Fougeron & Smith (1993), p. 73.
  23. 1 2 Lodge (2009), p. 84.
  24. 1 2 3 Collins & Mees (2013), p. 225.
  25. Morin (1986).
  26. Léon (1992), p. ?.
  27. Kalmbach, Jean-Michel (2011). "Phonétique et prononciation du français pour apprenants finnophones". Archived from the original on 10 March 2018. Retrieved 2 October 2016.
  28. "Some phoneticians claim that there are two distinct as in French, but evidence from speaker to speaker and sometimes within the speech of a single speaker is too contradictory to give empirical support to this claim".Casagrande (1984 :20)
  29. "Les Accents des Français". accentsdefrance.free.fr.
  30. Postériorisation du / a / Archived 2011-07-06 at the Wayback Machine
  31. 1 2 Tranel (1987), p. 64.
  32. "For example, some have the front [a] in casse 'breaks', and the back [ɑ] in tasse 'cup', but for others the reverse is true. There are also, of course, those who use the same vowel, either [a] or [ɑ], in both words".Tranel (1987 :48)
  33. 1 2 Fougeron & Smith (1993), p. 74.
  34. 1 2 3 Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 33-34.
  35. Hansen, Anita Berit (1998). Les voyelles nasales du français parisien moderne. Aspects linguistiques, sociolinguistiques et perceptuels des changements en cours (in French). Museum Tusculanum Press. ISBN   978-87-7289-495-9.
  36. Collins & Mees (2013), pp. 225–226.
  37. Oral articulation of nasal vowel in French
  38. 1 2 Anderson (1982), p. 537.
  39. Tranel (1987), p. 88.
  40. Lindsey, Geoff (15 January 2012). "Le FOOT vowel". English Speech Services. Retrieved 14 May 2016.
  41. Lindsey, Geoff (22 August 2012). "Rebooting Buttocks". English Speech Services. Retrieved 14 May 2016.
  42. Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 59.
  43. Timbre du schwa en français et variation régionale : un étude comparative retrieved 14 July 2013
  44. Tranel (1987), pp. 88–105.
  45. Casagrande (1984), pp. 228–29.
  46. Anderson (1982), pp. 544–46.
  47. Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006 :63) for [ e ], TLFi, s.v. appellation for [ɛ].
  48. Tranel (1987), pp. 98–99.
  49. Walker (1984), pp. 25–27.
  50. Tranel (1987), pp. 49–51.
  51. 1 2 Walker (2001), p. 46.
  52. Fagyal & Moisset (1999).
  53. Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 27.
  54. Torreira & Ernestus (2010).
  55. The [wa] correspond to orthographic oi, as in roi[ʁwa] ('king'), which contrasts with disyllabic troua[tʁu.a] ('[he] punctured').
  56. Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), pp. 37–39.
  57. Chitoran (2002), p. 206.
  58. Chitoran & Hualde (2007), p. 45.
  59. Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 39.
  60. Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006 :39). The words pays and abbaye are more frequently pronounced [pe.i] and [abe.i].
  61. Schane (1968), pp. 57–60.
  62. Mora-timed speech is frequent in French, especially in Canada, where it is very much the norm.[ citation needed ]
  63. Tranel (1987), pp. 194–200.
  64. Tranel (1987), pp. 200–201.
  65. Walker (2001), pp. 181–2.
  66. Lian (1980).

Sources