Singlish originated with the arrival of the British and the establishment of English language education in Singapore.[6] Elements of English quickly filtered out of schools and onto the streets, resulting in the development of a pidgin language[7] spoken by non-native speakers as a lingua franca used for communication between speakers of the many different languages used in Singapore. Singlish evolved mainly among the working classes who learned elements of English without formal schooling, mixing in elements of their native languages.[8] After some time, this new pidgin language, now combined with substantial influences from Peranakan, southern varieties of Chinese, Malay, and Tamil, became the primary language of the streets. As Singlish grew in popularity, children began to acquire Singlish as their native language, a process known as creolization. Through this process of creolization, Singlish became a fully-formed, stabilized and independent creole language, acquiring a more robust vocabulary and more complex grammar, with fixed phonology, syntax, morphology, and syntactic embedding.[9][10]
Like all languages, Singlish and other creole languages show consistent internal logic and grammatical complexity, and are used naturally by a group of people to express thoughts and ideas.[11] Due to its origins, Singlish shares many similarities with other English-based creole languages. As with many other creole languages, it is sometimes incorrectly perceived to be a "broken" form of the lexifier language - in this case, English.[12] Due in part to this perception of Singlish as "broken English", the use of Singlish is greatly frowned on by the government. In 2000, the government launched the Speak Good English Movement to eradicate Singlish,[13] although more recent Speak Good English campaigns are conducted with tacit acceptance of Singlish as valid for informal usage.[9] Several current and former Singaporean prime ministers have publicly spoken out against Singlish.[14][15][16] However, the prevailing view among contemporary linguists is that, regardless of perceptions that a dialect or language is "better" or "worse" than its counterparts, when dialects and languages are assessed "on purely linguistic grounds, all languages—and all dialects—have equal merit".[17][18][19]
In addition, there have been recent surges in the interest of Singlish internationally, sparking several national conversations. In 2016, Oxford English Dictionary (OED) announced that it has added 19 new "Singapore English" items such as "Hawker centre", "shiok" and "sabo" in both its online and printed versions. Several Singlish words had previously made it into the OED's online version, which launched in March 2000. Words such as "Lah" and "sinseh" were already included in OED's debut, while "kiasu" made it into the online list in March 2007.[20] Reactions were generally positive for this Singaporean identity to be recognized on a global level, and Singlish has been commonly associated with the country and is considered a unique aspect of Singaporean culture.[21][22]
Creole continuum
Singlish and English in Singapore exist along a creole continuum, ranging from standard English with local pronunciation on one end, to the most colloquial registers of Singlish on the other.[23]
After Singapore's independence in 1965, and successive "Speak Mandarin" campaigns,[24] a subtle language shift among the post-1965 generation became more and more evident as Malay idiomatic expressions were, and continued to be, displaced by idioms borrowed from Chinese spoken varieties, such as Hokkien.[citation needed]
The continuum runs through the following varieties:
Acrolectal: Acrolectal Singaporean English is very similar to Standard English as spoken in other English-speaking countries, with some differences in pronunciation.[25]
Mesolectal: An intermediate form between Standard English and basilectal Singlish. At this level, a number of features not found in standard English begin to emerge.[citation needed]
Basilectal: This is the most colloquial form of speech.[26] Here, one can find all of the unique phonological, lexical, and grammatical features of Singlish. Many of these features can be attributed to the influence of different Chinese varieties, Malay, and Indian languages such as Tamil, though some features appear to be innovations unique to Singlish. Both the basilect and mesolect are referred to as "Singlish".
Pidgin: This represents the first stage of development of the Singlish language,[7] before creolisation took place and solidified Singlish as a fully-formed creole. As with all pidgins, speakers of the pidgin form of Singlish speak another language as a first language and Singlish as a second language. However, since a substantial number of people today learn Singlish natively, the number of speakers at the "pidgin" level of Singlish is dwindling.[27] This is because by definition, a pidgin is not learned natively.
Since many Singaporeans can speak Standard English in addition to Singlish, code-switching can occur very frequently along the continuum. In addition, as many Singaporeans are also speakers of Chinese, Malay, or Indian languages such as Tamil or Hindi, code-switching between English and other languages also occurs dynamically.[citation needed]
Example
Each of the following means the same thing, but the basilectal and mesolectal versions incorporate some colloquial additions for illustrative purposes.
Basilect ("Singlish") Wah lau! This guy Singlish si beh hiong sia.
Mesolect This guy Singlish damn good leh.
Acrolect ("Standard") This person's Singlish is very good.
Usage in society
The Infocomm Media Development Authority's free-to-air TV code states that the use of Singlish is only permitted in interviews, "where the interviewee speaks only Singlish," but the interviewer must refrain from using it.[28] Despite this, in recent years the use of Singlish on television and radio has proliferated as localised Singlish continues to be popular among Singaporeans, especially in the 2 popular Singaporean local sitcomsUnder One Roof and Phua Chu Kang Pte Ltd.[9] Singlish is sometimes used by ordinary people in street interviews broadcast on TV and radio on a daily basis, as well as occasionally in newspapers.[29]
Although Singlish is officially discouraged in Singaporean schools, in practice, there is often some level of code-switching present in the classroom.[30][31] This is rather inevitable given that Singlish is the home language of many students, and many teachers themselves are comfortable with the variety.[30]
In many white-collar workplaces, Singlish is avoided in formal contexts, especially at job interviews, meetings with clients, presentations or meetings, where Standard English is preferred. Nevertheless, selected Singlish phrases are sometimes injected into discussions to build rapport or for a humorous effect, especially when the audience consists mainly of locals.[9]
In informal settings, such as during conversation with friends, or transactions in kopitiams and shopping malls, Singlish is used without restriction. For many students, using Singlish is inevitable when interacting with their peers, siblings, parents and elders.[9] Singapore humour writer Sylvia Toh Paik Choo was the first to put a spelling and a punctuation to Singlish in her books Eh Goondu (1982) and Lagi Goondu (1986), which are essentially a glossary of Singlish, which she terms 'Pasar Patois'. This is later followed by publishing of a few other Singlish books including Coxford Singlish Dictionary (2002) by Colin Goh, An Essential Guide to Singlish (2003) by Miel and The Three Little Pigs Lah (2013) by Casey Chen, and Spiaking Singlish: A companion to how Singaporeans Communicate (2017) by Gwee Li Sui.
In recent times, Singlish is considered by linguists to be an independent language with its own systematic grammar.[32] Linguists from universities around the world have referred to local productions to demonstrate to students how Singlish has become a unique language variety.[33] There have been recent surges in interest in Singlish usage, sparking national conversations. In 2016, Oxford English Dictionary (OED) announced that it has added 19 new "Singapore English" items such as ang moh, shiok and sabo in both its online and printed versions. Several Singlish words had previously made it into the OED's online version, which launched in March 2000. Words such as lah and sinseh were already included in OED's debut, while kiasu made it into the online list in March 2007.[34] Local celebrities were generally pleased for this Singaporean identity to be recognized on a global level.[35]
Phonology
Variation
Singlish pronunciation, while built on a base of British English, is heavily influenced by Malay, Hokkien and Cantonese. There are variations within Singlish, both geographically and ethnically. Chinese, Native Malays, Indians, Eurasians, and other ethnic groups in Singapore all have distinct accents,[36][37] and the accentedness depends on factors such as formality of the context[38] and language dominance of the speaker.[39]
Pronunciation of ⟨th⟩: As onset consonants, the dental fricatives–/θ/ and /ð/– often merge with /t/ and /d/, so three is pronounced like tree, and then like den.[41] As coda consonants (i.e., at the end of syllables), they are fronted to /f/ and /v/ respectively, so north is pronounced like norf, and bathe like bave.[42] The contrast is usually maintained in acrolectal speech, though even among educated speakers there is some variation.[43]
L-vocalisation: Word-final or preconsonantal /l/, as in mail–realised as a dark l in Received Pronunciation and American English–is often so velarised in Singlish that it approaches a highback vowel, e.g. sale[seɤ̯~seu̯]. The sound tends to be lost after the back vowels /ɔ,o,u/, and sometimes /ə/, which makes mall and more, wall and war, and Saul and sawhomophones.[45][46] This is not the case for some speakers with Tamil or Malay accents who may use clear or dark "l"s in these environments instead.[47]
Glottal stop insertion: A glottal stop[ʔ] may be inserted at the beginning of words starting with a vowel, as in German. As a result, final consonants do not experience liaison, i.e. run onto the next word. For example, "ran out of eggs" is realised as [ɹɛnʔau̯tʔɔfʔeks] for some speakers (compare General American[ɹɛən‿aʊɾ‿əv‿ɛɡz]), with glottal stops in lieu of null onsets. This contributes to what linguists have described as the 'staccato effect' of Singapore English.[49]
Glottal replacement: A glottal stop [ʔ] may replace final stop consonants (except /p,b/), especially in fast-paced speech: Goodwood Park becomes Gu'-wu' Pa'[ˈɡuʔˈwuʔˈpaʔ], exist is realised as [ɛʔˈzist], and there may be a glottal stop at the end of words like back and out.[50]
Final-obstruent devoicing: Word-finally, the distinction between voiced and voiceless sounds, i.e. /s/ – /z/, /t/ – /d/, etc., is sometimes not maintained. As a result, cease = seize/sis/ and race = raise/res/ for some speakers.[51]
Cluster reduction: Final consonant clusters may simplify, especially in fast speech.[52] In general, plosives, especially /t/ and /d/, are lost if they come after another consonant that is non-lateral, e.g. want = one/wan/, tact = tack/tɛk/. Additionally, /k/ may be deleted after /s/, e.g. flask/flas/.
Distinction between /l/ and /r/: While it may be believed that the distinction between /l/ and /r/ is not stable at the basilectal level, as TV personality Phua Chu Kang's oft-repeated refrain to "Use your blain!" (use your brain) and "'Don pray pray!'" (Don't play-play, i.e. Don't fool around) may seem to indicate, it is more of a self-deprecating, rather self-aware joke, like "died-ed".[citation needed] One might note, however, that both these examples involve initial consonant clusters (/bl/ and /pl/ respectively), and conflation of /l/ and /r/ is found less often when they are not part of a cluster.
Vowels
Broadly speaking, there is a one-to-many mapping of Singlish vowel phonemes to British Received Pronunciation vowel phonemes, with a few exceptions (as discussed below, with regard to egg and peg). The following describes a typical system.[41][53][54] There is generally no distinction between the non-close front monophthongs, so pet and pat are pronounced the same /pɛt/.[55]
At the acrolectal level, the merged vowel phonemes are distinguished to some extent. These speakers may make a distinction between the tense vowels /i,u/ (FLEECE, GOOSE) and the lax vowels /ɪ,ʊ/ (KIT, FOOT) respectively. Some speakers introduce elements from American English, such as pre-consonantal [ɹ] (pronouncing the "r" in bird, port, etc.).[56] This is caused by the popularity of American TV programming.[citation needed] Current estimates are that about 20 per cent of university undergraduates sometimes use this American-style pre-consonantal [ɹ] when reading a passage.[57]
Next–text split: For many speakers, some words, including leg and bed, have the raised vowel /e/, instead of /ɛ/.[58] This is not entirely predictable, as egg has a close vowel (so it rhymes with vague) while peg has an open vowel (and rhymes with tag); and similarly for most speakers bed has a close vowel (so it rhymes with made), while fed has a more open vowel (the same vowel as in bad). The word next has the raised vowel and does not rhyme with text.[59] Which vowel occurs in each word therefore appears in these cases not to be predictable. This is illustrated by the fact that red/red/ and read (past tense) /rɛd/ are not homophones in Singlish. This split only applies to the diaphoneme /ɛ/.
/ai/ remains /ai/ in Singlish, except when followed by /l/, in which case it is the monophthong /a/.
Examples of words that have idiosyncratic pronunciations: flour/fla/ (expected: /flau.ə/ = flower);[60] and their/ðja⁓dja/ (expected: /ðɛ⁓dɛ/ = there). Flour/flower and their/there are therefore not homophones in Singlish.
In general, Singlish vowels are tenser–there are no lax vowels (which RP has in pit, put, and so forth).
The vowels in words such as day/de/ and low/lo/ are pronounced with less glide than the comparable diphthongs in RP, so they can be regarded as monophthongs–i.e. vowels with no glide.[61][62]
Where other varieties of English have an unstressed /ə/, i.e. a reduced vowel, Singlish tends to use the full vowel based on orthography. This can be seen in words such as accept/ɛksɛp/, example/ɛ(k)sampəl/, purchase/pətʃes/, maintenance/mentɛnəns/, presentation/prizɛnteʃən/, and so on. However, this does not mean that the reduced vowel /ə/ never occurs, as about and again have /ə/ in their first syllable. It seems that the letter 'a' is often pronounced /ə/, but the letter 'o' usually has a full vowel quality, especially in the con- prefix (control, consider, etc.).[63] There is a greater tendency to use a full vowel in a syllable which is closed off with a final consonant, so a full vowel is much more likely at the start of absorb/ɛbzɔb/ than afford/əfɔd/.[64]
In loanwords from Hokkien that contain nasal vowels, the nasalisation is often kept–one prominent example being the moodparticlehor, pronounced [hõ˨].
Tone
Singlish is semi-tonal as words of Sinitic origin generally retain their original tones in Singlish.[65] On the other hand, original English words as well as words of Malay and Tamil origin are non-tonal.
Prosody
One of the most prominent and noticeable features of Singlish is its unique intonation pattern, which is quite unlike non-creole varieties of English.[66] For example:
Singlish is syllable-timed compared to most varieties of English, which are usually stress-timed.[67][68][69] This in turn gives Singlish a rather staccato feel.[70]
In words with lexical stress, the syllable bearing the highest pitch within a prosodic word is normally the rightmost one, regardless of underlying stress. Words with no stress (e.g. the) and unstressed initial syllables (e.g. undo) have a low tone. Every other syllable, including stressed ones, is assigned a mid tone. For example, the word redundant[ɹi˨ˈdan˧.dənt˦], which has lexical stress on the second syllable, is pronounced with a rising series of level tones. In compound words, e.g. watermelon[ˈwɔ˧.tə˦ˌmɛ˧.lən˦], tone assignment occurs individually in each constituent word (water and melon).[71] These patterns are well-established in Singapore English and do not apply to loanwords from Chinese with lexical tone.
There is a tendency to use a rise-fall tone to indicate special emphasis.[66] A rise-fall tone can occur quite often on the final word of an utterance, for example on the word cycle in "I will try to go to the park to cycle" without carrying any of the suggestive meaning associated with a rise-fall tone in British English.[72] In fact, a rise-fall tone may be found on as many as 21 per cent of declaratives, and this use of the tone can convey a sense of strong approval or disapproval.[73]
There is a lack of the de-accenting that is found in most dialects of English (e.g. British and American), so information that is repeated or predictable is still given full prominence.[74]
There is often an 'early booster' at the start of an utterance,[75] so an utterance like "I think they are quite nice and interesting magazines" may have a very high pitch occurring on the word think.[76]
There may be greater movement over individual syllables in Singlish than in other varieties of English. This makes Singlish sound as if it has the tones of Chinese, especially when speakers sometimes maintain the original tones of words that are borrowed into Singlish from Chinese.
Overall, the differences between the different ethnic communities in Singapore are most evident in the patterns of intonation, so for example Malay Singaporeans often have the main pitch excursion later in an utterance than ethnically Chinese and Indian Singaporeans.[77]
Generally, these pronunciation patterns are thought to have increased the clarity of Singlish communications between pidgin-level speakers in often noisy environments, and these features were retained in creolisation.
Grammar
The grammar of Singlish has been heavily influenced by other languages in the region, such as Malay and Chinese, with some structures being identical to ones in Chinese varieties. As a result, Singlish has acquired some unique features, especially at the basilectal level.[citation needed]
Topic prominence
Singlish is topic-prominent, like Chinese and Malay. This means that Singlish sentences often begin with a topic (or a known reference of the conversation), followed by a comment (or new information).[78][79][80] This contrasts with Standard English, which is subject-prominent and thus the semantic relationship between topic and comment is not as important there. In Singlish, nouns, verbs, adverbs, and even entire subject-verb-object phrases can all serve as the topic:
Topic-prominence in Singlish
Singlish
Standard English
Dis country weather very hot one.
The weather is very hot in this country.
Dat joker there cannot trust.
You cannot trust the person over there.
Tomorrow don't need bring camera.
You don't need to bring a camera tomorrow.
He play football also very good one leh.
He's very good at playing football too.
Walau, I want to eat chicken rice
Damn, I am craving some chicken rice.
I go bus-stop wait for you
I will be waiting for you at the bus-stop.
The above constructions can be translated analogously into Malay and Chinese, with little change to the word order.
The topic can be omitted when the context is clear, or shared between clauses. This results in constructions that appear to be missing a subject to a speaker of Standard English, and so called PRO-drop utterances may be regarded as a diagnostic feature of Singlish.[81] For example:
Omission of topic in Singlish
Singlish
Standard English
No good lah.
This isn't good.
Cannot anyhow go like dat one leh.
You/it can't just go like that.
How come never show up?
Why didn't you/he/it show up? (See the use of never in place of didn't under the "Past tense" section.)
I like badminton, dat's why I every weekend go play.
I play badminton every weekend because I like it.
He sick, so he stay home sleep lor.
He's not feeling well, so he decided to rest at home and sleep!
Nouns
Nouns are optionally marked for plurality. Articles are also optional.[82] For example:
He can play piano.
I like to read storybook.
Your computer got virus or not? – Does your computer have a virus?
This one ten cent only. – This one only costs 10 cents.
It is more common to mark the plural in the presence of a modifier that implies plurality, such as many or four.[83]
Many nouns which seem logically to refer to a countable item are used in the plural, including furniture and clothing.[84] Examples of this usage from corpus recordings are:
The zero copula is also found, although less frequently, as an equative between two nouns, or as a locative:
Dat one his wife lah. – That lady is his wife.[88]
Dis boy the class monitor. – This boy is the class monitor.
His house in Toa Payoh. – His house is in Toa Payoh.
In general, the zero copula is found more frequently after nouns and pronouns (except I, he, and she), and much less after a clause (what I think is...) or a demonstrative (this is...).
Past tense
Past tense marking is optional in Singlish. Marking of the past tense occurs most often in irregular verbs, as well as verbs where the past tense suffix is pronounced /ɪd/.[89] For example:
I went to Orchard Road yesterday.
He accepted in the end.
Due to consonant cluster simplification, the past tense is most often unmarked when it is pronounced as /t/ or /d/ at the end of a consonant cluster:[89]
He talk so long, never stop, I ask him also never.–'He talked for so long without stopping and wouldn't even stop when I asked him to.'
The past tense is more likely to be marked if the verb describes an isolated event (it is a punctual verb), and it tends to be unmarked if the verb in question represents an action that goes on for an extended period:[90]
When I young ah, I go school every day.
When he was in school, he always get good marks one.
Last night I mug so much, so sian already.–'Last night I studied so much that I became very tired.'
There seems also to be a tendency to avoid use of the past tense to refer to someone who is still alive:
Note in the final example that although the speaker is narrating a story, they probably use the present tense in the belief that the tour guide is probably still alive.
Action completion and change of state
Instead of the past tense, the completion of an action or a change of state can be expressed by adding already or liao[ljau˩] to the end of the sentence, analogous to the Chinese了 (le, Pe̍h-ōe-jī: liáu).[92] This is not the same as the past tense, as it does not cover past habitual or continuous occurrences. Instead, already and liao are markers of perfective and inchoative aspect, and can refer to real or hypothetical events in the past, present or future.
The frequent use of already (pronounced more like "oreddy" and sometimes spelt that way) in Singlish is probably a direct influence of the Hokkien liao particle.[93] For example:
Aiyah, cannot wait any more, must go already. (Oh dear, I cannot wait any longer. I must leave immediately.)
Ah Song kena sai already, then how? (Ah Song has gotten into trouble, what will you do (now)?)
Your ice cream melt already. (Your ice cream is starting to melt / has melted.)
Some examples of the direct use of liao:
He throw liao. (He has already thrown it away.)
I eat liao. (I ate or I have eaten.)
This new game, you play liao or not? (Have you played this new game yet?)
Negation works in general like English, with not added after to be, to have, or modals, and don't before all other verbs. Contractions (can't, shouldn't) are used alongside their uncontracted forms. However, due to final cluster simplification, the -t drops out from negative forms, and -n may also drop out after nasalising the previous vowel. This makes nasalisation the only mark of the negative.
I do/don't ([dõ]) want.–'I don't want to.'
Another effect of this is that in the verb can, its positive and negative forms are distinguished only by the vowel (aside from stress):
This one can /kɛn/ do lah.
This one can't /ˈkan/ do lah.
Also, never is used as a negative past tense marker, and does not have to carry the English meaning. In this construction, the negated verb is never put into the past-tense form:
How come today you never (=didn't) hand in homework?
How come he never (=didn't) pay just now?
Interrogative
In addition to the usual[which?] way of forming yes–no questions, Singlish uses two more constructions:
In a construction similar (but not identical) to Chinese A-not-A, or not is appended to the end of sentences to form yes/no questions. Or not cannot be used with sentences already in the negative:
You want this book or not?–Do you want this book?
Can or not?–Is this possible / permissible?
The phrase is it, appended to the end of sentences, forms yes–no questions.[94]Is it implies that the speaker is simply confirming something they have already inferred:
They never study, is it? (No wonder they failed!)
You don't like that, is it? (No wonder you had that face!)
Alamak, you guys never read newspaper is it?–"What? Haven't you guys ever read a newspaper?" (No wonder you aren't up to date!)
The phrase isn't it also occurs when the speaker thinks the hearer might disagree with the assertion.[83]
There are also many discourse particles (such as hah, hor, meh, and ar) used in questions. (See the "Discourse particles" section elsewhere in this article.)
Reduplication
Another feature strongly reminiscent of Chinese and Malay, verbs are often repeated (e.g. TV personality Phua Chu Kang's "don't pray-pray!" pray = play). In general verbs are repeated twice to indicate the delimitative aspect (that the action goes on for a short period), and three times to indicate greater length and continuity:[95]
You go ting ting a little bit, maybe den you get answer. ('Go and think over it for a while, and then you might understand.')
So what I do was, I sit down and I ting ting ting, until I get answer lor. ('So I sat down, thought, thought and thought, until I understood.')
The use of verb repetition also serves to provide a more vivid description of an activity:
Want to go Orchard walk walk see see (走走看看) or not? ('Let's go shopping/sightseeing at Orchard Road.')
Don't anyhow touch here touch there leh. ('Please don't mess with my things.')
In another usage reminiscent of Chinese, nouns referring to people can be repeated for intimacy.[96] Most commonly, monosyllabic nouns are repeated:
My boy-boy is going to Primary One oreddy. ('My son is about to enter Year/Grade/Standard One.')
We two fren-fren one. ('We are close friends.')
However, occasionally reduplication is also found with disyllabic nouns:
Adjectives of one or two syllables can also be repeated for intensification:
You go take the big-big one ah. ('Retrieve the larger item, please.')
You want a raise from this boss? Wait long long ah. ('It will never happen.')
Discourse particles
In Singlish, discourse particles are minimal lexemes (words) that occur at the end of a sentence and that do not carry referential meaning, but may relate to linguistic modality, register or other pragmatic effects. They may be used to indicate how the speaker thinks that the content of the sentence relates to the participants' common knowledge or change the emotional character of the sentence.
Particles are noted for keeping their tones regardless of the remainder of the sentence. Most of the particles are borrowed from southern Chinese varieties, with the tones intact.
Research on Singlish discourse particles have been many but varied, often focusing on analysing their functions in the sentences they appear in.[99]
Singlish phrases
Wah Lau / Walao
Wah lau ([wâlǎu]) is used as an interjection or exclamation at the beginning of a sentence, and it usually has a negative connotation. It is derived from a Hokkien or Teochew phrase that means 'my father' (我老), abbreviated form of "my father's" (我老的; góa lāu--ê).
Wah lau! I can't believe the teacher gave us so much work to do in such a tight deadline!
Kena
Kena ([kəna]or[kana]) can be used as an auxiliary to mark the passive voice in some varieties of Singlish.[100]
It is derived from a Malay word that means "to encounter or to come into physical contact",[101] and is only used with objects that have a negative effect or connotation. Verbs after kena may appear in the infinitive form (i.e. without tense) or as a past participle. It is similar in meaning to passive markers in Chinese, such as Hokkien 著; tio̍h or Mandarin 被; bèi:
He kena scold/scolded.–'He was scolded.'
Dun listen, later you kena punish/punished then you know.–'If you don't listen to me, you will be punished, after which you will know that you were wrong.'
Kena is not used with positive things:
*He kena praised.
*He kena lottery.
*He kena jackpot.
Use of kena as in the above examples will not be understood, and may even be greeted with a confused reply: "But strike lottery good wat!" ('But it's a good thing to win the lottery!'). However, when used in sarcasm, kena can be used in apparently positive circumstances, though with an ironic modicum of success, for example:
He kena jackpot, come back to school after so long den got so much homework! ('He received a lot of homework upon returning to school after a long absence.')
When the context is given, kena may be used without a verb to mean 'will be punished.'
Better do your homework, otherwise you kena. ('You will be punished unless you do your homework.')
Don't listen to me, later you kena.
Using another auxiliary verb with kena is perfectly acceptable as well:
From Hokkien 著; tio̍h, tio ([tiò]; pronounced with a low tone due to Hokkien tone sandhi) can be used interchangeably with kena in many scenarios. While kena is often used in negative situations, tio can be used in both positive and negative situations.
He tio cancer. ('He was diagnosed with cancer.')
He tio jackpot. ('He struck the jackpot.')
He tio lottery. ('He struck lottery.')
Tio fined lor, what to do? ('I got fined, couldn't help it.')
Tio has a lighter negative tone when used negatively, compared to kena.
Kena fined lor, what to do?
Tio fined lor, what to do?
Both mean the same, but kena makes the speaker sound more unhappy with the situation than tio.
Tio also sounds more sympathetic when talking about an unfortunate incident about someone close.
Her mum tio cancer. ('Her mum was diagnosed with cancer.')
Sad sia, so young tio cancer. ('How sad, he was diagnosed with cancer at such a young age.')
Using kena in the following might not be appropriate, as they seem impolite, as if the speaker is mocking the victim.
Her mum kena cancer.
He kena cancer.
One
The word one is used to emphasise the predicate of the sentence by implying that it is unique and characteristic. It is analogous to the use of particles like 嘅 (ge) or 㗎 (ga) in Cantonese, 啲 (e) in Hokkien, は (-wa) in Japanese, or 的 (de) in some dialects of Mandarin. One used in this way does not correspond to any use of the word one in Standard English. It might also be analysed as a relative pronoun, though it occurs at the end of the relative clause instead of the beginning (as in Standard English).[102]
Wah lau! So stupid one! – 'Oh my gosh! He's so stupid!'
I do everything by habit one. – 'I always do everything by habit.'
He never go school one. – 'He doesn't go to school (unlike other people).'
Is like that one. – 'It is how it is.'
Some bilingual speakers of Mandarin may also use 的 (de) in place of one.
The word then is often pronounced or written as den/dɛn/. When used, it represents different meanings in different contexts. In this section, the word is referred to as den.
i)Den can be synonymous with so or therefore. It is used to replace the Chinese grammatical particle 才; 纔; cái (see ii).
When it is intended to carry the meaning of therefore, it is often used to explain one's blunder/negative consequences. In such contexts, it is a translation from Chinese 所以. When used in this context, the den is prolonged twice the usual length in emphasis, as opposed to the short emphasis it is given when used to mean cái.
Never do homework den (two beats with shifts in tone sandhi, tone 2) indicating replacement of 所以) kena scold lor.
– 'I did not do my homework, that's why (therefore) I got a scolding'
Never do homework (pause) den (two beats with shifts in tone sandhi, tone 2) indicating replacement of 然后; 然後) kena scold lor.
– 'I did not do my homework; I got a scolding after that'
Never do homework den (one beat with no shift in tone sandhi, indicating 才) kena scold lor.
– 'It is only due to the fact that I did not do my homework that I was scolded.'
However, den cannot be freely interchanged with so.
The following examples are incorrect uses of den, which will sound grammatically illogical to a Singlish speaker:
I'm tired, den I'm going to sleep.
I'm late, den I'm going to take a taxi.
The reason for this is that den often marks a negative, non-volitional outcome (either in the future or the past), while the above sentences express volition and are set in the present. Consider the following examples:
I damn tired den langgar the car lor. – 'I was really tired, which is why I knocked into [that] car.'
I late den take taxi, otherwise don't take. – 'When I'm late, [only] then do I take a taxi; otherwise I don't take taxis.' = 'I only take a taxi when I'm late.' (see usage vi)
ii)Den is also used to describe an action that will be performed later. It is used to replace the Chinese particle 才; 纔; cái. When used in this context, the den is pronounced in one beat, instead of being lengthened to two beats as in (i).
If shortened, the meaning will be changed or incorrectly conveyed. For example, "I go home liao, den (two beats) call you" will imbue the subtext with a questionable sense of irony, a lasciviousness for seduction (three beats), or just general inappropriateness (random two beats indicating a Hong Kong comedy-influenced moleitou 無理頭 Singaporean sense of humour).
I go home liao den call you. – 'I will call you when I reach home'
Later den say. – 'We'll discuss this later'
iii)Den can be used at the beginning of a sentence as a link to the previous sentence. It often has the meaning "after that". In other cases, it carries a connotation of an exclamation.
We were doing everything fine, den he fuck everything up
I was at a park. Den hor, I was attacked by dinosaur leh!
I woke up at 10. Den boss saw me coming in late. So suay!
iv)Den can be used to return an insult/negative comment back to the originator. When used in such a way, there must first be an insult/negative comment from another party. In such contexts, it is a translation from the Chinese 才; 纔; cái.
A: You're so stupid!
B: You den stupid la – 'You're the stupid one'
A: You're late!
B: You den late lor. – 'You're the late one'
v) "Den?" can be used as a single-worded phrase. Even if den is used in a single-worded phrase, even with the same pronunciation, it can represent four different meanings. It can either be synonymous with "so what?", or it can be a sarcastic expression that the other party is making a statement that arose from his/her actions, or similarly an arrogant expression which indicating that the other party is stating the obvious, or it can be used as a short form for "what happened then?".
[Synonymous with "so what?"]
A: I slept at 4 last night leh...
B: Den?
[Sarcastic expression] Speakers tend to emphasise the pronunciation of 'n'.
Context: A is supposed to meet B before meeting a larger group but A is late for the first meeting
A: Late liao leh...
B: Dennn?
[Arrogant expression] Speakers have the option of using den in a phrase, as in "Ah bu den" or "Ah den". In this case it serves approximately the same purpose as 'duh' in American English slang.
A: Wah seh! You actually make this computer all by yourself ah?
B: Ah bu den!
[Ah, but then? (What happened after that?)]
A: I found $100 today...
B: Den what?
vi)Den can also indicate a conditional (an if-then condition), implying an omitted if/when:
I late den take taxi, otherwise dun take. – 'When I'm late, [only] then do I take a taxi; otherwise I don't take taxis.' = 'I only take a taxi when I'm late.'
You want to see Justin Bieber den go lah! – 'If you want to see Justin Bieber, then go [to the concert]!'
Oi originating from the Hokkien (喂, oe), is commonly used in Singlish, as in other English varieties, to draw attention or to express surprise or indignation. Some examples of the usage of Oi include:
Oi, you forgot to give me my pencil!
Oi! Hear me can!
Oi! You know how long I wait for you?!
Oi! Wake up lah!
As oi has connotations of disapproval, it is considered to be slightly offensive if it is used in situations where a more polite register is expected, e.g. while speaking to strangers in public, people in the workplace or one's elders.
Lah
The ubiquitous word lah (/lá/ or /lâ/), sometimes spelled as la and rarely spelled as larh, luh or lurh, is used at the end of a sentence.[103] It originates from the Chinese word (啦, POJ: lah) or the same word in Malay.[104] It simultaneously softens the force of an utterance and entices solidarity,[105] though it can also have the opposite meaning so it is used to signal power.[106] In addition, there are suggestions that there is more than one lah particle, so there may be a stressed and an unstressed variant[107] and perhaps as many as nine tonal variants, all having a special pragmatic function.[108]
In Malay, lah is used to change a verb into a command or to soften its tone, particularly when usage of the verb may seem impolite. To drink is minum, but 'Here, drink!' is minumlah!. Similarly, lah is frequently used with imperatives in Singlish:
Drink lah!–'Just drink!'
Lah also occurs frequently with yah and no (hence "Yah lah!" and "No lah!..."). This can, with the appropriate tone, result in a less-brusque declaration and facilitate the flow of conversation: "No more work to do, we go home lah!" However, if the preceding clause is already diminutive or jocular, suffixing it with -lah would be redundant and improper: one would not say "yep lah", "nope lah", or "ta lah" (as in the British ta for 'thank you').
Lah with a low tone might indicate impatience. "Eh, hurry up lah."
Lah is often used with brusque, short, negative responses:
I dun have lah!–'I just don't have any of that (which you were requesting)!'
Dun know oreddy lah!–'Argh, I don't know any more than what I told you!' or 'I give up trying to understand this!'
Lah is also used for reassurance:
Dun worry, he can one lah.–'Don't worry, he will be capable of doing it.'
Okay lah.–'It's all right. Don't worry about it.'
Lah is sometimes used to curse people
Go and die lah!
Lah can also be used to emphasise items in a spoken list, appearing after each item in the list.
Although lah can appear nearly anywhere, it does not appear with a yes–no question. Other particles are used instead:
He do that ah?
Later free or not?
Don't tell me he punch her ah?
Wat
The particle wat (/wàt/), also spelled what, is used to remind or contradict the listener,[109] especially when strengthening another assertion that follows from the current one:
But he very good at Maths wat.–'But he is very good at mathematics.' (Shouldn't you know this already, having known him for years?)
You never give me wat!–(It's not my fault, since) 'You didn't give it to me!' (Or else I would have gotten it, right?)
I never punch him wat!–(I did not punch him) 'I did not punch him!' (Or else I am the one, right?)
It can also be used to strengthen any assertion:[110]
The food there not bad wat. Can try lah.
This usage is noticeably characterised by a low tone on wat, and parallels the assertive Cantonese particle 嘛 in expressions like 冇錯嘛.
Mah
Mah (/má/), originating from Chinese (嘛, ma), is used to assert that something is obvious and final,[111] and is usually used only with statements that are already patently true. It is often used to correct or cajole, and in some contexts is similar to English's duh. This may seem condescending to the listener:
This one also can work one mah! – 'Can't you see that this choice will also work?'
He also know about it mah! – 'He knew about it as well, [so it's not my fault!]'
Lor
Lor (/lɔ́/), also spelled lorh or loh, from Chinese (囖/咯; lo1), is a casual, sometimes jocular way to assert upon the listener either direct observations or obvious inferences.[109] It also carries a sense of resignation, or alternatively, dismissiveness.[112] that "it happens this way and can't be helped":
If you don't do the work, then you die liao lor!–'If you don't do the work, then you're dead!'
Kay lor, you go and do what you want.–'Fine, go ahead and do what you want.'
Dun have work to do, den go home lor.–'If you're done working, you should go home.' (What are you waiting for?)
Ya lor.– Used when agreeing with someone
Leh
Leh (/lɛ́/or/lé/), from Chinese (咧; leh), is used to soften a command, request, claim, or complaint that may be brusque otherwise:
Gimme leh.–'Please, just give it to me.'
How come you don't give me leh?–'Why aren't you giving it to me?'
The ticket seriously ex leh.–'Argh, the tickets are really expensive.'
But I believe safe better than sorry leh.–'The thing is, I believe it's better to be safe than sorry.'
Why you never give up your seat leh?–
Especially when on a low tone, it can be used to show the speaker's disapproval:[110]
You call her walk there, very far leh. ('If you ask her to go there on foot, it will be a rather long distance.')
Hor
Hor (/hɔ̨̌/), from Hokkien (乎; hō͘), also spelled horh, is used to ask for the listener's attention and consent/support/agreement:[113] It is usually pronounced with a low tone.
Then hor, another person came out of the house.–'And then, another person came out of the house.'
This shopping center very nice hor?–'This shopping centre is very nice, isn't it?'
Oh yah hor! – 'Oh, yes!' (realising something)
Like that can hor? – 'So can it be done that way?'
Ar
Ar (/ǎ/), also spelled arh or ah, is inserted between topic and comment.[114] It often, but not always, gives a negative tone:
This boy ah, always so rude one!–'This boy is so rude!'
Ar (/ǎ/) with a rising tone is used to reiterate a rhetorical question:
How come like dat one ah?–'Why is it like that? / Why are you like that?'
Ar (/ā/) with a mid-level tone, on the other hand, is used to mark a genuine question that does require a response: (or not can also be used in this context):
Hah (/hǎ/), also spelled har, originating from the British English word huh or Hokkien (唅; hannh), is used to express disbelief, shock or used in a questioning manner.
Har? He really ponned class yesterday ar! – 'What? Is it true that he played truant (=ponteng, shortened to pon and converted into past tense, hence ponned) yesterday?'
Har? How come he tio caning? – 'What? How did he end up being caned?'
/siǎ/, spelled sia or siah, is used to express envy or emphasis. It is a derivative of the Malay vulgar word sial (derivative of the parent, used interchangeably but sometimes may imply a stronger emphasis). Originally, it is often used by Malay peers in informal speech between them, sometimes while enraged, and other times having different implications depending on the subject matter:
Kau ade problem ke ape, sial? – 'Do you have a problem or what?' (negative, enraged) Sial ah, Joe bawak iPad ni ari. – 'Whoa, Joe brought an iPad today.' (positive, envy) Takde lah sial. – 'No way, man.' or 'I don't have it, man.' (positive, neutral) Joe kene marah sial. – 'Joe got scolded, man.' (positive, emphasis)
Malays may also pronounce it without the l, not following the ia but rather a nasal aah. This particular form of usage is often seen in expressing emphasis. There is a further third application of it, in that a k is added at the end when it will then be pronounced saak with the same nasal quality only when ending the word. It is similarly used in emphasis.
However, Singlish itself takes influence only from the general expression of the term without any negative implication, and non-Malay speakers (or Malays speaking to non-Malays) pronounce it either as a nasal sia or simply siah:
He damn zai sia.–'He's damn capable.'
Wah, heng sia.–'Goodness me' (=Wahlau)! 'That was a close shave (=heng)!'
Nia, which originated from Hokkien, means 'only', mostly used to play down something that has been overestimated.
Anna: "I not so old lah, I 18 nia."
"Then you know" is a phrase often used at the end of a sentence or after a warning of the possible negative consequences of an action. Can be directly translated as "and you will regret not heeding my advice". Also a direct translation of the Chinese 你才知道; nǐ cái zhī dào.
Mother: "Ah boy, don't run here run there, wait you fall down then you know ah."
Aiyyo (also spelled aiyo): A state of surprise. Originally from Chinese 哎哟.
There is/there are and has/have are both expressed using got, so that sentences can be translated in either way back into British/American/Australasian English. This is equivalent to the Chinese 有; yǒu ('to have'):
Got question? 'Any questions? / Is there a question? / Do you have a question?'
Yesterday ah, Marina Bay Sands got so many people one! 'There were so many people at Marina Bay Sands yesterday. / Marina Bay Sands had so many people [there] yesterday.'
This bus got air-con or not? 'Is there air-conditioning on this bus? / Does this bus have air-conditioning?'
Where got!? Where is there [this]?, or less politely, 'There isn't/aren't any!'; also more loosely, 'What are you talking about?'; generic response to any accusation. Translation of the Malay mana ada? which has the same usage.
Can is used extensively as both a question particle and an answer particle. The negative is cannot.
Gimme can? 'Can you please give that to me?'
Can! 'Sure!'
Cannot. 'No way.'
Can can be repeated for greater emphasis or to express enthusiasm:
Boss: "Can you send me the report by this afternoon?" Employee: "Can, can!" ('No problem!')
The Malay word with the same meaning, boleh, can be used in place of can to add a greater sense of multiculturalism in the conversation. The person in a dominant position may prefer to use boleh instead:
Employee: "Boss, tomorrow can get my pay check or not?" Boss: "Boleh lah ..." ('sure/possibly')
The phrase like that is commonly appended to the end of the sentence to emphasize descriptions by adding vividness and continuousness. Due to its frequency of use, it is often pronounced lidat ([laɪˈdæt]):
He so stupid like that. – 'He really seems pretty stupid, you know.'
He acting like a one-year-old baby like that'. – He's really acting like a one-year-old baby, you know.'
Like that can also be used as in other Englishes:
Why he acting like that? – 'Why is he acting this way?'
If like that, how am I going to answer to the gong shi ting? – 'If that's the case, how am I going to answer to the board of directors?'
In British English, also is used before the predicate, while too is used after the predicative at the end of the sentence. In Singlish (also in American and Australian English), also (pronounced oso, see phonology section above) can be used in either position.
I oso like dis one. – 'I also like this one.'
I like dis one also. – 'I like this one too.'
Also is also used as a conjunction. In this case, "A also B" corresponds to "B although A". This stems from Chinese, where the words 也; yě, 还; hái or 都; dōu (meaning 'also', though usage depends on dialect or context) would be used to express these sentences.
I try so hard oso cannot do. ('I tried so hard, and still I can't do it.' or 'I can't do it even though I tried so hard.')
The order of the verb and the subject in an indirect question is the same as a direct question.
"Eh, you know where is he or not?" 'Excuse me, do you know where he is?'
Ownself is often used in place of yourself, or more accurately, yourself being an individual, in a state of being alone.
Har? He ownself go party yesterday for what? 'Why did he go to the party alone yesterday?'
Not all expressions with the -self pronouns should be taken literally, but as the omission of by:
Wah, hungry liao! You eat yourself, we eat ourself, can? ('Hey, I/you should be hungry by this time! Let's split up and eat. ([then meet up again]')
Some people have begun to add extra eds to the past tense of words or to pronounce ed separately, sometimes in a form of exaggeration of the past tense. Most of the time, the user uses it intentionally to mock proper English.
"Just now go and play game, character dieded siah!" 'When I played a game just now, my character died!'
An instance of a borrowing from Hokkien is kiasu, which means 'frightened of losing out',[115] and is used to indicate behaviour such as queueing overnight to obtain something; and the most common borrowing from Malay is makan, meaning 'to eat'.[116]
In many cases, words of English origin take on the meaning of their Chinese counterparts, resulting in a shift in meaning. This is most obvious in such cases as borrow/lend, which are functionally equivalent in Singlish and mapped to the same Hokkien word, 借 (chio), which can mean to lend or to borrow. ('Oi (from Southern Min, although Singaporeans spell it as oi), can borrow me your calculator?'); and send can be used to mean 'accompany someone', as in "Let me send you to the airport", possibly under the influence of the Hokkien word 送 (sang).[117] However, the Malay (meng)hantar can also be used to mean both 'send a letter' and 'take children to school',[118] so perhaps both Malay and Chinese have combined to influence the usage of 'send' in Singapore.[editorializing]
↑ Lambert, James. 2018. A multitude of ‘lishes’: The nomenclature of hybridity. English World-wide, 39(1): 30. DOI: 10.1075/eww.38.3.04lam
↑ Gupta, Anthea Fraser (1994) The Step-tongue: Children's English in Singapore, Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters, p. 35.
1 2 Ong, Kenneth Keng Wee (2017). "Textese and Singlish in multiparty chats". World Englishes. 36 (4): 5,17. doi:10.1111/weng.12245. Historically, Singlish has evolved from an English-based pidgin
↑ Wong, Theresa (6 August 2015). "The rise of Singlish". bbc.com. BBC News. Retrieved 27 December 2020. Singapore is known for its efficiency and Singlish is no different - it's colourful and snappy. You don't have a coffee - you "lim kopi". And if someone asks you to join them for a meal but you've already had dinner, you simply say: "Eat already." Singlish first emerged when Singapore gained independence 50 years ago, and decided that English should be the common language for all its different races. That was the plan. It worked out slightly differently though, as the various ethnic groups began infusing English with other words and grammar. English became the official language, but Singlish became the language of the street.
↑ Platt, John T. (1975) "The Singapore English Speech Continuum and Its Basilect 'Singlish' as a 'Creoloid'", Anthropological Linguistics, 17(7), 363–374.
↑ Gopinathan, S. (1998) "Language policy changes 1979–1997: Politics and pedagogy", in S. Gopinathan, Anne Pakir, Ho Wah Kam and Vanithamani Saravanan (eds.), Language, Society and Education in Singapore (2nd edn.), Singapore: Times Academic Press, pp. 19–44.
↑ Pakir, Anne (1991) "The range and depth of English-knowing bilinguals in Singapore", World Englishes, 10(2), 167–179.
↑ Gupta, Anthea Fraser (1992) "Contact features of Singapore Colloquial English". In Kingsley Bolton and Helen Kwok (eds.) Sociolinguistics Today: International Perspectives, London and New York: Routledge, pp. 323-345.
1 2 Foley, Joseph (2001) "Is English a first or second language in Singapore?", in Vincent B. Y. Ooi (ed.), Evolving Identities: The English Language in Singapore and Malaysia, Singapore: Times Academic Press, pp. 12-32.
↑ Deterding, David (1998) 'Approaches to Diglossia in the Classroom: The Middle Way. REACT, 2, 18-23.' (on-line version)
↑ Lim, L. (2000). Ethnic group differences aligned? Intonation patterns of Chinese, Indian and Malay Singaporean English. In A. Brown, D. Deterding, & E. L. Low (Eds.) The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, SAAL.
↑ Tan, Y. Y. (2010). Singing the same tune? Prosodic norming in bilingual Singaporeans. In M. Cruz Ferreira (Ed.) Multilingual norms. Frankfurt: Peter Lang.
↑ Deterding, D. & Poedjosoedarmo, G. (2000). To what extent can the ethnic group of young Singaporeans be identified from their speech? In A. Brown, D. Deterding, & E. L. Low (Eds.). The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, (pp. 1-9). Singapore: SAAL.
↑ Leimgruber, Jakob R. E. (2013). Singapore English: Structure, Variation, and Usage. Cambridge University Press. p.66.
1 2 3 Bao Zhiming (1998) 'The sounds of Singapore English'. In J. A. Foley et al. (eds.) English in New Cultural Contexts: Reflections from Singapore, Singapore: Singapore Institute of Management/Oxford University Press, pp. 152-174.
↑ Deterding, David (2007). Singapore English, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, p. 14
↑ Moorthy, Shanti Marion and Deterding, David (2000) 'Three or tree? Dental fricatives in the speech of educated Singaporeans.' In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (Eds.), The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 76-83.
↑ Deterding, David and Poedjosoedarmo, Gloria (1998) The Sounds of English: Phonetics and Phonology for English Teachers in Southeast Asia, Singapore: Prentice Hall, p. 157
↑ Tan, Kah Keong (2005) 'Vocalisation of /l/ in Singapore English'. In David Deterding, Adam Brown and Low Ee Ling (eds.) English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), pp. 43-53.
↑ Wee, Lian-Hee (2008). "Phonological patterns in the Englishes of Singapore and Hong Kong". World Englishes. 27 (3–4): 480–501. doi:10.1111/j.1467-971X.2008.00580.x.
↑ Low, Ee Ling and Brown, Adam (2005) English in Singapore: An Introduction, Singapore: McGraw-Hill, p. 142.
↑ Brown, Adam (1988) 'The staccato effect in the pronunciation of English in Malaysia and Singapore', in Foley (ed.) New Englishes: the Case of Singapore, Singapore: Singapore University Press.pp. 115–28.
↑ Brown, Adam and Deterding, David (2005) 'A checklist of Singapore English pronunciation features'. In David Deterding, Adam Brown and Low Ee Ling (eds.) English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), pp. 7-13.
↑ Deterding, David (2005) 'Emergent patterns in the vowels of Singapore English', English World-Wide, 26(2), 179–197.
↑ Gut, Ulrike (2005) 'The realisation of final plosives in Singapore English: phonological rules and ethnic differences'. In David Deterding, Adam Brown and Low Ee Ling (eds.), English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), pp. 14–25.
↑ Deterding, David and Poedjosoedarmo, Gloria (1998) The Sounds of English: Phonetics and Phonology for English Teachers in Southeast Asia, Singapore: Prentice Hall, p. 156.
↑ Deterding, David (2003) 'An instrumental study of the monophthong vowels of Singapore English', English World Wide; 24(1), 1–16.
↑ Suzanna Bet Hashim and Brown, Adam (2000) 'The [e] and [æ] vowels in Singapore English'. In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (eds.) The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 84-92.
↑ Poedjosoedarmo, Gloria (2000) 'The media as a model and source of innovation in the development of Singapore Standard English’. In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (eds.), The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 112–120.
↑ Deterding, David (2007). 'The Vowels of the Different Ethnic Groups in Singapore'. In David Prescott (ed.fg), English in Southeast Asia: Literacies, Literatures and Varieties. Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Press, pp. 2–29.
↑ Tay Wan Joo, Mary (1982) 'The phonology of educated Singapore English', English World-Wide, 3(2), 135–45.
↑ Deterding, David (2005) 'Emergent patterns in the vowels of Singapore English', English World-Wide, 26(2), 179–97.
↑ Lim, Siew Siew and Low, Ee Ling (2005) 'Triphthongs in Singapore English'. In David Deterding, Adam Brown and Low Ee Ling (eds.) English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), pp. 64–73.
↑ Deterding, David (2000) 'Measurements of the /eɪ/ and /oʊ/ vowels of young English speakers in Singapore'. In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (eds.), The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 93-99.
↑ Lee, Ee May and Lim, Lisa (2000) 'Diphthongs in Singaporean English: their realisations across different formality levels, and some attitudes of listeners towards them'. In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (eds.), The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 100-111.
↑ Heng, Mui Gek and Deterding, David (2005) 'Reduced vowels in conversational Singapore English'. In David Deterding, Adam Brown and Low Ee Ling (eds.) English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), pp. 54–63.
↑ Deterding, David (2006) 'Reduced vowels in SE Asia: should we be teaching them?', SOUTHEAST ASIA: A Multidisciplinary Journal, 6 (1), 71-78.(on-line version)
1 2 Deterding, David (1994) 'The intonation of Singapore English', Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 24(2), 61–72.
↑ Low Ee Ling, Grabe, Esther and Nolan, Francis (2000) 'Quantitative characterisations of speech rhythm: syllable-timing in Singapore English', Language and Speech, 43, 377–401.
↑ Deterding, David (2001) 'The Measurement of Rhythm: A Comparison of Singapore and British English', Journal of Phonetics, 29 (2), 217–230.
↑ Ong Po Keng, Fiona, Deterding, David and Low Ee Ling (2007) 'Rhythm in Singapore and British English: a comparison of indexes'. In David Deterding, Adam Brown and Low Ee Ling (eds. 2005), English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), pp. 74–85.
↑ Brown, Adam (1988) 'The staccato effect in the pronunciation of English in Malaysia and Singapore'. In Foley (ed.) New Englishes: the Case of Singapore, Singapore: Singapore University Press, pp. 115–128.
↑ Ng, E-Ching (1 March 2012). "Chinese meets Malay meets English: origins of Singaporean English word-final high tone". International Journal of Bilingualism. 16 (1): 83–100. doi:10.1177/1367006911403216. S2CID144346839.
↑ Deterding, David (2007) Singapore English, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, p. 37.
↑ Lim, Lisa (2004) 'Sounding Singaporean'. In Lisa Lim (ed.) Singapore English: A Grammatical Description, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 20-56.
↑ Levis, John M. (2005) 'Prominence in Singapore and American English: evidence from reading aloud'. In David Deterding, Adam Brown and Low Ee Ling (eds. 2005), English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), pp. 86–94.
↑ Low, Ee Ling (2000) 'A comparison of the pitch range of Singapore English and British English speakers'. In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (eds. 2000) The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 46–52.
↑ Deterding, David (2007) Singapore English, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, p. 35.
↑ Lim, Lisa (2000) 'Ethnic group differences aligned? Intonation patterns of Chinese, Indian and Malay Singapore English'. In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (eds. 2000) The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 10-21.
↑ Tan, Ludwig (2003) 'Topic prominence and null arguments in Singapore Colloquial English'. In David Deterding, Low Ee Ling and Adam Brown (Eds.) English in Singapore: Research on Grammar, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 1-10.
↑ Tan, Ludwig (2007) Null Arguments in Singapore Colloquial English. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cambridge.
↑ Leong, Alvin (2003) Subject omission in Singapore Colloquial English. In David Deterding, Low Ee Ling and Adam Brown (Eds.) English in Singapore: Research on Grammar, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 11-21.
↑ Gupta, Anthea Fraser (1994) The Step-tongue: Children's English in Singapore, Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters, pp. 10-11.
↑ Wee, Lionel and Ansaldo, Umberto (2004) 'Nouns and noun phrases'. In Lisa Lim (ed.) Singapore English: A Grammatical Description, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 57-74.
1 2 Alsagoff, Lubna and Ho, Chee Lick (1998) 'The grammar of Singapore English'. In J. A. Foley et al. (eds.) English in New Cultural Contexts: Reflections from Singapore, Singapore: Singapore Institute of Management/Oxford University Press, pp. 201-217.
↑ Brown, Adam (1999) Singapore English in a Nutshell, Singapore: Federal, pp. 62, 63
↑ Deterding, David (2007) Singapore English, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, p. 42.
1 2 Platt, John and Weber, Heidi (1980) English in Singapore and Malaysia: Status, Features, Functions, Singapore: Oxford University Press, p. 31.
↑ Fong, Vivienne (2004) 'The verbal cluster'. In Lisa Lim (ed.) Singapore English: A Grammatical Description, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 75-104.
↑ Platt, John and Weber, Heidi (1980) English in Singapore and Malaysia: Status, Features, Functions, Singapore: Oxford University Press, p. 32.
1 2 Platt, John and Weber, Heidi (1980) English in Singapore and Malaysia: Status, Features, Functions, Singapore: Oxford University Press, p. 88.
↑ Platt, John and Weber, Heidi (1980) English in Singapore and Malaysia: Status, Features, Functions, Singapore: Oxford University Press, p. 87.
↑ Deterding, David (2003) 'Tenses and will/would in a corpus of Singapore English'. In David Deterding, Low Ee Ling and Adam Brown (eds.) English in Singapore: Research on Grammar, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), p 34.
↑ Bao Zhiming, (1995) 'Already in Singapore English', World Englishes, 14(2), 181-188.
↑ Alsagoff, Lubna (2001) 'Tense and aspect in Singapore English'. In Vincent B. Y. Ooi (ed.) Evolving Identities: The English Language in Singapore and Malaysia, Singapore: Times Academic Press, pp. 79-88.
↑ Brown, Adam (1999) Singapore English in a Nutshell, Singapore: Federal, pp. 116-117.
↑ Ansaldo, Umberto (2004) 'The evolution of Singapore English', in Lisa Lim (ed.) Singapore English: A Grammatical Description, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 127-149.
↑ Wee, Lionel (2004) 'Reduplication and discourse particles', in Lisa Lim (ed.) Singapore English: A Grammatical Description, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 105-126.
↑ Lim, Choon Yeoh and Wee, Lionel (2001) 'Reduplication in Colloquial Singapore English'. In Vincent B. Y. Ooi (ed.) Evolving Identities: The English Language in Singapore and Malaysia, Singapore: Times Academic Press, pp. 89-101.
↑ Deterding, David (2007) Singapore English, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, p. 55.
↑ Wee, Lionel. "Lor in colloquial Singapore English". Journal of Pragmatics, 2002, p. 711
↑ Wee, Lionel (2004) 'Singapore English: morphology and syntax'. In Bernd Kortmann, Kate Burridge, Rajend Mesthrie, Edgar W. Schneider and Clive Upton (eds.) A Handbook of Varieties of English. Volume 2: Morphology and Syntax, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 1058–72.
↑ Bao Zhiming and Wee, Lionel (1999) 'The passive in Singapore English', World Englishes, 18 (1), 1-11.
↑ Alsagoff, Lubna (1995) 'Colloquial Singapore English: the relative clause construction', in Teng Su Ching and Ho Mian Lian (eds.) The English Language in Singapore: Implications for Teaching, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 77–87.
↑ Wee, Lionel (2004) 'Reduplication and discourse particles', in Lisa Lim (ed.) Singapore English: A Grammatical Description, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 105-126
↑ Deterding, David (2007) Singapore English, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, p. 71.
↑ Richards, Jack C. and Tay, Mary W. J. (1977) 'The la particle in Singapore English', in William Crewe (ed.), The English Language in Singapore, Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, pp. 141–156.
↑ Bell, Roger and Ser Peng Quee, Larry (1983) '"Today la?" "Tomorrow lah!" The LA particle in Singapore English', RELC Journal, 14(2), 1–18.
↑ Kwan-Terry, Anna (1978) 'The meaning and the source of the "la" and the "what" particles in Singapore English', RELC Journal, 9(2), 22–36.
↑ Loke Kit Ken and Low, Johna M. Y. (1988) 'A proposed descriptive framework for the pragmatic meanings of the particle LA in colloquial Singaporean English', Asian-Pacific Papers: Applied Linguistics of Australia Occasional Papers, 2, 150–61.
1 2 Wee, Lionel (2004) 'Singapore English: morphology and syntax'. In Bernd Kortmann, Kate Burridge, Rajend Mesthrie, Edgar W. Schneider and Clive Upton (eds.) A Handbook of Varieties of English. Volume 2: Morphology and Syntax, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 1058–1072.
1 2 Platt, John and Ho, Mian Lian (1989) 'Discourse particles in Singaporean English', World Englishes, 8 (2), 215-221.
↑ Low Ee Ling and Brown, Adam (2005) English in Singapore: An Introduction, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), p. 179.
↑ Low Ee Ling and Brown, Adam (2005) English in Singapore: An Introduction, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), p. 178.
↑ Low ee Ling and Brown, Adam (2005) English in Singapore: An Introduction, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), p. 177.
↑ Deterding, David and Low Ee Ling (2003) 'A corpus-based description of particles in spoken Singapore English'. In David Deterding, Low Ee Ling and Adam Brown (eds.) English in Singapore: Research on Grammar, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), pp. 58-66.
↑ Brown, Adam (1999) Singapore English in a Nutshell. Singapore: Federal, pp. 123 & 135.
↑ Deterding, David (2000) 'Potential influences of Chinese on the written English of Singapore'. In Adam Brown (Ed.) English in Southeast Asia 99: Proceedings of the Fourth 'English in Southeast Asia' Conference, Singapore, National Institute of Education, pp. 201-209. (on-line version)
Fasold, Ralph W.; Connor-Linton, Jeff (2006). An Introduction to Language and Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-84768-1.
Wardhaugh, Ronald (2002), "Pidgins and Creoles", An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (fourthed.), Blackwell Publishing, pp.57–86
Further reading
Brown, Adam (1999). Singapore English in a Nutshell: An Alphabetical Description of its Features. Singapore: Federal Publications. ISBN981-01-2435-X.
Crewe, William (ed. 1977) The English Language in Singapore. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press.
Deterding, David (2007). Singapore English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ISBN978-0-7486-2545-1.
Deterding, David, Brown, Adam and Low Ee Ling (eds. 2005) English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus. Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia). ISBN0-07-124727-0.
Deterding, David, Low Ee Ling and Brown, Adam (eds. 2003) English in Singapore: Research on Grammar. Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia). ISBN0-07-123103-X.
Deterding, David and Hvitfeldt, Robert (1994) 'The Features of Singapore English Pronunciation: Implications for Teachers', Teaching and Learning, 15 (1), 98-107. (on-line version)
Deterding, David and Poedjosoedarmo, Gloria (2001) The Grammar of English: Morphology and Syntax for English Teachers in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Prentice Hall. (Chapter 19: Singapore English). ISBN0-13-093009-1.
Foley, Joseph (ed. 1988) New Englishes: the Case of Singapore, Singapore: Singapore University Press.
Foley, J. A., T. Kandiah, Bao Zhiming, A.F. Gupta, L. Alsagoff, Ho Chee Lick, L. Wee, I. S. Talib and W. Bokhorst-Heng (eds. 1998) English in New Cultural Contexts: Reflections from Singapore. Singapore: Singapore Institute of Management/Oxford University Press. ISBN0-19-588415-9.
Gopinathan, S., Pakir, Anne, Ho Wah Kam and Saravanan, Vanithamani (eds. 1998) Language, Society and Education in Singapore (2nd edition), Singapore: Times Academic Press.
Gupta, Anthea Fraser (1992) 'Contact features of Singapore Colloquial English'. In Kingsley Bolton and Helen Kwok (eds.) Sociolinguistics Today: International Perspectives, London and New York: Routledge, pp.323–45.
Gupta, Anthea Fraser (1994). The Step-Tongue: Children's English in Singapore. Clevedon, UK: Multimedia Matters. ISBN1-85359-229-3.
Ho, Mian Lian and Platt, John Talbot (1993). Dynamics of a contact continuum: Singapore English. Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN0-19-824828-8.
Lim, Lisa (ed. 2004). Singapore English: a grammatical description. Amsterdam; Philadelphia: John Benjamins. ISBN1-58811-576-3.
Low, Ee Ling and Brown, Adam (2005) English in Singapore: An Introduction. Singapore: McGraw-Hill.
Melcher, A. (2003). Unlearning Singlish: 400 Singlish-isms to avoid. Singapore: Andrew Melcher Pte. Ltd. ISBN981-04-8952-8
Newbrook, Mark (1987). Aspects of the syntax of educated Singaporean English: attitudes, beliefs, and usage. Frankfurt am Main; New York: P. Lang. ISBN3-8204-9886-9.
Ooi, Vincent B. Y. (ed. 2001) Evolving Identities: the English Language in Singapore. Singapore: Times Academic. ISBN981-210-156-X.
Pakir, Anne (1991) ‘The range and depth of English-knowing bilinguals in Singapore’, World Englishes, 10(2), 167–79.
Platt, John Talbot and Weber, Heidi (1980). English in Singapore: status, features, functions. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. ISBN0-19-580438-4.
Shelley, R., Beng, K.-S., & Takut bin Salah. (2000). Sounds and sins of Singlish, and other nonsense. Kuala Lumpur: Times Books International. ISBN981-204-392-6
Tongue, R. K. (1979) The English of Singapore and Malaysia (2nd edition). Singapore: Eastern Universities Press.
VJ Times Editorial Team. (2000). Singlish to English: basic grammar guide. Singapore: VJ Times. ISBN981-221-161-6
Wee, Lionel (2004) 'Singapore English: Phonology'. In Edgar W. Schneider, Kate Burridge, Bernd Kortmann, Rajend Mesthrie and Clive Upton (eds.) A Handbook of Varieties of English. Volume 1: Phonology, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp.1017–33.
Wee, Lionel (2004) 'Singapore English: morphology and syntax'. In Bernd Kortmann, Kate Burridge, Rajend Mesthrie, Edgar W. Schneider and Clive Upton (eds.) A Handbook of Varieties of English. Volume 2: Morphology and Syntax, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp.1058–72.
Wong, J. O. (2001). The natural semantic metalanguage approach to the universal syntax of the Singlish existential primitive. CAS research paper series, no. 30. Singapore: Centre for Advanced Studies, National University of Singapore. ISBN981-04-3817-6
Manglish is an informal form of Malaysian English with features of an English-based creole principally used in Malaysia. It is heavily influenced by the main languages of the country, Malay, Tamil, and varieties of Chinese. It is not one of the official languages spoken in Malaysia.
Malaysian English (MyE), formally known as Malaysian Standard English (MySE), is a form of English used and spoken in Malaysia. While Malaysian English can encompass a range of English spoken in Malaysia, some consider it to be distinct from the colloquial form commonly called Manglish.
Singapore English is the set of varieties of the English language native to Singapore. In Singapore, English is spoken in two main forms: Singaporean Standard English, which is indistinguishable grammatically from British English, and Singaporean Colloquial English, which is better known as Singlish.
The Speak Good English Movement (SGEM) is a Singapore Government campaign to "encourage Singaporeans to speak grammatically correct English that is universally understood". It was launched by then-Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong on 29 April 2000. The purpose was to ensure that Singaporeans recognise the importance of speaking Standard English and to encourage its usage. It is seen as a measure to counter the usage of Singapore Colloquial English, known as Singlish.
Isochrony is the postulated rhythmic division of time into equal portions by a language. Rhythm is an aspect of prosody, others being intonation, stress, and tempo of speech.
Penang Hokkien is a local variant of Hokkien spoken in Penang, Malaysia. It is spoken natively by 63.9% of Penang's Chinese community, and also by some Penangite Indians and Penangite Malays.
In addition to its classical and modern literary form, Malay had various regional dialects established after the rise of the Srivijaya empire in Sumatra, Indonesia. Also, Malay spread through interethnic contact and trade across the south East Asia Archipelago as far as the Philippines. That contact resulted in a lingua franca that was called Bazaar Malay or low Malay and in Malay Melayu Pasar. It is generally believed that Bazaar Malay was a pidgin, influenced by contact among Malay, Hokkien, Portuguese, and Dutch traders.
Teochew, also known as Teo-Swa, is a Southern Min language spoken by the Teochew people in the Chaoshan region of eastern Guangdong and by their diaspora around the world. It is sometimes referred to as Chiuchow, its Cantonese rendering, due to English romanization by colonial officials and explorers. It is closely related to Hokkien, as it shares some cognates and phonology with Hokkien.
The languages of Singapore are English, Chinese, Malay and Tamil, with the lingua franca between Singaporeans being English, the de facto main language. Singaporeans often speak Singlish among themselves, an English creole arising from centuries of contact between Singapore's internationalised society and its legacy of being a British colony. Linguists formally define it as Singapore Colloquial English. A multitude of other languages are also used in Singapore. They consist of several varieties of languages under the families of the Austronesian, Dravidian, Indo-European and Sino-Tibetan languages. The Constitution of Singapore states that the national language of Singapore is Malay. This plays a symbolic role, as Malays are constitutionally recognised as the indigenous peoples of Singapore, and it is the government's duty to protect their language and heritage.
Singlish is the English-based creole or patois spoken colloquially in Singapore. English is one of Singapore's official languages, along with Malay, Mandarin, and Tamil. Although English is the lexifier language, Singlish has its unique slang and syntax, which are more pronounced in informal speech. It is usually a mixture of English, Hokkien, Cantonese, Malay, and Tamil, and sometimes other Chinese languages like Teochew, Hainanese, Hakka, Hockchew, and Mandarin. For example, pek chek means to be annoyed or frustrated, and originates from Singaporean Hokkien 迫促. It is used in casual contexts between Singaporeans, but is avoided in formal events when certain Singlish phrases may be considered unedifying. Singapore English can be broken into two subcategories: Standard Singapore English (SSE) and Colloquial Singapore English (CSE) or Singlish as many locals call it. The relationship between SSE and Singlish is viewed as a diglossia, in which SSE is restricted to be used in situations of formality where Singlish/CSE is used in most other circumstances.
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Singaporean Mandarin is a variety of Mandarin Chinese spoken natively in Singapore. Mandarin is one of the four official languages of Singapore along with English, Malay and Tamil.
Singaporean Hokkien is a local variety of the Hokkien language spoken natively in Singapore. Within Chinese linguistic academic circles, this dialect is known as Singaporean Ban-lam Gu. It bears similarities with the Amoy spoken in Amoy, now better known as Xiamen, as well as Taiwanese Hokkien which is spoken in Taiwan.
Colloquial Singaporean Mandarin, commonly known as Singdarin or Singnese, is a Mandarin dialect native and unique to Singapore similar to its English-based counterpart Singlish. It is based on Mandarin but has a large amount of English and Malay in its vocabulary. There are also words from other Chinese languages such as Cantonese, Hokkien and Teochew as well as Tamil. While Singdarin grammar is largely identical to Standard Mandarin, there are significant divergences and differences especially in its pronunciation and vocabulary.
Hokkien is a variety of the Southern Min languages, native to and originating from the Minnan region, in the southeastern part of Fujian in southeastern mainland China. It is also referred to as Quanzhang, from the first characters of the urban centers of Quanzhou and Zhangzhou.
The Brunei Malay language, also called Bruneian Malay language, is the most widely spoken language in Brunei and a lingua franca in some parts of Sarawak and Sabah, such as Labuan, Limbang, Lawas, Sipitang and Papar. Though Standard Malay is promoted as the official national language of Brunei, Brunei Malay is socially dominant and it is currently replacing the minority languages of Brunei, including the Dusun and Tutong languages, existing in a diglossic speech, wherein Brunei Malay is commonly used for daily communication, coexisting with the aforementioned regional languages and Malay creoles, and standard Malay used in formal speech; code switching between standard Malay and Brunei Malay is spoken in informal speech as a lingua franca between Malay creoles and regional languages. It is quite similar to Standard Malay to the point of being almost mutually intelligible with it, being about 84% cognate with standard Malay. Standard Malay is usually spoken with Brunei pronunciation.
Standard Singaporean Mandarin is the standard form of Singaporean Mandarin. It is used in all official Chinese media, including all television programs on Channel 8 and Channel U, various radio stations, as well as in Chinese lessons in all Singapore government schools. The written form of Chinese used in Singapore is also based on this standard. Standard Singaporean Mandarin is also the register of Mandarin used by the Chinese elites of Singapore and is easily distinguishable from the Colloquial Singaporean Mandarin spoken by the general populace.
In Singapore, language planning is associated with government planning. In this top-down approach, the government influences the acquisition of languages and their respective functions within the speech community through the education system. Language planning aims to facilitate effective communication within the speech community, which can result in a language shift or language assimilation. The goals of language planning are very much dependent on the political and social forces present in Singapore during two distinct periods: Colonisation by the British and the Post-Independence period after 1965.
Brunei English is a regional dialect of English that is widely spoken in Brunei Darussalam, even though the national language is Malay. Although the lingua franca in the country is generally the local dialect of Malay, all educated people are proficient in English, as it has been the medium of instruction from the fourth year of primary school since 1985.
In sociolinguistics, covert prestige is a type of scenario in which nonstandard languages or dialects are regarded to be of high linguistic prestige by members of a speech community. This is in contrast to the typical case of linguistic prestige, wherein only the standard varieties of a speech community are considered prestigious.
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