The Putumayo genocide (Spanish: genocidio del Putumayo) refers to the severe exploitation and subsequent ethnocide of the indigenous population in the Putumayo region.
Putumayo genocide | |
---|---|
Part of the Amazon rubber boom | |
![]() Huitoto natives in conditions of slavery | |
Location | Colombia and Peru |
Date | 1879 | – 1912
Attack type | Slavery, genocidal rape, torture, crimes against humanity |
Deaths | 32,000[1] to 40,000+[2][3][4] |
Perpetrators | Peruvian Amazon Company |
The booms of raw materials incentivized the exploration and occupation of uncivilized land in the Amazon by several South American countries, gradually leading to the subjugation of the local tribes in the pursuit of rubber extraction. The genocide was primarily perpetrated by the Peruvian Amazon Company during the Amazon rubber boom from 1879 to 1912, under the leadership of its general manager, the Peruvian entrepreneur Julio César Arana. Arana's company, along with Benjamín Larrañaga, first enslaved the native population and subjected them to dreadful brutality.
The company made the indigenous work under deteriorated conditions, which led to mass death as well as extreme punishment. The main figures of the company, including Elías Martinengui, Andrés O'Donnell, and the Rodríguez brothers, committed mass starvation, torture, and killings. The company educated a group of native males—Muchachos de Confianza—in policing their fellow men and torturing them.
Nine in every ten targeted Amazonian populations were destroyed in the Putumayo genocide. The company continued its work even after 215 arrest warrants were issued against its workers in 1911. The dissolution of the company did not stop it from providing Arana and his partners with means to subjugate the native population of the Putumayo region. Although the genocide is of great historical significance, it remains relatively unknown. Eyewitness accounts by Walter Ernest Hardenburg and Roger Casement brought the atrocities to global attention.
Background
editThe Cinchona boom[2] and the beginning of the Amazon rubber boom in 1879 encouraged exploration and settlement of uncolonized land between Brazil, Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia.[5] Rafael Reyes carried out one of the first main expeditions in the Putumayo River basin in 1874 in search of Cinchona pubescens,[6] a plant that produces quinine.[7][8][a]
Reyes operated in the Putumayo between 1874 and 1884[9] and stationed his headquarters at La Sofia, the furthest point of navigation for steamboats on the Upper Putumayo River.[10][11][12] Members of this expedition later returned to the region, noting the abundance of rubber trees and indigenous tribes to potentially use as a workforce. Between 1884 and 1895, a wave of new people sought to exploit these resources; these people included Calderón Hermanos, Crisóstomo Hernández, and Benjamin Larrañaga,[13][14] the latter two being Colombians and veterans of Reyes' 1874 expedition.[15]
Benjamin Larrañaga and Hernández set up operations on the Igara Paraná River at a settlement that became known as La Chorrera.[b] A group of Colombians led by Rafael Tobar, Aquiléo Torres, and Cecilio Plata initiated a campaign of conquest against natives in the areas that later became known as Entre Rios, Atenas, and La Sabana.[18] Afterwards, Gregorio Calderon and one of the Larrañaga's led an expedition towards the Cara Paraná River; they began another conquest to enslave the natives around El Encanto.[19][c] These men decided to exploit the Huitotos, the Andokes, and the Boras tribes into debt or enslavement with the goal of extracting rubber.[21][d][e] According to Roger Casement in 1913:
The foundations thus laid by Crisostomo Hernandez and Larrañaga in 1886 grew, not without bloodshed and many killings of the Indians, into a widespread series of Colombian settlements along the banks of the Caraparaná and Igaraparana, and even in the country stretching between the latter river and the Japura and on the upper waters of the Cahuinari.[24]
Joaquin Rocha, a Colombian who travelled through the Putumayo region, said by 1897, Crisóstomo Hernández had subdued the entire Caraparaná region and a large portion of the Igaraparana River.[25][26] Hernández waged war against the tribes that would not work or trade with him; during these conflicts, Hernandez acquired aid from tribes he had previously entrapped.[25] In his 1905 book, Rocha provided an eyewitness account of a massacre that was relayed to him by an ex-employee of Hernandez.[27] This source stated Hernandez ordered his employees to exterminate a tribe of Huitotos known as the Uruhuai, including the men, women and children, because they were rumoured to have practised cannibalism.[28] Hernandez was later killed in an accident while one of his employees was handing him a loaded rifle.[29][30] In his 1991 book, anthropologist Michael Taussig examined the history and conditions that led to the Putumayo genocide, and Peruvian anthropologist Alberto Chirif noted Taussig's examination of Crisostomo Hernandez "demonstrates that the massacres against the indigenous people in the Putumayo were already taking place before [Julio César] Arana's arrival".[31][32]
In 1896, Julio César Arana expanded his small peddling business in Iquitos and began to trade with Colombians in the region.[33][34] At the time, it was easier for the Colombians to secure supplies from Iquitos rather than from Colombian territory.[35][36][37] A year later, Arana's most-successful competitors in Peru Carlos Fitzcarrald and Antonio de Vaca Diez died in a boating accident in the Urubamba River.[38] Along with the Putumayo, the basins of the Urubamba and the Madre de Dios were the biggest producers of rubber in Peru. After the collapse of the Fitzcarrald's and Vaca Diez' enterprises and their partnership with Nícolas Suarez, the Putumayo became the most-significant rubber-producing region of Peru.[39]
Arana entered a partnership with Benjamin Larrañaga, forming Larrañaga, Arana y compañia in 1902.[40] After Larrañaga's death on December 21, 1903, Arana bought out Rafael Larrañaga's share of the company, "taking advantage of their ignorance and stupidity to rob them scandalously".[41][42][f] The Calderon brothers at El Encanto became indebted to Arana's enterprise and sold their property to Arana in July 1905.[44][33] Along with the acquisition of El Encanto, there were 3,500 Huitoto natives on the estate dedicated to the extraction of rubber who became part of Arana's workforce.[45][46]
By this time, Arana was the dominant force on the Igaraparaná River; he was only challenged by insignificant bands of Colombian rubber tappers and indigenous tribes who were not yet under his control.[33] To administer his territory, the management was split between the two departments of La Chorrera and El Encanto. La Chorrera was the company headquarters along the Igara Paraná River while the headquarters for the Caraparaná River was in El Encanto.[47][48] All of the subsections and rubber tappers had their products delivered to their headquarters to be exported through Iquitos.[49]
At the hands of Arana's company, natives suffered enslavement, kidnapping, separation of families, rape, starvation, use for target practice, flagellation, immolation, dismemberment, and other extreme violence.[50][51] People who were too old or no longer able to work were murdered. Most of the elderly natives were killed during the early stages of the genocide because the slavers viewed their advice as dangerous.[52][53][g]
In 1907 after successful business meetings in England, Julio Arana formed his company into the Peruvian Amazon Company,[56][57] to which the Government of Peru ceded the Amazon territories north of Loreto after the company's founder Arana purchased the land. Shortly after, private hosts of Arana – brought from Barbados –[58] which consisted of forcing natives to work for him in exchange for "favors and protection"; the offer could not be refused because disagreements led to their kidnapping by mercenaries paid by the company. Native people were subjected to isolation in remote areas to collect rubber in inhuman conditions and were punished with death or internment in labour camps if they did not collect the required amount of rubber. Ninety percent of the affected Amazonian populations were annihilated.[59]
During the Amazon rubber boom, indigenous people from different regions of the Amazon suffered similar atrocities as those perpetrated against the Putumayo's indigenous nations. The Peruvian government was aware of instances barbaric crimes and slave raids against indigenous people along the Marañon and Ucayali Rivers as early as 1903 and 1906.[60][61] Anthropologist Søren Hvalkof claimed that slave raids along the Ucayali were common during the rubber boom and affected all of region's indigenous people. The enterprise of Peruvian rubber baron Carlos Fitzcarrald was dependent on slave labor and according to Hvalkof Fitzcarrald maintained a "maintained a similar regime of horror" to Arana while in the Ucayali.[62] Historian John Tully noted that atrocities similar to the Putumayo genocide were also occurring during the rubber boom in Bolivia under the enterprise of Nicolás Suárez Callaú.[63] Several government officials of Peru in Loreto, including Hildebrando Fuentes, reported instances of slave raiding and human trafficking between 1903-1904. Fuentes claimed that the governments inability to respond to these crimes was due to the fact that "[t]hey do all this significantly beyond the reach of authority."[64]
The atrocities perpetrated against indigenous people during the rubber boom were only subjected to a systematic inquiry in the Putumayo River basin.[62] Historian John Tully wrote that "[t]he strict legal definition of genocide applies to cases where there is a deliberate attempt to exterminate people, but the standard text on the subject regards the Putumayo killings as just that."[63] Roger Casement believed that the entire indigenous population in the rubber producing regions of Peru was enslaved and the crimes perpetrated against them corresponded to their resistance to enslavement. In Casement's words, "[t]he wilder the Indian the wickeder the slavery."[65] Writing in 1910 Casement described that in the Putumayo region there existed a "system [of] not merely slavery but extermination".[66][67] Casement also noted, while citing English Lieutenant Henry Lister Maw, that slave raiding along the Putumayo and Japura Rivers had been going along for over 100 years at the time of his writing in 1910. This industry of human trafficking had been continued by Portuguese and Brazilian men.[68]
The Peruvian Amazon Company
editThe Peruvian Amazon Rubber Company was registered in London on September 6, 1907,[69][h] as a successor to J.C. Arana y Hermanos, whose assets the new company acquired. The word rubber was later removed from the Peruvian Amazon Company's name. The old company employed 196 Barbadian men in the Putumayo around 1904, many of whom became employed by the Peruvian Amazon Company.[71] These Barbadians were British subjects.[72][73][74]
Eugene Robuchon drafted the company prospectus and the Peruvian consul-general Carlos Rey De Castro edited it.[75] Rey de Castro's editing process intended to portray this new company as a "civilizing force" and led to the removal of several paragraphs Robuchon wrote from the final publication.[76][77] The prospectus stated there were more than forty stations delivering rubber to La Chorrera's agency and eighteen stations delivering to El Encanto.[78] Roger Casement said: "the English Company is only English in name".[79][i] In 1910, when Casement investigated the Peruvian Amazon Company books in Manaus, he found Rey de Castro had an outstanding debt of between £4,000 and £5,000 to the Peruvian Amazon Company.[81][75][82]
In June 1911, 215 arrest warrants were issued against employees of the Peruvian Amazon Company, primarily among La Chorrera's agency. They were implicated "with a multiplicity of murders and tortures of the Indians all through that region".[83][84][85]
Indigenous workforce
editTo secure their workforce, the Peruvians and Colombians initiated slave raids, during which indigenous people were either captured or killed. The slavers would bring in chiefs and their tribes, inducing them to collect rubber under the threat of death. Chiefs who refused or did not bring in enough rubber were murdered as examples. Through fear and entrapment of natives into a debt relationship, the exploiters managed a system of slavery.[86] Some natives were recruited at a very young age to act as trusted killers for the company; these natives became known as muchachos de confianza. The Barbadians and muchachos de confianza acted as enforcers and executioners for plantation managers.[87][88] They managed the collection of rubber and tribal chiefs who were allowed to live.[89]
Exploiters would send natives into the wild forest to collect rubber. Managers working for the Peruvian Amazon Company earned a commission that was based on the amount of rubber their indigenous workers collected.[90] A weight quota that was dictated by a manager was set for each plantation. Punishments for not meeting the quota included flagellation, immolation, dismemberment, and execution.[91]
As well as collecting rubber for the company, natives were expected to provide food and firewood; labour for clearing paths in the forest for roads between stations, the construction of bridges and buildings, and for clearing the forest around the stations; and "every other conceivable form of demand", including giving their children or wives to company employees. Natives worked without pay for the company under threat of terrorization or death.[92] The Amazon Journal of Roger Casement[j] and The Putumayo, The Devil's Paradise by Walter Hardenburg include numerous mentions of starvation among the indigenous population. According to Casement:
The trees are valueless without the Indians, who, besides getting rubber for them, do everything else these creatures need – feed them, build for them, run for them and carry for them and supply them with wives and concubines. They couldn't get this done by persuasion, so they slew and massacred and enslaved by terror, and that is the foundation. What we see today is merely the logical sequence of events – the cowed and entirely subdued Indians, reduced in numbers, hopelessly obedient, with no refuge and no retreat, and no redress.[94]
Muchachos de Confianza
editMuchachos de Confianza ("boys of trust") were a group of Indigenous males who were trained at a young age to act as killers and torturers against the native workforce. They were often employed in areas where their tribes had long-standing hostilities or were traditionally antagonistic.[95] Muchachos de Confianza were also referred to as racionales ("rationals") a part of an imposed hierarchy that divided "semi-civilized" natives and those who were considered non-civilized.[96] The Peruvian Amazon Company outfitted its muchachos with Winchester rifles and shotguns.[97][98] Muchachos risked death if they disobeyed.
According to judge Romulo Paredes, they "place at the disposal of those chiefs their special instincts, such as sense of direction, scent, their sobriety, and their knowledge of the mountains, in order that nobody might escape their fury". According to Paredes, muchachos were often the authors of fictitious uprisings or similar rebellions. These lies were encouraged by the fact they were rewarded for their services.[99][k] Roger Casement described the system as "Boras Indians murdering Huitotos and vice versa for the pleasure, or supposed profit, of their masters, who in the end turn on these (from a variety of motives) and kill them".[101][l] Casement was also convinced the agency at La Chorrera did not inquire into disappearances of muchachos.[102][m] According to Casement, the muchachos de confianza outnumbered Peruvian Amazon Company employees in the Putumayo by two to one.[97] In certain areas of the Peruvian Amazon Company estate, the management of the enslaved rubber-collecting workforce was dependent on the muchachos de confianza.[n] There were numerous cases of rebellions perpetrated by muchachos de confianza but they were all small-scale incidents.[o] According to Casement, one of these rebellions was a representative case for the practice of grooming muchachos de confianzas:
Incidentally, too, it illustrates the depravity entailed by the whole system. 'Chico' was one of the 'civilized' Indians of Abisinia – one of those armed and drilled to obey and execute the orders of the civilisers on the wild, or in other words, defenceless Indians. With what result? He revolts. He becomes 'a bandit', an armed terror 'threatening the lives of white men even',[p] and so is shot out of hand by a labourer of British birth in the Company's service.[q][105]
Correrias
editOne method for the accumulation and expansion of a native workforce by rubber extracting firms in the Putumayo, were correrias ("forays" or "chasings").[106] Employees of the Peruvian Amazon Company also referred to these raids as "commissions".[107][108] These were hunting parties or slave raids that were sent out to either kill or capture natives.[109][110][111][r] Correrias were also sent out in the event of natives running away or as a consequence of the failure of a group to collect enough rubber.[113] Natives caught in these raids were often put in chains and then subjected to the cepo on their arrival to a rubber station.[114] Correrias are known to have continued up to 1910, and that year at least two raids carried out across the Caqueta River. One of these expeditions was carried out by Augusto Jímenez; twenty-one natives and three Colombian men were captured.[115] The other raid was carried out by Armando Normand, and spent at least twenty-one days away from Matanzas, six of which were spent in Colombian territory across the Caqueta.[116][117] Normand's group captured six natives.[117][s] Joshua Dyall, a Barbadian that was employed with Normand in 1904, reported that Normand and his fellow managers gave orders to their subordinates shoot any indigenous people that they could not capture. This was done "to frighten the Indians and make them come in, because if they were killed for running away they would be less likely to run."[119]
Rubber stations
editThe Peruvian Amazon Company had dozens of plantations throughout the Putumayo region. Many of these settlements were acquired through exploitative business deals or by force, and were used as centres of control for the company against the Natives. Slave raids to secure an indigenous workforce, which would have to deliver the rubber to the nearest company station or face torture and possibly death, were carried out from the stations. Plantations usually consisted of a centralized settlement surrounded by cleared forest. Any attack against these stations would have to face open ground with no cover from bullets. In reference to the stations located further inland, Seymour Bell, who was a member of the 1910 investigatory commission, stated stations "were all really 'forts' ". [120]
Depending on the local station, natives could walk as far as 60 miles (97 km) while carrying between 100 to 165 pounds (45 to 75 kg) of rubber. Often, these couriers were given little or no food on their journey and had to scavenge for food.[121] The children and family of these native rubber tappers would often travel together; if not, it was likely those dependents could starve to death.[122]
La Chorrera
editLa Chorrera was an important settlement along the Igaraparaná River during the rubber boom. It was initially settled by Colombian rubber exporters but had come into the possession of Julio Cesar Arana by the beginning of 1904.[33][123]
Some of the first reports of the Putumayo genocide regarding the killing of 25-40 Ocaina natives originated at La Chorrera in September 1903.[124][125][126] Two witnesses gave depositions to Benjamin Saldaña Rocca about the killings, which they stated were instigated by Rafael Larrañaga and Victor Macedo.[127][124][128] The natives were flogged for hours, and later shot and burnt.[129] A judge who was sent to investigate the region in 1911 later corroborated this report.[130][t] On April 7, 1911, the judge issued twenty-two arrest warrants against individuals who had participated in the 1903 massacre of Ocaina natives. They were implicated with "the crime of flogging and flaying thirty Ocainas Indians and then burning them alive".[83] Another set of warrants was issued against 215 employees of La Chorrera's agency for their perpetration of crimes against the local natives.[83][132] Arana purchased the Larrañaga share of La Chorrera and assumed control over the Igaraparaná River shortly after this incident.[42]
Sometime between 1903 and 1906, Macedo became the manager of Arana's company at La Chorrera, which operated as a regional headquarters on the Igaraparaná.[47][78] In 1906, Macedo was said to have given an order to:
kill all mutilated Indians at once for the following reasons: first, because they consumed food although they could not work; and second, because it looked bad to have these mutilated wretches running about. This wise precaution of Macedo's makes it difficult to find any mutilated Indians there, in spite of the number of mutilations; for, obeying this order, the executioners kill all the Indians they mutilate, after they have suffered what they consider a sufficient space of time.[133]
By 1907, La Chorrera's agency retained effective control over the land between the Igaraparaná and Caqueta Rivers.[134][135] The stations of La Sabana, Santa Catalina, Atenas, Entre Rios, Occidente, Abisinia, Matanzas, La China, Urania, and Ultimo Retiro delivered their rubber to La Chorrera.[48][136] All of these sections were reported to practice flagellation of natives, and on a number of occasions, natives died the wounds caused by the floggings.[137][138] The scarification of wounds from flogging were termed the "Mark of Arana".[139] Starvation was also used to punish natives; according to Roger Casement: "[d]eliberate starvation was again and again resorted to, but this not where it was desired merely to frighten, but where the intention was to kill. Men and women were kept prisoners in the station stocks until they died of hunger."[140][141]
The stations at Abisinia and Matanzas appear most frequently in the reports of abuse collected by Walter Ernest Hardenburg. Both stations were established by Arana's enterprise with the help of Barbadian men around 1904.[142] Many of the Barbadians who were employed by the company at these stations were sent on "commissions" or slave raids. Both Matanzas and Abisinia were inland stations, which meant long marches for natives collecting rubber. Roger Casement referred to them in 1910 as "the two worst stations".[143][144] Matanzas was situated near the Caqueta River and was managed by Armando Normand from 1906 to 1910.[145] According to a 1907 report by Charles C. Eberhardt, who was the American consul in Iquitos, there were approximately 5,000 natives at Matanzas, and 1,600 at Abisinia.[146] In 1910, Normand told Casement he had two fabricos in a year, and his station brought in around 8,500 kg (18,700 lb) for each fabrico. That year, the collection for Matanzas was done by 120 men "working" rubber who collected 140 kg (310 lb) a year. The Abisinia station was situated on a tributary of the Cahuinari River and was managed by Abelardo Agüero from 1905 to 1910. In 1912, it was reported 170 natives remained at Abisinia.[147] Agüero and Normand were both said to have committed innumerable crimes against enslaved indigenous people in their district.[148] They were both dismissed from the company in 1910. At the time, Agüero was in debt to the company for around £500 or £600,[149] while the company owed Normand around £2,100.[150]
Agüero rallied a group of his subordinates [u] and his muchachos de confianza, and set fire to the native crop fields at Abisinia.[152] They took "a large number of Indians with them" and fled the region.[151] A dispatch from English Consul-General Lucien Jerome to the British Foreign Office in 1911 stated the trafficking of natives was carried out with the intention to sell them and to prevent them from providing evidence and testifying to any judicial commission. Jerome also reported Agüero's group destroyed a Huitoto village.[153] In 1915, Judge Carlos A. Valcárcel implicated Normand with the destruction of the Cadanechajá, Japaja, Cadanache, Coigaro, Rosecomema, Tomecagaro, Aduije, and Tichuina tribes.[154]
Managers like Elías Martinengui, who oversaw Atenas, forced his workers to continue day and night, allowing them no time to plant or gather food. Regarding the Atenas plantation, Roger Casement wrote: "the whole of the population of this district had been systematically starved to death by Elias Martenengui. Martenengui worked his whole district to death, and gave the Indians no time to plant or find food. They had to work rubber or be killed, and to work and die."[155] Women at Atenas were required to "work" the rubber, which also contributed to the starvation in that area.[103] In 1910, when Casement visited Atenas, the station was reported to have had 790 rubber workers but Alfredo Montt said he had only "about 250" and three other Peruvian Amazon Company employees under him.[v][w] The muchachos de confianza oversaw the collection of rubber, and the station brought in 24 tons of rubber annually.[103][x]
Andrés O'Donnell managed the station at Entre Rios, which was another important part of La Chorrera's agency. O'Donnell was first incriminated in the Putumayo genocide by Marcial Gorries, who had worked for the Peruvian Amazon Company. In a 1907 letter to Saldaña Rocca, Marcial wrote: "O'Donnell, who has not killed Indians with his own hands, but who has ordered over five hundred Indians to be killed".[158] The cepo at Entre Rios had twenty-four holes that could restrict limbs.[159] Natives at this station also suffered from starvation, and the journey to deliver rubber for a fabrico resulted in many deaths each year.[160] On top of the journey from Entre Rios to La Chorrera, some of the enslaved natives lived 25–30 mi (40–48 km) away.[160] In 1910, O'Donnell told Casement he only required two fabricos from his station, and brought in around 16,000 kg (35,000 lb) for each of them but the Barbadian Frederick Bishop stated this was false, and the real quantity was closer to 24,000 kg (53,000 lb) every collection period.[161][y]
Bishop stated he had often seen men carrying 40–45 kg (88–99 lb) of rubber to Puerto Peruano, from where it was taken to La Chorrera.[160][z] According to the Entre Rios staff list, twenty-three employees were stationed there, which was "the local force for controlling the life and limb of every Indian in the district".[aa] While en route to Puerto Peruano, Roger Casement noted: "We passed for fully 2 hours through the once enormous clearings of the Iguarase Indians. Tizon said they had once been very numerous. There must have been hundreds of them – now none at all. All is desolation."[162]
The Rodriguez brothers managed the stations at Santa Catalina and La Sabana between 1904 and 1910;[163] Aurelio Rodriguez managed Santa Catalina and his brother Aristides managed La Sabana.[164] According to Juan A. Tizon, these two were responsible for killing "hundreds of natives"[165][166] and received a 50% commission on the rubber brought into their stations.[166][ab] Barbadian Preston Johnson worked at Santa Catalina for eighteen months, and when asked how many natives he had seen killed there he stated: "a great many". The majority of these killings were carried out because the victim had tried to run away; several others were killed because they were not collecting rubber for the company at the time. Johnson said he knew about natives dying from starvation at La Sabana but he did not know if this was also the case at Santa Catalina.[168] At Santa Catalina, Aurelio had built a special stockade thet was referred to as a "double cepo".[169] One part of this cepo restrained the neck and arms, while the other end of the cepo confined the ankles. The piece that restricted the ankles was adjustable, so it could fit a variety of individuals, including children.[170][115][171] Casement stated: "Small boys were often inserted into this receptacle face downwards, and they, as well as grown-up people, women equally with men, were flogged while extended in this posture".[172] A number of mass killings perpetrated by the Rodriguez brothers were reported in the Hardenburg depositions by Juan Rosas and Genaro Caporo.[173]
The station at Ultimo Retiro, one of the last important stations along the Igaraparaná River, was managed by Alfredo Montt,[ac] and later Augusto Jimenez Seminario. The cepo at Ultimo Retiro was said to have nineteen holes, which were very small. After a demonstration of this cepo, a native told Roger Casement many others had been flogged and starved to death while imprisoned there.[175] Casement later stated this device "was not intended for a place of detention, but for an instrument of torture".[176] In 1910, there was around 25 tons of rubber delivered to La Chorrera from this station.[177] At its height, Ultimo Retiro had 2,000 native workers on its books but by 1912, this workforce had fallen to around 200.[178]
El Encanto
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El Encanto was the most important settlement on the Caraparaná River during the rubber boom. Originally, the settlement belonged to a few Colombians who were known as the Calderon brothers. The Calderon brothers lost their property at Encanto to Arana's company and shortly after, Miguel S. Loayza became the regional manager there. An ex-employee named Carlos Soplín, who swore before a notary, believed the inspector of sections for Encantos "must have flogged over five thousand Indians during the six years he has resided in this region".[179] Soplin also stated in his two-and-a-half months at the Monte Rico section, he witnessed the flagellation of 300 natives, who were flogged between 20 and 200 times if the punishment was intended to kill.[180] According to Soplin, at Esmeraldas, he was witness to the flogging of over 400 natives in three-and-a-half months;[180] these included men, women, children and the elderly, six of whom died from the floggings they received. The plantations of Monte Rico, Argelia, Esperanza, Esmeraldas Indostan, La Florida, and La Sombra delivered their product to El Encanto. Between 1906 and 1907, the population at El Encanto dropped from 2,200, to 1,500 and the explanation provided to the American consul Charles C. Eberhardt stated smallpox had killed around 700 people.[181]
Walter Ernest Hardenburg went to the Putumayo in 1907, shortly after the Peruvian Amazon Company was registered. A group of gunmen working for Loayza arrested Hardenburg and took him to Encanto, where he witnessed the condition of the natives there. He saw people in various stages of sickness and starvation; according to Harenburg: "These poor wretches, without remedies, without food, were exposed to the burning rays of the vertical sun and the cold rains and heavy dews of early morning until death released them from their sufferings". Their dead bodies were then carried and dumped into the Caraparaná River.[47]
In 1908, Loayza authorized attacks against the remaining Colombian enterprises along the Caraparaná River. These included the settlements of David Serrano, Ordoñez, and Martínez. Ordoñez owned a station called Remolino, which had a portage trail between the Caraparaná and Napo Rivers established on it.[182][ad] Serrano was an important rubber collector on the river who owed money to the Peruvian Amazon Company branch at El Encanto. This debt was used as an excuse to send a commission to Serrano's house to rob him and intimidate him to leave the region.[183] A second commission was sent, during which Serrano and twenty-eight of his men were captured and killed. According to Hardenburg, the men's bodies were mutilated with machetes and thrown into the river.[184] These Colombian settlements were raided, and then either captured or burnt down in 1908.[185] In a letter dated November 29, 1908, Loayza granted the manager of La Florida authority to assume control over the native workforce that Ordoñez and Martínez had used.[186] The natives at Serrano's settlement were also enslaved by the Peruvian Amazon Company and added to its workforce.[187] Around 120 Peruvian soldiers were sent from Iquitos to help the Peruvian Amazon Company employees fight against the Colombians. According to Victor Macedo, by 1910, eighty of these soldiers had died, mostly around El Encanto.[188][ae]
Involvement of the Peruvian government and military
editThe Peruvian government first established a garrison on the Igaraparana River in 1902,[189] at La Chorrera.[190] Three statements collected by Romulo Paredes in 1911 implicated soldiers from the garrison at La Chorrera with flogging natives at that station as early as 1903, according to one of those depositions the commanding officer of the garrison at that time had personally flogged several natives of the Aymenes nation.[191]
Around eighty-five soldiers from the Peruvian army participated in the raids against the Colombian estates of La Union and La Reserva on January 12 of 1908. The Liberal steamship had around eighty armed agents from Arana's company onboard while the Peruvian soldiers were embarked on gunboat Iquitos.[192][193] The commander of Peruvian military forces in the Putumayo, Juan Pollack, issued arrest warrants against the agents of Arana's company that participated in the attacks on La Union and Reserva. Peruvian authorities managed to capture those agents, with the notablbe exception of Bartolome Zumaeta[af] these agents were imprisoned at La Chorrera for two months. Julio César Arana, along with Carlos Rey de Castro and the prefect of Iquitos, Carlos Zapata, travelled together to La Chorrera. Roger Casement believed that "[t]his journey of Senor Arana in company with these two Peruvian officers of high rank is really the key to the whole subsequent situation." Zapata organized the release of the men imprisoned by commander Juan Pollacks orders. Arana was later implicated by British consul David Cazes, Roger Casement and two other sources with bribing prefect Zapata an amount that varies between £5,000 and £8,000 for the release of Arana's imprisoned agents.[82][194]
The owner of the Colombian estate El Pensamiento perished around May of 1908 while owing money to Arana's company as well as the British consul general in Iquitos, David Cazes.[195] Arana and Cazes were both under the belief that they had a legal claim to acquire El Pensamiento because the previous owner was indebted to them. Several Huitoto natives had fled from Arana's estates in the Putumayo and they arrived at El Pensamiento around this time. According to Cazes these natives were "dreadfully scarred from flogging" and he tried to have them admitted to the courts of Iquitos for evidence in this civil matter, however the Prefect "Zapata and the Court had these Indians sent away".[196] Cazes managed to sell all of the rubber collected at El Pensamiento prior to May of 1908, when a force of Peruvian soldiers led by Amaedo Burga embarked on the warship Reqeuna and travelled towards El Pensamiento to seize the estate for Arana's company.[197] Burga was the commisario of the Napo River for the Peruvian government, he was also simultaneously employed by Arana's firm as an agent.[198][197][199] An arrest warrant was issued against Cazes by the local court in Iquitos and soldiers were sent to his house, which was also the British consulate in Iquitos. Prefect Zapata delivered an ultimatum to Cazes which was to either surrender his claim on El Pensamiento and pay a £800 fee or face imprisonment. Cazes paid the £800 fee to the court of Iquitos and afterwards commisario Burga imprisoned the Huitoto natives that had fled towards El Pensamiento, afterwards he transferred them back towards Arana's estates in the Putumayo.[200]
Walter Ernest Hardenburg wrote that during his imprisonment on Liberal, he saw the Peruvian comissario of the Putumayo River, César Lúrquin "openly taking with him to Iquitos a little Huitoto girl of some seven years, presumably to sell her as a 'servant'". Regarding Lúrquin, Hardenburg also wrote "instead of stopping on the Putumayo, travelling about there and really making efforts to suppress crime by punishing the criminals, he contented himself with visiting the region four or five times a year—always on the company's launches—stopping a week or so, collecting some children to sell, and then returning and making his 'report.'"[201] In 1912, lieutenant Aurelio E. O'Donovan of the Peruvian army was arrested for trafficking 12 Huitoto natives onboard steamship Hamburgo, he was transporting them towards Iquitos. This group of 12 natives was composed of 8 males and 4 females, all between the ages of 8 and 14.[202][203]
List of reported massacres
editYear | Date | Location | Description | Reported casualties | References |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1903 | August 10 | Abisinia | Abelardo Agüero imprisoned 50 natives in stocks without giving them food or water. When the natives started dying, Agüero tied them to a pole and shot them as target practice with his Mauser revolver. | 50 | [204] |
1903 | September 24 | La Chorrera | 25-to-40 Ocaina natives were massacred at La Chorrera when they did not meet the weight quota for rubber. The natives were flogged, burnt alive, and then shot. Judge Carlos A. Válcárcel stated there were 25 victims; a report on slavery in Peru by the US State Department describes the same event, citing 30 natives. Eyewitness Daniel Collantes stated 40 natives while describing the same massacre. | 25-40 | .[205][206] |
1903 | Not clarified | Ultimo Retiro | José Inocente Fonseca summoned Chontadura, Ocainama, and Utiguene to Ultimo Retiro. Hundreds of natives appeared. Inocente Fonseca then grabbed his rifle, and with six other employees, massacred 150 native men, women and children. After shooting, Fonseca and other perpetrators of the massacre used machetes on the wounded. The bodies were later burnt. | 150 | [207] |
1904 | Not clarified | Abisinia | João Baptista Braga, a Brazilian ex-employee of the Peruvian Amazon Company stated on his arrival at Abisinia, Agüero and Augusto Jiminez had eight natives tied to a pole and murdered. These natives were previously placed in the cepo and were "barbarously martyrised" before their execution, which Agüero used as a demonstration of how the prisoners were treated. | 8 | [208] |
1905 | March | Not clarified | João Baptista also described the massacre of 35 natives. Baptista was supposed to kill the captives under orders of Abelardo Agüero but refused to do so. Instead, Agüero ordered Augusto Jimenez to execute the natives. | 35 | [158] |
1906 | January | Near the Pamá River,[ag] six hours from the Morelia station | In response to a native drum sounding the signal for help against the caucheros, Augusto Jimenez ordered the execution of around 30 Andoque captives at Abisinia.[ah] | "About 30" | [209] |
1906 | Not clarified | Abisinia | At Abisinia, James Mapp and other Barbadians witnessed "about eight" natives being taken to a field one by one, and being shot. Abelardo Agüero, who had just returned to the station from Iquitos, ordered these killings. One of the natives from this group was killed because he was missing a foot, which limited his mobility. | Around 8[ai] | [212] |
1906 | "Last days of 1906" | Lower Caqueta River | A group of Colombians made an expedition to the lower Caqueta River with the intention of persuading local natives to extract rubber for them. Twenty Peruvian men armed with rifles attacked the Colombian settlement which was in the process of construction. A group of Peruvian reinforcements led by Armando Normand was sent to help deal with the Colombians. Normand forced the highest-ranking Colombian to tell their boss José de la Paz Gutiérrez to give up all of the weapons he had. According to Roso España, a Colombian who witnessed the event: "Then, in possession of the arms, they began another butchery. The Peruvians discharged their weapons at the Indians who were constructing the roof of the house. These poor unfortunates, pierced by the bullets, some dead, others wounded, rolled off the roof and fell to the ground." The older women were pushed into canoes that were directed into the center of the lake, before they were all shot. According to España: "What they did with the children was still more barbarous, for they jammed them, head-downwards, into the holes that had been dug to receive the posts that were to support the house." Three days later, Normand had the most-senior natives from the captured group clubbed to death. | At least 25 | [213][214] |
1907 | "Mid 1907" | Matanzas | Armando Normand killed three elderly natives and two daughters; their bodies were eaten by dogs Normand had trained. | 5 | [215] |
1907 | October or November 1907 | Cahuinari | Arístides Rodríguez led a group of fifty men on a correria in an area referred to as Cahuinari. Genaro Caporo, the eyewitness who testified about this event, stated 150 natives were killed by this group, and that th killings were done with rifles and machetes. Afterwards, the group approached and burnt an unknown number of native houses. Caporo's deposition stated there were at least forty families in these houses. | More than 150 | [216] |
1910 | May, 1910 | Between the Caqueta River and Morelia | Thirteen natives were killed on a road during an expedition to hunt down the Native Bora chief Katenere, who was rebelling against the company. Barbadian James Chase, who was on the hunt against Katenere, described the events. The expeditioners took prisoner a number of Katenere's supporters and his wife, though Katenere managed to escape when his house was raided. Company agent Fernand Vasquez ordered most of the killings while en route to Morelia, and were carried out by "muchachos de confianza" accompanying him. On the road and near the approach to Morelia, the final three victims – all adult Boras men – were killed; Vasquez shot one and ordered Cherey to shoot the other two because they were too weak from hunger to keep up with the group. James Chase reported a total of thirteen natives were killed during this incident. | 13 | [217] |
After the Peruvian Amazon Company
editAfter the Peruvian Amazon Company was liquidated, Arana and a number of his associates retained property in the Putumayo region, and effective control of the indigenous population.[218] An unknown number of natives were forcefully relocated to other regions of the Amazon, where they continued to extract rubber.[219][aj] In 1911, it was reported several of the company's employees against whom arrest warrants had been issued had escaped from the region with up to 500 natives.[220]
Several of those notable criminals included Abelardo Agüero, Augusto Jimenez Seminario, Alfredo Montt, Jose Inocente Fonseca and Armando Normand.[221] Agüero and Jimenez trafficked "around seventy natives" from the Putumayo towards the Acre River[222] basin, they were arrested in 1914 however Jimenez managed to escape while Agüero was imprisoned until 1916.[223] He filed a writ of Habeas corpus in 1916, which eventually led to his release from prison.[224] On November 28 of 1911, Casement was informed that around twenty seven PAC agents with active arrest warrants were allowed by the captain of the Liberal steamship to board Liberal and disembark in Brazilian territory, away from Peruvian authorities.[225] Casement attempted to arrest Montt and Inocente Fonseca near the end of 1911 however their bribery of local authorities allowed the pair to escape. At the time Montt and Inocente Fonseca had 10 Boras people with them which they depended upon to make money.[226] Armando Normand was arrested in 1912 however he escaped from prison in May of 1915 along with the manager of Santa Catalina, Aurelio Rodriguez, prior to a verdict in their court case.[227]
In 1912, an Irish missionary named Leo Sambrook and three other men travelled to Putumayo to set up a Franciscan mission. Sambrook noted the abuses in the area continued and in 1916, he reported a rebellion had occurred at the Atenas rubber station.[ak] This rebellion consisted of 900 men, mostly Boras natives. A month later, Sambrook reported Peruvian soldiers had quelled the rebellion.[al] The Atenas area was recaptured, the houses of natives were burnt down, and the survivors were rounded up. Researcher and author Jordan Goodman suggests that the rebellion reported by Sambrook may be the same incident as the Yarocamena uprising, which also originated at Atenas.[230] According to Capuchin friar Gaspar de Pinell's information, an uprising against Arana's company occurred along the Igaraparaná River in 1917 and he wrote that a company of Peruvian soldiers with a machine gun suppressed the rebellion. Two examinations on the oral history of the Yarocamena rebellion were published in 1985 and 1989, the first article was titled "La rabia de Yarocamena".[231] The second article was named "Historia oral de una maloca sitiada en el amazonas: aspectos de la rebelión de yarocamena contra la casa arana, en 1917".[232] Gaspar de Pinell had access to a census conducted by Arana's enterprise in 1917 which stated Arana's company had 2,300 natives dedicated to the extraction of rubber on the Caraparaná River, while on the Igaraparaná there were around 6,200 dedicated to extracting rubber.[233]
Before the Peruvian and Colombian border changed in the 1920's, Miguel S. Loayza and his brother Carlos forced the migration of at least 6,719 Putumayo natives into the Ampiyacu region of Peru. According to Miguel's brother, around half of those natives died due to disease and other factors during the journey.[234][am] The surviving natives from this group continued to work for the Loayza's until the late 1950's.[235]
In popular culture
edit- The Dream of the Celt by Mario Vargas Llosa details some of Irishman Roger Casement's experiences in investigating the Putumayo genocide.
- Terence McKenna's travelogue True Hallucinations take place in an area affected by the Putumayo genocide, and discusses the history
- The novel The Vortex by José Eustasio Rivera is based on the events, which are portrayed through the narration of Don Clemente Silva.
- The film Embrace of the Serpent, which was directed by Ciro Guerra, includes characters who are affected by the Putumayo genocide.
Notes
edit- ^ Prior to the rubber boom, Cinchona and Smilax officinalis (Sarsapilla} were the most-profitable extractive industries in the Amazonian basins of Colombia and Peru. Sarsapilla can be used as a treatment for psoriasis, and quinine was a treatment for malaria and yellow fever.[7]
- ^ The Aimenes natives are cited as the first nation to become subjugated at La Chorrera.[16][17]
- ^ The Calderon Hermanos were originally the owners of El Encanto.[20]
- ^ "All native joy died in these woods when these half-castes imposed themselves upon this primitive people, and, in place of occasional raid and inter-tribal fight, gave them the bullet, the lash, the cepo, the chain gang, and death by hunger, death by blows, death by twenty forms of organinsed murder." - Roger Casement[22]
- ^ The Yaguas tribes, which are close to the Putumayo region, were also collecting rubber for Peruvians at Pebas. In 1910 a man named Julian Ruiz claimed the title of "Governor" of Pebas. The captain of the steamboat Liberal told Casement the Yaguas working for Ruiz were "free", however Casement doubted that was true.[23]
- ^ Benjamin Larrañaga was said to have died from symptoms of arsenic poisoning. Afterwards, his son was imprisoned in Iquitos and given an ultimatum to either sell his property for a certain amount or to die in prison. According to Norman Thomson's information the Larrañaga estate was sold for £18,000 and Larrañaga, Arana y compañia was dissolved in 1904.[43]
- ^ The Barbadian men who gave depositions in 1910 stated there were still old natives in the region when they arrived around 1905 but they had all disappeared by the time of the investigation in 1910.[54][55]
- ^ "In this way the Peruvian Commissioner seeks to excuse his country, laying stress on the term 'English company and traders,' when he knows that the only representatives of the English company were its Peruvian directors and managers."[70]
- ^ Regarding the atrocities that occurred during the Putumayo genocide, Walter E. Hardenburg stated: "[a]nd all this, let us remember, is done by a gang of human beasts, who, consulting exclusively their own evil interests, have had the audacity to form themselves into an English company and put themselves and their gruesome 'possessions' under the protection of the English flag, in order to carry out more conveniently their sanguinary labours in the Putumayo and to inspire confidence here".[80]
- ^ One specific instance from Casement stated: "It was clear that there was no intention paying these people, for there was nothing in the Store to do it, and even the pretence of 'feeding' them could scarcely be sustained, seeing the want of food everywhere visible".[93]
- ^ According to Casement: "The muchachos have been brutalised, and made to behead, and shoot, to flog and outrage. They are only another instance of the hopeless obedience of these people. What the white man orders they are only too prone to execute."[100]
- ^ The quote continues: "And this is called 'civilising' the wild savage Indians".
- ^ "I then asked if they ever enquired what had become of, say, a muchacho, whose name might disappear from the list. He [Tízon] talked a little, but it had evidently never struck him, and it was clear that no enquiry is ever made..."
- ^ This specifically refers to the Atenas rubber station in 1910. There were only three company employees besides the station manager, and muchachos were sent out to ensure collections were made. The armed force at Atenas were responsible for around 250 enslaved rubber collectors.[103] The Occidente rubber station also sent muchachos out to gather the rubber tappers when collections were due.[104]
- ^ There are at least two different rebellions instigated by muchachos mentioned in Casement's Amazon Journal.
- ^ "these were Tizon's own words to Barnes and myself"
- ^ The quote continues, "The boy I photoed on Saturday was the muchacho de confianza of Flores, and he, I was told by Donal Francis on Friday, has 'killed plenty of men', although only a lad, and was not yet 'fully civilised!' When later on he 'revolts', who will kill him?
- ^ Benjamin Saldaña Rocca referred to these raids as "wholesale slaughter of Indians".[112]
- ^ Normand's group captured three men and three women and they were tied up then taken to the station of La China, where they were flogged by Normand. One of the native males, named Kodihinka perished from these wounds. This information was provided by James Lane, a Barbadian that was employed by Arana's company at Matanazas.[117] Lane also claimed that Normand offered him "a good piece of gold" if he did not testify to any crime perpetrated by Normand.[118]
- ^ A Peruvian Amazon Company employee named Esteban Angulo testified to the judge that a few days after that massacre, fifteen natives from the Aymenes tribe were flogged. Rafael ordered this punishment, which was administered in the presence of the Peruvian garrison. Angulo stated some of these soldiers participated in the flogging.[131]
- ^ The most notable members of this group are Miguel Flores, Armando Blondel, and Filomeno Vasquez. These men were incriminated in the Putumayo genocide by the Hardenburg and Casement depositions.[151]
- ^ Casement only spent a few hours at Atenas on the 26th of October, 1910.[156]
- ^ Elias Martinengui retired from the Peruvian Amazon Company prior to 1910, and Alfredo Montt assumed his role as manager at Atenas.
- ^ Casement said the latex at Atenas was processed into thin strips, "like long sausages of a butcher's shop. It is the 'true Putumayo sausage' I am told. As a matter of fact it is. It is the entrails of a people."[157]
- ^ Bishop also noted that there were closer to three fabricos in a year rather than just two.
- ^ The journey from Entre Rios to Puerto Peruano could take seven hours on foot. At Puerto Peruano, the Veloz, a boat operated by the Peruvian Amazon Company, shipped the natives to La Chorrera with their rubber loads, between fifty to sixty of them at a time.
- ^ The quote comes from Roger Casement's 1910 journal.[157]
- ^ In one specific fabrico, Santa Catalina brought in 30,000 kg (66,000 lb) of rubber, which added onto the fortune collected by Aristides.[167]
- ^ During Montt's management of Ultimo Retiro, natives were shot, flogged and deliberately starved to death. According to Reuben Philips: "very many Indians were killed and flogged there".[174]
- ^ After the Peruvian Amazon Company captured Remolino, they were in a position to prevent natives from using this portage route to escape the Putumayo area.
- ^ These Peruvian soldiers were Andeans, and were sent to the Putumayo due to the threat of a fictitious Colombian rebellion. The cemetery at La Chorrera contained the burial ground for this group.[188]
- ^ Zumaeta managed to evade authorities, he left the territory of El Encanto's agency and fled towards the rubber station of Abisinia, which was a part of La Chorrera's agency.[82]
- ^ The Pamá River is a tributary of the Caqueta River
- ^ Information regarding this massacre was provided by the Barbadian James Mapp in 1910,[209] and later in two indigenous testimonies collected in 1911.[210] Judge Paredes said there were five massacres that were deserving of attention, including this incident, because they "reveal a great development of crime".[211]
- ^ Source says "about eight"
- ^ In 1916, there was a "Agüero y Jiménez" exporting rubber from the Tahuamanu River with eighteen Huitoto families. It may be possible this is Abelardo Agüero and Augusto Jiménez Seminario.
- ^ According to the information in The Devil and Mr Casement, the natives rebelled after a forced march of three days to find rubber, for which they received little food. The natives killed nine men working for Arana.[228]
- ^ Some of whom were armed with machine guns.[229]
- ^ Julio Arana also had a role in initiating these forced migrations.[229]
References
edit- ^ Tully, John (2011). The Devil's Milk A Social History of Rubber. Monthly Review Press. p. 86. ISBN 978-1-58367-261-7.
- ^ a b "Cien años después, la Amazonía recuerda uno de sus episodios más trágicos" [One hundred years later, the Amazon remembers one of its most tragic episodes]. BBC News (in Spanish). October 12, 2012. Archived from the original on January 27, 2023. Retrieved July 30, 2021.
- ^ Uriarte, Javier; Martínez-Pinzón, Felipe, eds. (2019). Intimate Frontiers A Literary Geography of the Amazon. Liverpool University Press. p. 120. ISBN 9781786949721.
- ^ Department of State 1913, pp. 119, 160.
- ^ Vallve 2010, p. 102.
- ^ Thomson 1913, pp. 11–12.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 133.
- ^ Vallve 2010, p. 99.
- ^ Uribe, Simón (2017). Frontier Road: Power, History, and the Everyday State in the Colombian Amazon (1st ed.). Colombia: John Wiley & Sons. pp. 50–52. ISBN 978-1-11910018-8. Retrieved July 3, 2023.
- ^ Thomson 1913, pp. 13, 15.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 94.
- ^ Reyes, Rafael (1914). The Two Americas. Frederick A. Stokes Company. pp. 45, 54. ISBN 978-0-7222-9562-5.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 295.
- ^ Paternoster 1913, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 145–146.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 145.
- ^ Chirif 2009, pp. 86–87.
- ^ Chirif 2009, p. 87.
- ^ Goodman 2009, p. 38.
- ^ Fuentes 1908, p. 16,121.
- ^ Chirif 2009, pp. 86, 107.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 241–242.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 445–446.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 253.
- ^ a b Rocha 1905, p. 105.
- ^ Taussig 1991, p. 26.
- ^ Rocha 1905, p. 106-107.
- ^ Taussig 1991, p. 26,114.
- ^ Rocha 1905, p. 106.
- ^ Taussig 1991, p. 27.
- ^ Chirif 2009, p. 198.
- ^ Taussig 1991, p. 22-28.
- ^ a b c d Hardenburg 1912, p. 200.
- ^ Casement 2003, pp. 688–689.
- ^ Thomson 1913, pp. 9, 47.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 254.
- ^ Taussig 1991, p. 22.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 244.
- ^ Chirif 2009, pp. 18, 206.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, p. 22.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 200–201.
- ^ a b Thomson 1913, pp. 86–87.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. 86.
- ^ Parliamentary Papers: Select Committee on the Putumayo. House of Commons or House of Lords Papers. 1913. p. 614.
- ^ Pineda Camacho 1992, p. 109.
- ^ Fuentes 1908, p. 114.
- ^ a b c Hardenburg 1912, p. 181.
- ^ a b En el Putumayo y sus afluentes 1907, pp. 94–95.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 182.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 29, 160, 181, 185.
- ^ Casement 2003, pp. 165, 174, 434–435, 659.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 250, 339.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 311–312.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 312.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 250.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. 73.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 201.
- ^ Davis, Wade (2017). El río: exploraciones y descubrimientos en la selva amazónica [The river: explorations and discoveries in the Amazon rainforest] (in Spanish). Grupo Planeta. pp. 283–284.
- ^ "Cien años de la matanza de La Chorrera, Amazonas" [One hundred years since the massacre of La Chorrera, Amazonas]. El Tiempo (in Spanish). October 7, 2012. Retrieved July 30, 2021.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 255-256.
- ^ Fuentes 1908, p. 122.
- ^ a b Liberation through land 1998, p. 136.
- ^ a b Tully 2011, p. 86.
- ^ Fuentes 1908, p. 122,226.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 112.
- ^ Kiernan, Ben (2023). "Prelude to Genocide: Humanitarianism, Racism and Antisemitism in the Early Twentieth Century". In Kiernan, Ben; Lower, Wendy; Naimark, Norman; Straus, Scott (eds.). The Cambridge World History of Genocide. Vol. III: Genocide in the Contemporary Era, 1914–2020. Cambridge University Press. pp. 31–34 [31–32]. doi:10.1017/9781108767118. ISBN 978-1-108-48707-8.
- ^ Tully 2011, p. 99.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 243.
- ^ Goodman 2009, p. 36.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 43.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 94.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 33.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 272,434,437.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 154.
- ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 444.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 444, 508.
- ^ Goodman 2009, p. 235.
- ^ a b En el Putumayo y sus afluentes 1907, p. 95.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 323.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 215.
- ^ Collier 1968, p. 51.
- ^ a b c Casement 2003, p. 643.
- ^ a b c Casement 2003, p. 687.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, pp. 89, 124.
- ^ Thomson 1913, pp. 60, 99.
- ^ Department of State 1913, pp. 15, 60, 113, 228.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 13, 119.
- ^ Department of State 1913, pp. 258, 261, 281.
- ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 68, 105, 120.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 263.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 29, 183, 204.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 208–209.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 199.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 214–215.
- ^ Whiffen, Thomas (1915). The North-West Amazons; Notes of Some Months Spent Among Cannibal Tribes. p. 4.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 119.
- ^ a b Taussig, Michael (June 20, 2008). Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man. University of Chicago Press. p. 48. ISBN 978-0-226-79011-4.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 303.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 147.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 311.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 136.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 160.
- ^ a b c Casement 1997, p. 320.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 140.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 135–136.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 209, 242–243, 297.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 243, 251.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 226.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 243.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 13.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 369.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 216.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 252.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 243, 252.
- ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 195.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 259.
- ^ a b c Paternoster 1913, p. 115-116.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 348.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 334.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 173.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 263, 269–270.
- ^ Goodman, Jordan. "Mr Casement goes to Washington: the politics of the Putumayo photographs". Researchgate.net.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. 87.
- ^ a b Thomson 1913, p. 60.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 259–260.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, pp. 92, 318, 448–449.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, pp. 92, 318.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 106.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 259.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, pp. 117, 285.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, p. 285.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, p. 124.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 206.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 905–191.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. xxi, 1, 60.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 277,286.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 274, 306, 321-322, 346.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 234, 239, 259, 308.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 180, 350.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 310.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 270.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 146.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 142.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 287.
- ^ Department of State 1913, pp. 265, 346.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 112.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 86.
- ^ Department of State 1913, pp. 219, 265.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 218.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 293.
- ^ a b Parliamentary Papers: Select Committee on the Putumayo. House of Commons or House of Lords Papers. 1913. p. 20.
- ^ Goodman 2009, p. 144.
- ^ Casement 2003, pp. 234, 280.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, p. 165.
- ^ Goodman, Jordan. "Mr Casement goes to Washington:The Politics of the Putumayo Photographs". Revistas. ABEI Journal. Retrieved July 4, 2023.
- ^ Casement 1997, pp. 319–320.
- ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 321.
- ^ a b Hardenburg 1912, p. 234.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 230.
- ^ a b c Casement 1997, p. 247.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 246.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 332.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, p. 365,378.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 254–255.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 424.
- ^ a b Casement 2003, p. 177.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 423.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 368.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 173.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 281.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 341.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 282.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 243, 256.
- ^ Department of State 1913, pp. 390–391.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 193.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 194.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 207.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 52.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 181, 200, 232.
- ^ a b Hardenburg 1912, p. 231.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 115.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 140.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 148.
- ^ Goodman 2009, p. 35.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 175.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, p. 302.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 202–203.
- ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 356.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. 52.
- ^ "Colección de leyes, decretos, resoluciones i otros documentos oficiales referentes al departamento de Loreto" [Collection of laws, decrees, resolutions and other official documents referring to the department of Loreto]. Colección de leyes, decretos, resoluciones i otros documentos oficiales referentes al departamento de Loreto (in Spanish). 4. Loreto (Peru : Department): 62. 1905.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, p. 275,278-279,285,.
- ^ A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 177-178.
- ^ Thomson 1913, p. 88.
- ^ Parliamentary Papers: Select Committee on the Putumayo. House of Commons or House of Lords Papers. 1913. p. 43.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 110.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 455-456.
- ^ a b A catalogue of crime 1912, p. 137.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 111.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 333.
- ^ Casement 1997, p. 111,456.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 190–191.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 96.
- ^ Chirif 2017, p. 119.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 241.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, p. 287.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 145.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 260.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 238.
- ^ a b Department of State 1913, pp. 382–383.
- ^ Valcárcel 1915, p. 253-254.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 699-700.
- ^ Department of State 1913, p. 383.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 222–223.
- ^ Department of State 1913, pp. 350–351.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 331.
- ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 254.
- ^ Paternoster 1913, pp. 70–74.
- ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 259, 265.
- ^ Paredes Pando, Oscar (2013). Explotacion del caucho-shiringa Brasil - Bolivia - Peru [Rubber-shiringa exploitation Brazil - Bolivia - Peru] (in Spanish). Editado e impreso en JL Editores. p. 140. ISBN 978-612-46447-0-2.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 652,655.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 253,280.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 280,660.
- ^ Paredes Pando, Oscar (2013). Explotación del caucho-shiringa Brasil - Bolivia - Perú: economías extractivo-mercantiles del Alto Acre - Madre de Dios. Editado e impreso en JL Editores. p. 201. ISBN 9786124644702.
- ^ Anales judiciales de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Republica (in Spanish). Imprinta del Estado. 1917. p. 271.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 652,666.
- ^ Casement 2003, p. 593,603,646.
- ^ Hemming 2008, p. 230.
- ^ Goodman 2009, p. 264.
- ^ a b Goodman 2009, p. 265.
- ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 264–265, 285.
- ^ Yépez, Benjamín (1985). "La rabia de Yarocamena" [Yarocamena's rage]. Estudios Sobre Violencia y Conflicto (in Spanish). 2 (2).
- ^ Pineda Camacho, Roberto (1989). "Historia oral de una maloca sitiada en el amazonas: aspectos de la rebelión de yarocamena contra la casa arana, en 1917". Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura. Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
- ^ de Pinell, Gaspar (1924). Un viaje por el Putumayo y el Amazonas ensayo de navegación [A trip through the Putumayo and the Amazon navigation essay] (in Spanish). Imprenta Nacional. pp. 39–40.
- ^ Víctor San Román, Jesús (January 1, 1994). Perfiles históricos de la amazonía peruana [Historical profiles of the Peruvian Amazon] (PDF) (in Spanish). Peru / Colombia: Instituto de Investigaciones de la Amazonía Peruana. pp. 191–192. ISBN 8489295808. Retrieved July 18, 2023.
- ^ Javier Romero Dianderas, Eduardo. Documents, forests and alternative governmental projects in the margins of the state: a case study from Ampiyacu basin, Peruvian Amazonia (PDF). Peru / Colombia: University of Georgia. p. 60. Retrieved July 21, 2023.
Bibliography
edit- Casement, Roger (1997). The Amazon Journal of Roger Casement. Anaconda Editions. ISBN 1901990052.
- Casement, Roger (2003). Mitchell, Angus (ed.). Sir Roger Casement's Heart of Darkness: The 1911 Documents. Irish Manuscripts Commission. ISBN 9781874280989.
- Chirif, Alberto (2009). Imaginario e Imágenes de la época del caucho [Imaginary and Images of the rubber era] (in Spanish) (illustrated ed.). Putumayo: Amazon Center for Anthropology and Practical Application. ISBN 978-997260827-8. Retrieved July 3, 2023.
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- Collier, Richard (1968). The River that God Forgot: The Story of the Amazon Rubber Boom. Dutton.
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{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link) - Fuentes, Hildebrando (1908). Loreto; apuntes geográficos, históricos, estadísticos, políticos y sociales [Loreto; geographical, historical, statistical, political and social notes] (in Spanish). La Revista, 1908.
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- Hardenburg, Walter (1912). The Putumayo, the Devil's Paradise; Travels in the Peruvian Amazon Region and an Account of the Atrocities Committed Upon the Indians Therein. London: Fischer Unwin. ISBN 1372293019.
- Hardenburg, Walter (1912). Transcript of 'The Devil's Paradise. / A catalogue of crime' by W. E. Hardenburg. National Library of Ireland.
- Paternoster, Sidney (1913). The Lords of the Devil's Paradise. S. Paul & Company.
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- Taussig, Michael (1991). Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226790118.
- Thomson, Norman (1913). The Putumayo Red Book with an Introduction on the Real Scandal of the Putumayo Atrocities. N. Thomson & Company.
- Valcárcel, Carlos (1915). El proceso del Putumayo y sus secretos inauditos [The Putumayo process and its unprecedented secrets] (in Spanish). Peru / Colombia: The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs. ISBN 978-9972-9410-9-2. Retrieved August 27, 2023.
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- García Hierro, Pedro; Hvalkof, Søren; Gray, Andrew (1998). Liberation through land rights in the Peruvian Amazon. The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs.
- Hemming, John (2008). Tree of rivers : the story of the Amazon. London : Thames & Hudson.