Papers by Rashad Ullah
We examine the time-course of semantic structure formation during real-time sentence comprehensio... more We examine the time-course of semantic structure formation during real-time sentence comprehension. We do this through the lens of aspectual coercion, a semantic combinatorial operation that lacks morpho-syntactic reflections, yet is indispensable for sentence interpretation. We describe two experiments. Experiment 1 replicates the results of a previ- ously published study (Piñango, Zurif, & Jackendoff, Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 28(4), 395–414 1999) showing that the cost of implementing aspectual coercion is detectable as late as 250 ms after the operation is licensed. Experiment 2 expands the window of observation by revealing that the implementation of aspectual coercion is not detectable immediately upon its being licensed, that is, at the point at which the syntactic representation is assumed to be fully formed. These findings suggest a dissociation in the integration of information, in which semantic composition—even mandatory and automatic semantic composition—takes time to develop after it is syntactically licensed to do so.
Conference Presentations by Rashad Ullah
This paper examines a class of indefinite pronouns in Bengali (“k-words”) with two aims—first to ... more This paper examines a class of indefinite pronouns in Bengali (“k-words”) with two aims—first to bring in empirical, descriptive semantic data not previously examined, and secondly to motivate a two-dimensional analysis of polarity-sensitivity that depends both on structural licensing and pragmatic preconditions, which in turn are sensitive to both a domain of alternatives and the extent to which that domain is exhaustified. In Bengali, a k-word like kono (“some”/“any”) is morphologically composed of an interrogative (e.g. kon) along with the particle -o (Chatterji 1926; Thompson 2010). The k-word—with Negative Polarity (NPI) and Free Choice (FCI) readings—has been analysed as indetermintes triggering alternatives (Ramchand 1997) similar to Japanese (Kratzer and Shimoyama 2002). In previous work (Ullah 2005) I argue that Bengali k-words divide into emphatics and non-emphatics and that emphatics are subject to licensing in anti-veridical contexts (cf. Giannakidou 1997, 1998). In this paper I identify an intonational diagnostic that teases apart emphatics from non-emphatics and then show that non-emphatics obtain a referentially vague (RV) reading of the type called “epistemic indefinites” e.g. algún in Spanish (Alonso-Ovalle 2006). Next, examining interpretations in the scope of modals, I show non-emphatic k-words systematically contrast with, on one side, non-polarity-sensitive indefinites and, on the other side, FCIs. Giannakidou and Quer (2013) argue that certain FCI and RV indefinites in Spanish, Catalan, and Greek are best explained as requiring preconditions that trigger individual-alternatives but differ critically in that FC requires exhaustification of the domain while the RV requires only partial exhaustification. My paper argues that Giannakidou and Quer-type analysis better explains the Bengali k-words in all three readings—NPI, FCI, and RV. This approach supports converging work that treats polarity not as a monolithic class but as a cluster of phenomena emerging from the mix of grammar, semantics, and pragmatics.
This paper analyzes the distribution and semantics of the "k word" class of indefinite pronouns i... more This paper analyzes the distribution and semantics of the "k word" class of indefinite pronouns in Bengali. The analysis has implications for two major areas of cross-linguistic semantic research—epistemic indefinites (Alonso- Ovalle 2006; Alonso-Ovalle and Menéndez-Benito 2015) and polarity-sensitivity (Ramchand 1997; Kratzer and Shimoyama 2002; Giannakidou 1998, 2011).
Bengali exhibits a puzzle for standard views on inflection, tense/aspect, and negation. Although ... more Bengali exhibits a puzzle for standard views on inflection, tense/aspect, and negation. Although Bengali negation is marked by na ‘not’, finite verbs marked for perfect aspect cannot take na or any other negative. To negate perfects, the verbs must drop tense/aspect marking and take a special marker, ni, not used elsewhere in the language. Previous research (e.g. Ferguson 1972:91) noticed this puzzle, but only one account, Ramchand (2004), attempts a solution. Working within tense and event logics (cf. Parsons 1990), Ramchand treats ni and na as distinct negative quantifiers, na quantifying events and ni quantifying times. The account defines perfects as ‘resultant states’ entailing prior events, and claims that na negates the resultant state but not the prior event, creating semantic clash. This correctly predicts scopal, interpretive differences between negations of the past and ni negations. However, the account incorrectly predicts that temporal negative polarity items disallow na, though allowed in other past declaratives. Also, Ramchand’s analysis, leaving out discussion of futures, incorrectly predicts that na cannot range over all future times.’
Previous work does not recognize the semantic link between ni and the negative existential nai ‘there is not,’ used for ni dialectally. I therefore propose a unified semantics for ni/nai as the negation of states (existential, locative, and ‘resultant’ states). The apparent present-past alternations, I argue, stem from coercion of events to resultant states when embedded in ni/nai. My explanation for ni captures the scopal effects without limiting the semantics of na, thus avoiding incorrect predictions.
I advocate a diachronic explanation of the morphological gap. Ni originates from nai and nahi ‘there is not’ and I show how its development arises from polysemy of negative markers during medieval Bengali and from analogy to the affirmative perfects, which contain positive auxiliary ach- corresponding to nai. Medieval textual data, previously undiscussed, converge to illuminate the grammaticalization of aspect and negation. My main contribution is showing how the forces of grammaticalization, analogy, and lexical semantics interact to create the paradigm. The facts in my argument affect theoretical concerns outside defective paradigms. The evolution of Bengali perfects is fueled by the semantics of its original constituents, supporting Bybee et al’s (1994) approach to grammaticalization. Bengali also confirms the cross-linguistic tendency of diachronic “perfect to perfective” shift (cf. Dahl 1985, Bybee et al 1994, Deo 2006).
Talks by Rashad Ullah
Should emphatic polarity-sensitive items (PSIs) in Bengali be analyzed as indefinites embedded in... more Should emphatic polarity-sensitive items (PSIs) in Bengali be analyzed as indefinites embedded in focus constructions? To answer this, I will examine and provide a full account of the following: PSIs in Bengali, focus and focus particles in Bengali, the relation of the semantics and pragmatics of PSIs to focus, in Bengali and across languages generally. Peripheral areas of inquiry that I plan to include: an inquiry into the relation of prosody (intonation) to focus, the implications of my analysis to relevant open questions in typology, semantics, and
pragmatics.
Drafts by Rashad Ullah
This manuscript examines polarity-sensitive items (special indefinite pro-forms, henceforth PSIs)... more This manuscript examines polarity-sensitive items (special indefinite pro-forms, henceforth PSIs) in Bengali. In particular, the paper examines Bengali PSIs in comparison to English and Greek in light of the hypothesis (Giannakidou 1998) that PSIs may be licensed by non-veridical and anti-veridical semantic environments. The paper argues for the utility of this framework in explaining the distribution and interpretation of Bengali PSIs and shows additionally that Bengali PSIs in affirmative or non-downward-entailing contexts show sensitivity to epistemicity (i.e. speaker knowledge states). This manuscript was presented at the Yale University Department of Linguistics as a Qualifying Paper in spring 2005.
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Papers by Rashad Ullah
Conference Presentations by Rashad Ullah
Previous work does not recognize the semantic link between ni and the negative existential nai ‘there is not,’ used for ni dialectally. I therefore propose a unified semantics for ni/nai as the negation of states (existential, locative, and ‘resultant’ states). The apparent present-past alternations, I argue, stem from coercion of events to resultant states when embedded in ni/nai. My explanation for ni captures the scopal effects without limiting the semantics of na, thus avoiding incorrect predictions.
I advocate a diachronic explanation of the morphological gap. Ni originates from nai and nahi ‘there is not’ and I show how its development arises from polysemy of negative markers during medieval Bengali and from analogy to the affirmative perfects, which contain positive auxiliary ach- corresponding to nai. Medieval textual data, previously undiscussed, converge to illuminate the grammaticalization of aspect and negation. My main contribution is showing how the forces of grammaticalization, analogy, and lexical semantics interact to create the paradigm. The facts in my argument affect theoretical concerns outside defective paradigms. The evolution of Bengali perfects is fueled by the semantics of its original constituents, supporting Bybee et al’s (1994) approach to grammaticalization. Bengali also confirms the cross-linguistic tendency of diachronic “perfect to perfective” shift (cf. Dahl 1985, Bybee et al 1994, Deo 2006).
Talks by Rashad Ullah
pragmatics.
Drafts by Rashad Ullah
Previous work does not recognize the semantic link between ni and the negative existential nai ‘there is not,’ used for ni dialectally. I therefore propose a unified semantics for ni/nai as the negation of states (existential, locative, and ‘resultant’ states). The apparent present-past alternations, I argue, stem from coercion of events to resultant states when embedded in ni/nai. My explanation for ni captures the scopal effects without limiting the semantics of na, thus avoiding incorrect predictions.
I advocate a diachronic explanation of the morphological gap. Ni originates from nai and nahi ‘there is not’ and I show how its development arises from polysemy of negative markers during medieval Bengali and from analogy to the affirmative perfects, which contain positive auxiliary ach- corresponding to nai. Medieval textual data, previously undiscussed, converge to illuminate the grammaticalization of aspect and negation. My main contribution is showing how the forces of grammaticalization, analogy, and lexical semantics interact to create the paradigm. The facts in my argument affect theoretical concerns outside defective paradigms. The evolution of Bengali perfects is fueled by the semantics of its original constituents, supporting Bybee et al’s (1994) approach to grammaticalization. Bengali also confirms the cross-linguistic tendency of diachronic “perfect to perfective” shift (cf. Dahl 1985, Bybee et al 1994, Deo 2006).
pragmatics.