La Trinidad Integrated Secondary Shool
La Trinidad Integrated Secondary Shool
La Trinidad Integrated Secondary Shool
SHOOL
BONBON, BUTUAN CITY
INTRODUCTION
THE PHILOSPHY OF THE HUMAN PERSON
PORTFOLIO
Maka-diyos
Maka-tao
Makakalikasan
Makabansa
LA TRINIDAD INTEGRATED SECONDARY SCHOOL
ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE
I. Doing Philosophy
Here you can find out what it is to start doing philosophy in a practical way. Doing philosophy will help you think about
things philosophical—thoughts we have that at the time we think them leave us confused or without an acceptable
answer. We can do philosophy by ourselves (by reflecting or meditating on the question that concerns us), with one
other person (taking to a friend to try and work out a particular question of concern) or in a group (perhaps as part of
a Cafe Philo).
Philosophy can be practical. It has always been concerned with matters of utility: science, ethics, religion, psychology;
but it has also been concerned with abstract ideas: what we know and how we come to know it, the logic of argument,
whether or not the world we live in is truly real. For me modern Practical philosophy is concerned with things that effect
us as human beings in our everyday lives: our happiness, our fulfillment, our sense of right and wrong, our feelings of
fellowship with others, our fears and anxieties, how we view ourselves. Modern Practical Philosophy has a number of
strands: Philosophical Counseling, Socratic Dialogue, Philosophy with Children, Personal Reflective Practice. Here you
will find something on all of these topics and links to help you pursue any of them further. For me practical philosophy
has a particular rationale, it demands that we have an understanding of life itself—what it is to ‘be’?, that we know how
we can alter our own lives—how we can change ourselves, that we know what has meaning to us, that we know what
freedom to choose is, what action is and how we should act in relation to it, and ultimately how we can come to
understand a philosophical life. I believe an understanding of these can be had by personal Reflective Practice and that
out lives can be enhanced and indeed fulfilled by an understanding of what I call Practical Metaphysics.
We can all do philosophy and our lives can be enhanced by it. It is not difficult
and there are a set of tools which philosophers use that are readily available. The main tools are logical ones. There is
nothing mysterious about logic, it is part of our nature to act logically and to know when something is illogical.
Philosophers also understand that in order to work out questions they must test their ideas against the ideas of others.
This method is used throughout science and the humanities. That is why students and academics write essays and
books and go to conferences. When we philosophize we must not be afraid to say what we think. But we must think
carefully, we must consider what it is we are thinking about and respect the ideas of others in the same way. When we
do philosophy we must not think of ourselves but of the general case, we must move from the particular to the universal.
For this entry I would like to take a look at several types of philosophical methods
which are typically employed by philosophers. As I go through my list of methods I
will share with you my experiences with, and opinions of each. In the process it will
be assumed that the reader is themselves familiar with philosophical methods, as this
is not an attempt to provide education on methods so much as to provide my
thoughts on their usefulness and application.
"Every embodied spirit is doomed to suffer and enjoy in solitude"The human being is a
complex matter and many believe that just trying to understand life and whatit means to
be human is a futile undertaking.--by Aldous HuxleyA human person is an embodied spirit (a
"soul") whose nature has numerous bodily, affective,cognitive, volitional and gender
capacities, the expression of which may lead by freedom toflourishing in a harmony with
one's nature or dysfunction against one's nature, ultimately shaped byand finding their
relational telos in the love of neighbor and union with God, relationships madepossibly by
our nature but realized only by the ministry of the indwelling Spirit of God.for St. Thomas:his
own total vision of man would be"embodied spirit".A human being is by nature a finite
embodied spirit, in search of the Infinite, in social solidarity withits fellow human beings, on
an historical journey through this material cosmos towards its final trans-worldly goal, a
loving union with God as the infinite fullness of all goodness.for Aristotle:A human person is
a personal being possessing its intellectual nature as joined in a natural unity witha material
body.this unity called "man" as "a rational animal."
Conclusion
The Human Being as an Embodied Spirit is one which is expressed fully, shining for all the
world tosee. It is our right and responsibility to give our Spirit its fullest expression in this
body. Theopportunity to become embodied and whole begins at birth and continues
throughout life.A human being is a biosocial being and represents the highest level of
development of all livingorganisms on earth, the subject of labour, of the social forms of
life, communication andconsciousness.
Spirit VS Soul
Spirit
it consist of our mind, will and emotions.it is our personality, thoughts, attitudes, and what
makes us unique.immaterial part of a human being or animal, regarded as immortal.soul is
mortal, meaning it dies.
IV. for friends of liberty, the early 21st century has been a confusing time. We are living
through a period of rapid and perhaps unprecedented social and economic change, and our
established ways of thinking about public questions have not been serving us well. Regaining
our balance will require us to open our eyes to the simultaneously disturbing and
encouraging trends before us. But perhaps more than that, we are both required and have
the opportunity to reflect anew on who we are as free and relational persons. We can and
must think more deeply about the contents of a fully human life, as knowing who we are is an
indispensable prelude to figuring out what to do to sustain the future of personal and
political liberty.
Some of our most familiar political and intellectual categories, adapted to suit 20th-century debates, now
cause us to fall into a simpleminded individualism that we cannot really believe. Too many conservatives,
for instance, persist in the tired distinction between individual freedom and collectivism. That unrealistic
bifurcation helped discredit the communist or fascist reduction of the particular person to nothing but an
expendable cog in a machine, plugging away in pursuit of some glorious paradise to come at the end of
History. But today that distinction too often ends up placing in the same repulsive category any
understanding of the person as a relational part of a larger whole — of a country, family, church, or even
nature. It thus causes conservatives to dismiss what students of humanity from Aristotle to today's
evolutionary psychologists know to be true: that we social animals are "hardwired" by instinct to find
meaning in serving personal causes greater than ourselves, and that reconciling freedom with personal
significance is only possible in a relational context that is less about rights than about duties.
The same simpleminded individualism leaves us unsure about how to approach the difficulties of the
modern American economy. Given the complicated challenges posed by globalization, the fading away of
the middle class, the breakdown of the family among the poor, the growing economic distance separating
our "cognitive elite" from the decreasingly "marginally productive" ordinary American, and the
indisputable need to trim our entitlements in order to save them (for a while), our ways of speaking about
through good schools, strong families, active citizenship, and even solicitous and judgmental churches.
Those relational institutions, however, are threatened, in different ways, by the unmediated effects of
both the market and big, impersonal government. We also know that most people find that worthy lives
are shaped by both love and work, and that the flourishing of love and work are interdependent. We even
know that love and work are both limits on government, even as we know that middle-class Americans
who have good jobs, strong families, and "church homes" are also our best citizens.
What we really know should point our political life in rather definite directions. Does our familiar
political vocabulary provide us what we need to articulate those directions? Or does it confuse us more in
this already confusing time? We have every reason to wonder whether even conservative Americans have
access to a plausible account of the reality of our personhood, an account that could serve as the
foundation of a public philosophy that would properly limit and direct a sustainable political life for free
persons. What we lack most is an authentically empirical theory adequate to the complexities of
The natural inclination of any conservative is to seek out such a theory in our deep and diverse tradition
of liberty, rather than invent one out of whole cloth. And if our search is guided by a sense of how our
changing circumstances require us to reflect on the relational character of the human person, our
tradition will not disappoint. But we have no choice but to look beyond the most familiar fixtures of that
tradition toward some neglected American theorists of liberty who have highlighted the shortcomings of
One neglected resource in correcting for that excess is America's most original and deepest 19th-century
thinker: Orestes Brownson. Author of The American Republic(published in 1865) and of much more,
Brownson explained that our country's "providential constitution" is deeper and more comprehensively
compelling than the Lockean theorizing of Jefferson and other leading founders and framers. Our
framers, who built for the ages as great statesmen do, drew from all the sources that history, philosophy,
political precedent, religion, and the rest of our civilized tradition had given them. It is because they built
as statesmen, and not as abstract theorists, that they builtbetter than they knew.
For Brownson, to think clearly about both our Constitution and about particular human beings means
avoiding the excesses of thinking too universally (or abstractly) or too particularly (or selfishly). It
requires finding a mean between the two extremes of American political thought. On one side, Americans
properly appropriate the truthful dogma of human equality, and remembering that all
persons equally possess rights is what directs us away from the excessive concern for particularity that
characterized aristocratic Southerners in Brownson's time, with all their secessionist, racist, and even
pagan impulses. But at the opposite extreme, humanitarians and their abstract egalitarianism — like
some transcendentalist, pantheist Northerners in Brownson's time — have divorced the theory of equality
from its properly personal theological context. What remains is an empty universalism that overvalues
the possibilities for redemption in political reform and denies the truth about personal being, and
therefore about personal rights. As the Yankee Brownson acknowledged, despite their many faults, the
Southerners were right to defend the particularity of relational individuality; they claimed to know and
love real persons and so to have no need for any interest in abstract "humanitarianism."
The American, constitutional mean between abstract universalism and tribal secessionism, according to
Brownson, is a limited political unity of citizens who know they are also more than and less than citizens.
All of us equally are shaped by natural, personal imperatives having to do with flourishing as material,
political, and spiritual beings. When we forget any of the three, we fall into trouble. The material being is
concerned with the personal subsistence of himself and his family. The political being is concerned with
the common good shared by citizens in a "territorial democracy" in a particular part of the world. The
spiritual being is concerned with discovering his relational duties to his loving personal Creator and
sharing that personal news with his fellow creatures through the church.
The fully human being attends to all three parts of who he is as a free and relational person born to know,
love, and die. He doesn't regard himself as less than he really is by thinking of himself as only a producer
and consumer or only a citizen, and he doesn't think of himself as more than he is by confusing his limited
This full account of who each of us is means that the economy, the family, and the church aren't to be
politicized. True theology is "catholic" in the sense of not being the exclusive preserve of a particular
political community or merely "civil theology." This full account of the person's relational responsibilities
also means that the political community is for more than serving the selfish needs of particular persons;
politics doesn't exist for the sake of economics. Thus loyalty to your country is a real and indispensable
virtue — one, Brownson says, particularly lacking in any country too obsessed with rights. What raises
the country above the tribe is that this loyalty is to a genuinely common good, a real conception of justice.
The American Constitution, Brownson explains, reconciles "liberty with law, and law with liberty"
Rightly understood, we can see in Brownson's idea of law and liberty a theoretical justification for an
enduring practice of American liberty that affirms a constitutional order that "secures at once the
authority of the public and the freedom of the individual — the sovereignty of the people without social
despotism, and individual freedom without anarchy. In other words, its mission is to bring out in its life
the dialectic union of authority and liberty, of the natural rights of man and those of society."
Brownson, at the very least, can help today's Americans to think seriously about the complex interplay
between political and economic liberties and the relational life of creatures and citizens. It is that kind of
thinking that the friends of liberty require if they are to overcome the confusion that defines our time .
V.
Living in society is a requirement for the human person. In society, he develops his potential in
mutual exchange and service of others.
Society groups persons together organically. It is an assembly (visible and spiritual). Within society,
man can use his talents and develop their fruits. Man is an "heir" of society and he must be loyal to his
community and to authority.
Although each community has its own goal, man must be the "subject and the goal of all social
institutions" (Pope John XXIII).
God entrusts certain functions to his creatures and governs the world with great regard for human
freedom. Government, therefore, should imitate God and behave as ministers of divine providence.
This principle of subsidiarity opposes all forms of collectivism, limits state interventions, aims at
harmonious relationships between persons and societies, and establishes international order.
A false inversion takes place when society "sees a person only as a ‘means' and creates unjust
structures which make Christian living almost impossible" (Pope Pius XII).
Man, by God's grace, can learn to avoid both the cowardice which gives in to evil and the violence
which would make the evil even worse.
Authority means the power to make laws, give order, and expect obedience. Foundations for authority
lie in human nature itself because the state is necessary for unity and for the common good.
Subject to Authority (1899-1900)
"Let every person be subject to the governing authorities for there is no authority except from God.
Those that exist have been instituted by God and those who resist authority will incur judgment"
(Rom 13:1-2).
Obedience requires that respect and due honor be given to those in authority. Pope St. Clement asked
God's favor upon authority so "they may exercise without offense the sovereignty that you have given
them."
Authority acts legitimately when it seeks the common good and uses moral means. Unjust laws and
immoral means do not bind in conscience. In these cases "authority breaks down and results in
shameful abuse" (Pope John XXIII).
Each power should be balanced by other powers. By this "rule of law," the will of any man will not be
sovereign.
1. Respect for the person - Public authorities must respect the fundamental and inalienable rights
of the human person. Government must guarantee the right of persons to act in accordance
with their conscience.
2. Social well-being - Authority must promote the development of the person and of the group.
Authority must arbitrate between various particular interests and make the necessities for
human life (food, clothing, establishing a family, etc.) accessible to all.
3. Peace - Authority must establish the peace of a just order by morally acceptable means. This
is the basis for legitimate personal and collective defense.
In the political community the common good is best realized. The state must promote the good of its
citizens and of intermediate bodies.