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Macedonia - Politics

Political culture in Macedonia is �clubbish,� dirty, and corrupt. Tradition, culture, and religion affect the level of public participation and access to information. This seems to be particularly salient among the Albanian population. Macedonia�s electoral performance has always been more even-handed and open than most of the former Yugoslav republics.

Ethnic tensions between the Macedonian majority and a sizable Albanian minority have been an ongoing concern regarding both human rights and democratic development. The country has an area of 9,781 square miles and a population of 2.1 million. The country's two major religious groups are Orthodox Christianity and Islam. Approximately 65 percent of the population is Macedonian Orthodox, and 32 percent is Muslim. Other religious groups include Roman Catholics, various Protestant denominations, and Jews. There is a general correlation between ethnicity and religious affiliation--the majority of Orthodox believers are ethnic Macedonian, and the majority of Muslim believers are ethnic Albanian.

Ethnic cleavage represents one of the deepest cleavages in a society, and that is also characteristic for the Macedonian society. The gap along this cleavage broadens even more, especially when other distinctive characteristics are accumulated, like: religion, languages belonging to completely different language groups, different habits and culture, standard of living, relation between urban and rural population. Minority political parties are viewed as the most adequate way of expressing the specific representation of interests in a wider context, simultaneously rejecting the idea of belonging to bigger parties of the main ethnic group in the country. The basic motive for creation of such parties would be that it would be very hard for a larger party to satisfy such a variety of interests present in society (although minority parties seem to be efficient only at "first level" of protecting and defending their most immediate group's interests).

The essential characteristic of the political culture in the country is the deficit of democratic tradition and the enhanced cultural heterogeneity. Long periods of political and cultural subordination to autocratic rulers throughout history resulted in reserved or resentful behavior towards every factor that exercises "power". The substitution of this "lack of contact" is compensated through the identification with the wider family, the local community and the ethnic group. Cultural diversity in the country is perceived through the use of different languages and religions. This follows the syndrome of socialist (communist) culture, where decisions were left to be taken care by the "avant-garde". Power was monopolized, producing resignation and apathy, things incompatible with the citizen's individualism. Here should be added the readiness of subordination to charismatic leaders and the incapability of tolerating differences. Therefore, the road to real civic society is long and painful, due to the lack of developed political culture.

The Macedonian and Albanian communities led peaceful but increasingly separate lives under Yugoslav rule, with ethnic Macedonians becoming increasingly urbanized and dominating the public-sector workforce, while ethnic Albanians suffered from low levels of education and employment and tended to remain in the impoverished countryside.. During the Yugoslav period, most of Macedonia's Slavic population identified themselves as Macedonians, while several minority groups, in particular ethnic Albanians, retained their own distinct political culture and language.

Although interethnic tensions simmered under Yugoslav authority and during the first decade of its independence, the country avoided ethnically motivated conflict until several years after independence. Ethnic minority grievances, which had erupted on occasion (1995 and 1997), rapidly began to gain political currency in late 2000, leading many in the ethnic Albanian community in Macedonia to question their minority protection under, and participation in, the government.

Ethnic tensions mounted, especially in the predominantly ethnic Albanian regions of the country, which bordered Albania to the west and Kosovo to the north. Eventually, armed clashes erupted in the spring of 2001 between Macedonian security forces and a formerly unknown group, the National Liberation Army (NLA�in Albanian, the group�s acronym is identical to that used by the guerrilla group that had fought Serbian forces in Kosovo two years earlier). The international community pressed for a swift end to the fighting, and in May 2001 a government of national unity was formed. The fighting came to close with the signing in August 2001 of the Framework Agreement, which had the full support of the United States, the European Union, and the OSCE. NATO forces oversaw a handover of weapons by the NLA. In September, the electorate approved amendments to the constitution, which were intended to address the main concerns of the Albanian parties. The changed constitution, for instance, gave greater recognition to the Albanian language and greater power to local Albanian minorities.

There is potential for political violence. Political disputes with neighboring countries and within Macedonia between rival political parties and ethnic groups add an element of uncertainty. Demonstrations and public protests occur frequently. Many groups demonstrate in front of Parliament and other government buildings. Demonstrations and rallies are generally peaceful. However, in February 2013, violent demonstrations resulted in extensive property damage and injuries in downtown Skopje.

In 2015, there were 81 reported demonstrations. The majority of these were anti-government demonstrations. Several protests were in response to the information contained in released wiretapped conversations highlighting government corruption and the government�s role in election rigging and possibly murder. At times, the demonstrations turned violent, causing property damage and injuries to police and demonstrators in downtown Skopje, and in some instances, police in riot gear and demonstrators clashed with injuries on both sides.

In May 2015, approximately 60,000 demonstrators protested against the ruling party. Also in May, 70,000 demonstrators took to the streets in a pro-government rally. Travelers were cautioned to avoid such gatherings. While recent demonstrations have not targeted American citizens or interests, travelers should be aware of their surroundings and current events.

Beyond ethnicity, characteristics including geographic setting, age, and objectives preclude any uniform assessment. For example, the leadership and culture of some organizations build upon older structures and experience. Although they seek to embrace new organizational and political approaches, both leaders and members tend to come out of the former system. In contrast, younger citizens are beginning to initiate their own projects and organizations, and seem to exhibit a more specialized and innovative approach. In terms of location, organizations in Skopje typically have access to more information and resources than do others, whereas those in smaller communities often have greater impetus for cross-cultural collaboration.