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Young Radicals: In the War for American Ideals Hardcover – June 13, 2017
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“Inspiring and entertaining.”—David Brooks, The New York Times
“It’s not difficult to see why [Lin-Manuel] Miranda would have been attracted to [Jeremy] McCarter as a writing partner.”—The Wall Street Journal
“One of the exciting new nonfiction books this summer.”—Time
Where do we find our ideals? What does it mean to live for them—and to risk dying for them? For Americans during World War I, these weren’t abstract questions. Young Radicalstells the story of five activists, intellectuals and troublemakers who agitated for freedom and equality in the hopeful years before the war, then fought to defend those values in a country pitching into violence and chaos.
Based on six years of extensive archival research, Jeremy McCarter’s dramatic narrative brings to life the exploits of Randolph Bourne, the bold social critic who strove for a dream of America that was decades ahead of its time; Max Eastman, the charismatic poet-propagandist of Greenwich Village, whose magazine The Masses fought the government for the right to oppose the war;Walter Lippmann, a boy wonder of socialism who forged a new path to seize new opportunities; Alice Paul, a suffragist leader who risked everything to win women the right to vote; and John Reed, the swashbuckling journalist and impresario who was an eyewitness to—and a key player in—the Russian Revolution.
Each of these figures sensed a moment of unprecedented promise for American life—politically, socially, culturally—and struggled to bring it about, only to see a cataclysmic war and reactionary fervor sweep it away. A century later, we are still fighting for the ideals these five championed: peace, women’s rights, economic equality, freedom of speech—all aspects of a vibrant American democracy. The story of their struggles brings new light and fresh inspiration to our own.
Praise for Young Radicals
“In this lively, if at times swooningly earnest, portrait of artists, activists, writers and intellectuals, McCarter chronicles a moment in American history when ‘socialism, progressivism, modernism, and feminism all exploded at once.’”—Newsday
“A brisk pace and sympathetic portraits make for an entertaining, well-researched history of a decade marked by ebullience, hope, and pain.”—Kirkus Reviews
“McCarter’s prose is engaging, moving, and, at times, laugh-out-loud funny. Recommended for young radicals today who want to understand past attempts to change the world in the face of repression.”—Library Journal (starred review)
- Print length400 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherRandom House
- Publication dateJune 13, 2017
- Dimensions6.35 x 1.22 x 9.56 inches
- ISBN-100812993055
- ISBN-13978-0812993059
Editorial Reviews
Review
“It’s not difficult to see why [Lin-Manuel] Miranda would have been attracted to [Jeremy] McCarter as a writing partner. . . . Young Radicals is a brilliant, even inspiring book, full of whip-smart analysis that demands to be read and argued over.”—The Wall Street Journal
“One of the exciting new nonfiction books this summer.”—Time
“In this lively, if at times swooningly earnest, portrait of artists, activists, writers and intellectuals, McCarter chronicles a moment in American history when ‘socialism, progressivism, modernism, and feminism all exploded at once.’”—Newsday
“A brisk pace and sympathetic portraits make for an entertaining, well-researched history of a decade marked by ebullience, hope, and pain.”—Kirkus Reviews
“McCarter’s prose is engaging, moving, and, at times, laugh-out-loud funny. Recommended for young radicals today who want to understand past attempts to change the world in the face of repression.”—Library Journal (starred review)
“In this poetic, impassioned book, written with a fierce moral urgency, Jeremy McCarter conjures up a clutch of brilliant dreamers—poets, feminists, journalists, and political rebels—whose freewheeling ideas collided with the carnage of World War I and the repressive atmosphere of the postwar Red Scare. More than just an eloquent requiem for its disillusioned young idealists, ambushed by a savage turn in history, it extracts enduring lessons of historical change that redeem their often heartbreaking suffering. Young Radicals provides just the literary antidote we need to counter the cynical forces of reaction in the Age of Trump.”—Ron Chernow, #1 New York Times bestselling author of Alexander Hamilton
“Jeremy McCarter’s gripping exploration of what drives young people toward revolutionary acts, in even the most desperate days, could not be more relevant to our current political moment. A crucial meditation on progress.”—Rebecca Traister, New York Times bestselling author of All the Single Ladies
“At an increasingly polarizing time in American history, Jeremy McCarter’s compelling work on these early twentieth-century American activists provides much-needed perspective and insight. Engaging, thought-provoking, and wonderfully intimate, this book should inspire artists, writers, activists, and anyone who values peace and justice in a time of conflict and war.”—Bryan Stevenson, executive director of the Equal Justice Initiative and New York Times bestselling author of Just Mercy
“Young Radicals is a highly dramatic, beautiful, and precise story of incredibly brave young people encountering bigotry, greed, ignorance, fear, and murderous rage, all the usual enemies of hope, decency, generosity of spirit, clarity, and courage of thought; it’s the story of their splendid refusals, their well-intended and sometimes fatal compromises, their stunning willingness to sacrifice everything for the country and the world with which they are magnificently, heartbreakingly in love. What makes it essential as well as thoroughly entertaining reading is the incontrovertible argument it makes on behalf of the persistence and power of truth, of the best impulses of our country and of humankind, even in the face of despair-inducing reversals and shattering defeats. As painful as it is to watch Jeremy McCarter’s doomed idealists lose their individual battles, it’s enormously moving and (sorry, but there’s no other word for it) inspiring to understand how, through struggle, they changed the world.”—Tony Kushner, Pulitzer Prize–winning author of Angels in America and Oscar-nominated screenwriter of Lincoln
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
The future arrives on New Year’s Day, 1912. Walter Lippmann arrives with it.
The brisk young man strides into the city hall of Schenectady, New York. Black-haired, dark-eyed, rounded with baby fat: You might think him handsome, if he did anything that invited you to notice his looks. But he doesn’t. He has no time.
The future arrives that day because a socialist has become Schenectady’s mayor. Other American cities have elected socialist mayors—even larger cities, such as Milwaukee—but they have tended to be in the upper Midwest, a region tainted by alien enthusiasms for Lutheranism, social democracy, and beer. Schenectady, by contrast, is an old city Back East. If Mayor George Lunn can make socialism work here, it will mean a new chapter in the life of America’s cities. A journalist tracing the rapid spread of socialism that year says that Schenectady has an outsize significance because it “well reflected in miniature the economic and industrial problems that press upon the whole country for solution.”1
For Lippmann—arranging his desk outside the mayor’s office, making it just so—one problem presses harder than the rest: “the control of politics and of our life by great combinations of wealth.” The richest 1 percent of the population has about 40 percent of the wealth. In an era before Social Security, workers’ compensation, and effective limits on child labor, that disparity leaves an enormous underclass of poor families. Most Americans are one missed paycheck away from disaster.2
Socialists don’t agree on what to do about this. Some are ready for direct action, sabotage, dynamite. That’s not where Lippmann turns first. His socialism draws from the British Fabians: H. G. Wells, Sidney and Beatrice Webb, George Bernard Shaw. He wants to see socialists win elections and use their new authority to get rid of wasteful, plutocratic systems that make the rich richer.
Ruminating on the Fabians is not something that mayoral secretaries tend to spend a lot of time doing, but Lippmann is no ordinary secretary. Terrible at stenography (or so he claims) he receives delegations, takes part in planning sessions, and writes speeches—this last task being more impressive than it might sound, considering the texts that Reverend Lunn used to deliver before a congregation.3
Two months into Schenectady’s socialist era, Lippmann extols their early gains in an article for The Masses, a new socialist monthly published in New York City.
“The budget is done, and a splendid piece of work it is,” he enthuses.
(The Masses is not a very exciting magazine.)
Mayor Lunn and his allies have funded more training for mothers, better inspection of the milk supply, and a system for stockpiling ice for cheap distribution in the summer. All of it—even the new playgrounds—will cost less than the old administration’s programs, because of great improvements in coordination and efficiency.4
In other words, socialism in practice has begun, in a modest way, to bear out socialism in theory. Which means it has begun to back up the argument that Lippmann has been making to a prosperous businessman who is sharply skeptical of socialism: his dad.
“It is not the fantastic dream of unpractical men; it is not the cry of the ‘have-nots’ against the ‘haves’; it is not a thing which may work or may not,” he insisted to Jacob Lippmann a few years earlier, in the first flush of his zeal. “It is rather a hard-headed, sound, scientific business proposition, based on the theory that ‘united we stand, divided we fall,’ which is the next, logical, and practically inevitable phase of industrial society.”5
It’s all going according to plan—for him, for Schenectady, for socialism. He is tasting the pleasure—and is any pleasure sweeter?—of winning an argument with the old man. So why is he uneasy?
Day after day, sitting at his desk, he watches men arrive looking for their share of what he calls “this new heaven on earth which socialism promised them.” They are cold and hungry and out of work—dozens of them, hundreds of them. What can the mayor do for them?
Not much, Lippmann laments to a friend. Not nearly enough. “Inspect them a little closer for disease—give them a municipal skating rink and a concert! Tabulate a few more statistics of unemployment!”6
In his letters to Mom and Pop, Lippmann can expound socialism in tones so steady that they wouldn’t rattle a teacup. But make no mistake: His convictions have been tempered in flame. During his sophomore year at Harvard, a working-class suburb of Boston was devastated by a fire. Lippmann was one of the students who answered the call to help people in what was left of Chelsea. For the first time in his well-upholstered life, his abstract apprenticeship in socialist thought—all those pamphlets and manifestos—rose before him in three desperate dimensions: the smell of charred tenements, the crying widows, the children without homes. Those people had no government to help them, no resources at all.
Now Schenectady is going to fail them, too?
He starts listening a little more attentively to his older colleagues in those staff meetings. He notices that their talk is not quite as idealistic as it used to be. He hears timidity, a lack of reflection, phrasemaking. Worse than all the rest, he watches his colleagues console themselves—congratulate themselves—by saying they are scratching out their little victories at the expense of powerful special interests. He wishes that were true! He once spent a year helping the great muckraker Lincoln Steffens investigate Wall Street’s control of American life, particularly the tangled web of financial corruption in city governments. It taught him that the enemy of progress is rarely a small band of wicked plutocrats: It is a system that encompasses and draws its sustenance from everyone, even those who think themselves virtuous.
A sinister cabal isn’t the barrier to enacting the socialist policies that would help those poor families, he comes to see: It’s “the unwatered hinterland of the citizens of Schenectady.”7 If they really wanted socialism, if they were ready for it, they’d be getting it. But they’re not.
The gap between hope and reality brings him quickly to a crisis: Can he condone this sham exercise in socialism, let alone continue to be a part of it? For the first time in his overachieving life, he finds himself in a predicament with no clear way out.
What is to be done?
On one hand, he feels that he should stay on the job, make the best of it, and trumpet whatever success they attain, because he is a walking advertisement for socialism’s future. A lot of comrades have banked a lot of hope in him. He is an officer of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society. He landed the Schenectady job because Morris Hillquit, one of the founders and leaders of the Socialist Party of America, recommended him to the mayor-elect. To quit would be an admission that he has failed.
On the other hand, the prospects for failure are growing by the day. Lunn was elected as a protest against the corruption of the old administration. Once he starts focusing on reelection, he’ll have to water down his socialism even more. Soon Lippmann’s job will force him to say and do things that are flatly false to his convictions.
In trimming his sails that way, he would be false to something even deeper than his socialism: his vast hope for his time. Everywhere Lippmann looks, he sees untapped resources, latent possibilities, a country with the capacity to leap ahead. He is a socialist because he thinks that central planning, informed by social science, offers American society the quickest possible route to an enlightened future. In an undergraduate magazine, he offered his view of what was unprecedented about the twentieth century: “Its shaping lies in our hands; for the first time in history an enlightened nation may consciously prepare the future to suit its own purposes.” That essay brought an unexpected visitor to his dorm-room door: the great philosopher William James, then in semiretirement, who had crossed Harvard Yard to express his admiration. Lippmann considered James to be the greatest living American, and getting to spend time with him the greatest thing that happened to him in college.8
This crisis in Lippmann’s young life reveals something new in his makeup: resourcefulness. Given a choice between two unpalatable options, he devises a third. It is a two-step plan—as logical and thorough as everything else he puts his mind to.
First, he quits. In early May, he cleans out his desk in city hall. He says his goodbyes. He returns to his parents’ home on the Upper East Side of Manhattan, wincing at what must have been a slow, sly paternal smile.
Second, a few weeks later, in the pages of The New York Call, the country’s leading socialist publication, he writes a blistering attack on the failures of Mayor Lunn and his administration.
In “Schenectady the Unripe,” Lippmann explains why the city had betrayed everybody’s radical hopes: The citizens hadn’t been converted to socialism, which meant a socialist mayor would only let down the cause. But Lippmann offers this high-minded theoretical explanation amid a hailstorm of personal judgments: “untrained,” “immature,” “impotent.”9
The rebuttal from comrades is swift and severe. It comes first from Morris Hillquit, who is, after all, doubly implicated in Lippmann’s attack: He is a special adviser to Lunn’s administration, which means that Lippmann is insulting his work, and he is the party elder who vouched for Lippmann in the first place, which means that “Schenectady the Unripe” is a mess of Hillquit’s own making. He chastises his young comrade in the Call for the “singular reticence” he showed while in Schenectady, implying that Lippmann had simply given up.
Lippmann declines to be chastised, not even by a man of Morris Hillquit’s stature. He hits back hard, alluding to their “delightful conversations,” some of which happened in Hillquit’s own home: “I certainly have not forgotten how sympathetic he was, how much he agreed, and how little he did.”10
The essay and the combative exchange boost Lippmann’s profile in radical circles. He seems even more committed to socialism than anybody realized. Or is it the opposite?
America is “bursting with new ideas, new plans and new hopes,” he writes later that year. “The world was never so young as it is today, so impatient of old and crusty things.”11
When he returns from his attempt to kick-start the future, he is twenty-two years old.
Chapter 2
John Reed prowls the docks, laughing with the sailors, chatting up the whores. The big Irish cops know him there, as do the Chinese in Chinatown and the Jews on the Lower East Side. He rides the elevated trains up and down the avenues, hitching up his pants, shouldering into places he doesn’t belong. For a snack, he’ll sometimes eat a grapefruit—tearing it in half, wolfing down the insides, then wringing the rind like a rag, tilting his chin back so the juice runs down his throat.1 Overtaken at last by fatigue, or morning light, he romps home to ramshackle Greenwich Village, the air around Mrs. Vanderbilt’s stables sweet with horse manure.
In the grungy apartment that he shares with three friends, he writes down what he has seen and heard on his adventures. Then he tries to sell it.
Reed is a writer, or would like to be. A full year of scratching away in the depths of New York journalism has yielded a couple of bylines and a fat stack of rejections. Lincoln Steffens, a friend of his father, helped him get a low-level editorial job at The American Magazine. It doesn’t pay much, but it’s enough to keep afloat in the Village. When the city’s leaders stretched a grid of numbered streets and avenues across Manhattan in 1811, they decided that the little roads in that odd angle of the island were already too crooked and unreasonable to bother straightening out. There’s no cachet to the place when Reed moves in: It’s just cheap. But that’s attraction enough for poor immigrants, painters, poets, agitators, and cranks of all kinds.
They are all waiting for inspiration to strike. For Reed, it strikes in the spring of 1912.
He comes up with “one of the biggest stories that has been sprung around these parts in half a century,” as he tells a friend.2
But before any editor can accept it, he has to write it. And in order to do that, he needs to marshal an array of qualities that his twenty-four years on the planet haven’t heretofore revealed: discipline, focus, a capacity to sit still.
Reed knows that he is the wrong guy for in-depth analysis. So he’s lucky that the right guy is not only a friend, but a friend with time to pitch in, for he has just quit his job in Schenectady and come home to New York.
Reed asks for Walter Lippmann’s help, and Lippmann gives it.3 Probably it’s in both their interests. Walter is a big part of the story that Jack wants to tell.
Jack is tall and muscular, disheveled and floppy haired—“nothing but a bundle of fine nerves, bulging energy, overweening vanity, and trembling curiosity, with an egotistical ambition to distinguish himself as a poet,” according to Steffens.4 These are the qualities that alerted him to his big story in the first place.
He has learned that his alma mater, Harvard, is trying to tamp down political activity on campus and restrain the unruly tendencies of the student body. Jack doesn’t like that one bit. As he looks back on his years in Cambridge, and looks around at his life in Manhattan, he sees the same restless spirit at work: “an influx of revolutionary ideas, discontent, criticism and revolt.”5 He wants to grab that spirit, pin it down, and describe it at length, preferably in the pages of a high-paying national magazine.
Reed gives his classmate a lot of the credit for letting that spirit rush through the college. When Lippmann co-founded the Socialist Club during their sophomore year, he made politics a burning issue on campus for the first time. “The meetings of the club were more alive than anything that had been seen around Harvard for years,” Reed recalls.6 The club’s members didn’t just sit around sifting doctrines. They worked to see their ideals made real in the world, “to see their theories applied—not merely academically discussed—applied to the world, to themselves, to Harvard.”
In other words, they were troublemakers. Reed loves troublemakers. It’s one reason why, when Lippmann paid a visit to the Western Club, Reed stood, bowed, and half-satirically declared, “Gentlemen, the future president of the United States!”7
Now, in a shabby walk-up in Greenwich Village, Lippmann explains to Reed what he has done and why. He sits for interviews, recommends sources, reads drafts. The project is a chance to talk about the experiences they have shared, such as writing for the literary magazine and studying with the much-loved English instructor Charles T. Copeland, known to all as “Copey.”
They shared one other experience at college, but they probably don’t talk about it: the sensation of being an outcast, of feeling terribly alone.
Product details
- Publisher : Random House; First Edition (June 13, 2017)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 400 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0812993055
- ISBN-13 : 978-0812993059
- Item Weight : 1.4 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.35 x 1.22 x 9.56 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,612,193 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #737 in WWI Biographies
- #1,014 in Radical Political Thought
- #2,940 in Social Activist Biographies
- Customer Reviews:
About the author
Jeremy McCarter is the author of YOUNG RADICALS, the story of idealistic Americans fighting for their ideals in the WWI years, and the co-author of the #1 New York Times bestseller HAMILTON: THE REVOLUTION with Lin-Manuel Miranda. He wrote about culture and politics for New York Magazine, Newsweek, and The New York Times, and spent five years on the artistic staff of the Public Theater in New York. He studied history at Harvard and lives in Chicago.
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Customers find the book informative and interesting. They say it gives insights into the Wilson Administration. Opinions are mixed on the writing quality, with some finding it well-written and excellent, while others say it seems dull.
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Customers find the book informative and interesting. They say it provides insights into the Wilson Administration.
"very good read....interesting subject" Read more
"...A good reminder. Strongly recomment." Read more
"...Too much jumping from person to person. Interesting historically but not very readable." Read more
"...It also gives some insights into the Wilson Administration." Read more
Customers have mixed opinions about the writing quality of the book. Some mention it's well-written, excellent, and a good read, while others say the writing seems dull.
"...Young Radicals is a well-written, excellent book. I recommend it highly." Read more
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One of our most popular forms of non-fiction “life stories” now include the group biography, exemplified by notable efforts like Joseph Ellis’s Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation and Daniel J. Brown’s, The Boys in the Boat. Jeremy McCarter has added to the genre with his Young Radicals, a heartfelt and novelistic portrayal of five rebellious and idealistic Americans striving to change pre-World War I America before the Great War smashed their hopes and dreams. To exemplify this short-lived period of idealism and youthful fervor, McCarter selects essayist and social critic Randolph Bourne (1886-1918); Max Eastman (1883-1969), political activist and editor of The New Masses, a crusading left-wing magazine of the era; Walter Lippmann (1889-1974), whose youthful flirtation with socialism would be followed by a stint in President Woodrow Wilson’s administration; Alice Paul (1885-1977), one of the nation’s most flamboyant suffragist leaders; and John Reed (1887-1920), journalist and author who eventually joined with Lenin and Trotsky as he promoted Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution.
McCarter interweaves brief biographies of each of his selected “radicals,” with colorful and insightful descriptions of their political beliefs and activities. He describes how during the first two decades of the twentieth century immediately before the onset of the war in 1914 their lives interacted in the heady intellectual and emerging bohemian environment of New York City’s Greenwich Village and later at Provincetown on Cape Cod. He seems particularly attracted to Randolph Bourne who, despite his untimely death just as the war in Europe was concluding, had written farsighted essays that questioned the emerging Wilsonian consensus that war could be used as a tool to spread democracy and that America’s kaleidoscope of ethnic groups could co-exist without losing their identities in a pot resistant to melting. McCarter then describes Eastman’s struggle to reconcile his activism and support for a peaceful socialist revolution with his more personal interests in poetry and philosophy. Paul’s increasingly dramatic and attention grapping efforts to secure the vote for women in the face of Wilson’s apparent indifference provides, for McCarter, an obvious precursor to the Civil Rights movement of the 1950’s and 1960’s. Reed’s journey from middle class respectability in Portland, Oregon, to Harvard (where he met Lippmann), to war correspondent, to author of the first history of the Russian Revolution (10 Days that Shook the World), to early disillusionment with aspects of communism as it evolved in the Soviet Union, traced the political and intellectual arc later shared by many young American’s initially drawn to socialist ideals who eventually lost faith in this pathway to a supposed better world. Lippmann’s odyssey from brief flirtation with socialism, to founding editor of The New Republic, to advisor to Wilson, eventually leading to many years as a well-known and often quoted political columnist and member of the Washington elite, exemplifies for McCarter how youthful ideals can easily be subverted by the intoxicating impact of the access to power.
McCarter concludes with the crushing impact of the Great War on dissent in America and on the idealism that faded with it, including Wilson’s efforts to, “Make the World Safe for Democracy,” and his young radicals hopes for a more democratic and progressive America. McCarter sadly notes that with the end of the war a new era of disillusionment, cynical pessimism and sense of loss exemplified in the “Lost Generation” writings of Fitzgerald and Hemingway had begun.
While one could quibble with the inclusion of Lippmann in this collection of largely obscure “young radicals,” McCarter’s volume provides a fascinating and imminently readable account of an America that has passed us by.