Violence

This article aims to present the solutions that would make it possible to eliminate violence in Brazil. Increasingly, the media make it clear that Brazil is increasingly vulnerable to violence, forcing us to note that it has invaded all areas of life and social relations of Brazilian citizens. Violence represents everything that injures, destroys, attacks or hurts people - actions that harm both individual and collective well-being. We live in a country that has as one of its main characteristics the violence practiced by man against his fellow men. Violence in Brazil has become a constitutive part of our society. The history of Brazil is a history of violence. In addition to political crimes in which violence is present, we also have crimes committed in the name of religious intolerance, especially against African-based religions, against gays, against women and blacks, in addition to lynchings on social media and violence of the Brazilian State against the citizen. Brazil, therefore, is a country where violence has crossed its entire history. From this perspective, disrespect for others and the rules of social interaction are a common practice in all layers of our society. Violence can be eliminated in Brazil if the Welfare State is implemented to meet the economic and social needs of the whole of society, especially the poor; promote governmental social assistance to families; eliminate unemployment with the abandonment of the neoliberal model, the promotion of national developmentalism and the adoption of a social and solidarity economy policy; fight organized crime and restrict the use of firearms among the population and offer all the necessary support to victims of violence, among other measures.

From the foundation of the Order of St John in 11th century Syria as a community of lay brethren intent on providing shelter, care and assistance to pilgrims visiting the Holy Land, the destiny of the Hospitaller Knights was irremediably moulded for most of the next millennium. Geography, circumstance, religious ideology, and the pursuit of wealth all conspired to transform the future of the Hospitallers into a violent one, in keeping with the surrounding environment of the Middle East and the rest of the Mediterranean. The Order’s attitude to conflict changed, however, when the theatre of war shifted from the Mediterranean to mainland Europe. The acquisition of property on a Euro-Mediterranean scale - a practice initiated in the Order's years in Latin Syria -  helped chart the course of Hospitaller history, rendering the Order sensitive to events on the continent. Any land property in Europe was at risk of intrusion, occupation or exploitation by armies on the move, and the Hospital’s property was no exception. This study is an analysis of the Order of St John’s contrasting attitudes to violence, and the geographical, political, religious, and historical situations that generated such an approach.

PLEASE NOTE:
1. (albeit sparing Christian and Venetian merchants..) should read (albeit not sparing Christian and Venetian merchants..), although it must be stated that this contravened the Order's Statute and the prohibitions stated on letters patent for piratical activity issued in Malta, and HJA Sire (1996) elaborates on this, underlining how, in principle, the Order was against such practice.
2. The 'deeply-rooted divisions' mentioned in the text are a reference to enduring confessional animosities fostered by recurring confrontation spanning centuries, starting with the Arab invasions of the 7th-9th centuries. Very obviously they do NOT exclude encounters. If anyone is DAFT enough to interpret it otherwise, please let him.

Violence against lesbians and gay men has increasingly captured media and scholarly attention. But these reports tend to focus on one segment of the LGBT community—white, middle class men—and largely ignore that part of the community that arguably suffers a larger share of the violence—racial minorities, the poor, and women. In Violence against Queer People, sociologist Doug Meyer offers the first investigation of anti-queer violence that focuses on the role played by race, class, and gender. Drawing on interviews with forty-seven victims of violence, Meyer shows that LGBT people encounter significantly different forms of violence—and perceive that violence quite differently—based on their race, class, and gender. His research highlights the extent to which other forms of discrimination—including racism and sexism—shape LGBT people's experience of abuse. He reports, for instance, that lesbian and transgender women often described violent incidents in which a sexual or a misogynistic component was introduced, and that LGBT people of color sometimes weren't sure if anti-queer violence was based solely on their sexuality or whether racism or sexism had also played a role. Meyer observes that given the many differences in how anti-queer violence is experienced, the present media focus on white, middle-class victims greatly oversimplifies and distorts the nature of anti-queer violence. In fact, attempts to reduce anti-queer violence that ignore race, class, and gender run the risk of helping only the most privileged gay subjects. Many feel that the struggle for gay rights has largely been accomplished and the tide of history has swung in favor of LGBT equality. Violence against Queer People, on the contrary, argues that the lives of many LGBT people—particularly the most vulnerable—have improved very little, if at all, over the past thirty years.

"Andreas Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos opens the book with his latest contribution to his comprehensive project of re-theorising spatial justice with a piece titled ‘Spatial Justice in a World of Violence’. Through a close reading
of the photographic series Fortunes of War, Life Day by artist Eric Lesdema,
Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos is interested in how these images reveal peripheral
spaces at the edge of violence which impose an ethic of spatial responsibility on the
viewer in the act of turning away and looking elsewhere. While no acts of explicit
violence are shown in the images, we are left with no doubt that violence is ubiquitous
along the spatio-temporal continuum. This continuum of violence between
bodies raises questions of complicity and responsibility. Do we submit to a state
of affairs in which space is saturated with the everyday and immobilised violence
of the ‘engineered atmosphere’ – or is it also possible for bodies to withdraw from
the atmosphere, through ruptures and folds within the continuum? Such a notion
raises the ethical possibility of the ‘emergence of spatial justice’." Chris Butler and Edward Mussawir (eds)

Der Dreißigjährige Krieg: Zeugnisse vom Leben mit Gewalt (The Thirty Years War: Testimonies from Living with Violence). Goettingen: Wallstein, 2018.

Historical treatments of the Thirty Years War have heretofore been mainly political and military history. These grand narratives neglect people’s perceptions and experiences of violence, survival, and remembrance, as well as how the contemporary media presented events. 

Hans Medick’s documentary micro-history provides new insights into how people lived with violence in the Thirty Years War und how this violence was perceived. By choosing an episodic non-linear approach to the history of this war, and by avoiding retelling an epic narrative, he arrives at an alternative assessment of its consequences and the uncertain peace concluded in 1648. The book uses numerous firsthand accounts, many of them never published before, as well as materials from the nascent media of the time. The experience of violence is examined from the perspective of individual women and men from all levels of society, such as mercenaries and soldiers, peasants, city dwellers, and noblemen. Medick thereby brings to light astounding, even horrifying, findings that cast new light on the complex events of the war. 

Medick has not only made accessible how contemporaries perceived and coped with the everyday experiences of the war, but he has also written a new, historical-anthropological, and medial history of the Thirty Years War. 

Hans Medick has been a pioneer of micro-history and the history of everyday life. He was a tenured fellow at the Max-Planck-Institute for History in Göttingen and Professor of History at the University of Erfurt. He also taught at the University of Göttingen, the University of California - Los Angeles, Washington University in St. Louis, Johns Hopkins University, as well as the Universities of Basel and Zurich.
His other publications include his magnum opus, Weben und Überleben in Laichingen 1650-1900: Lokalgeschichte als Allgemeine Geschichte (Göttingen 1996), the collection Selbstzeugnis und Person: Transkulturelle Perspektiven, co-edited with Claudia UIbrich and Angelika Schaser (Cologne, Weimar, Vienna 2012), and the textbook Experiencing the Thirty Years War: A Brief History with Documents, with Benjamin Marschke (Boston, New York 2013). 


Deutsches Abstract:
Der Dreißigjährige Krieg »aus der Nähe«, untersucht und erzählt aus Dokumenten.

Die historischen Abhandlungen zum Dreißigjährigen Krieg bestehen bisher überwiegend aus Großerzählungen der Politik- und Militärgeschichte. Was darin jedoch entschieden zu kurz kommt, sind die konkreten Gewalterfahrungen, Lebensbewältigungen und Erinnerungen der Menschen sowie deren Darstellung in den zeitgenössischen Medien.

Das Buch von Hans Medick bringt hier neue Einsichten. In Form einer dokumentarischen Mikro-Geschichte führt es das Leben mit Gewalt im Dreißigjährigen Krieg vor Augen. Zahlreiche, zum Teil unveröfentlichte Selbstzeugnisse und die aufkommenden Massenmedien der Zeit bringen erstaunliche, ja erschreckende Befunde zu Tage. Es ist das Erleben von Gewalt aus der Perspektive einzelner Personen aller gesellschaftlichen Schichten, wie Söldner und Soldaten, Bauern, Bürger und Adelige, das neues Licht wirft auf einen komplexen kriegerischen Ereigniszusammenhang.

Damit macht Hans Medick nicht nur die Wahrnehmungen und Verarbeitungen des Kriegsalltags zugänglich, er schreibt auch eine neue, historischanthropologisch fundierte Geschichte des Dreißigjährigen Krieges.

One of the strongest claims made by proponents of mixed martial arts (MMA) is that the confrontations are more authentic than other types of combat sports or, in the words of one promotion, ‘as real as it gets’. Since the advent of the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC) in the United States in 1993, the franchise has become one of the most rapidly growing sports in the world, especially since the take-over of the UFC by Zuffa LLC. Twenty years later, the UFC and its imitators have transformed the global understanding of martial arts and established a successful business model for promoting martial arts-based prize fighting. However, on closer examination, the development of the rules for ‘no holds barred’ fighting demonstrate a desire on the part of the promoters to stage fights that meet audience expectations, including particularly dramatic forms of violence and decisive outcomes. Instead of fighting in some kind of ‘de-regulated’ space, the UFC and other MMA appear to be ‘hyper-violence’, a type of stylized unarmed combat, especially telegenic, that obscures the actual effects of that violence on participants, even as it focuses the camera almost obsessively on particularly dramatic violent moments. Ironically, the regulations of ‘as real as it gets’ fighting seek to produce a confrontation that meets audience expectations, shaped especially by choreographed violence in movies and videogames.

À travers l’analyse de la violence naissant du seul fait de l’urgence, nous étudions le processus d’acting. Dans les services d’urgence, la technicité et l’efficacité médicales se lient paradoxale- ment à la confusion et aux difficultés de communication. Ce lieu devient ainsi propice à une mise en acte, dans la réalité, de fantasmes, de scènes familiales, de drames dont le déroulement s’agit à l’insu des malades, de leur famille et des praticiens. La scène des urgences ne doit pas être celle d’un psychodrame sauvage. L’urgentiste doit aussi tenir compte de l’opacité du fait psychique pour tenter de prévenir, au sein de son service, la commission d’actes violents qui n’émanent pas toujours de ses malades.

The indigene/settler question has been central to scholarly discourses on land ownership, ethnicity and identity in Nigeria. The legacies of the 1804 Jihad and the subsequent divide and rule colonial model of governance are extant in the perennial struggles for territorial control and dominance of political, economic, religious and socio-cultural spaces. In Northcentral Nigeria, the Southern Kaduna scenario in Zangon Kataf presents a context of the overlaps of ethnoreligious crises across macro and micro spaces in which the broad Hausa versus non Hausa sentiments influenced the political, economic and social exclusion claims of the Atyap within the context of indigene/settler debates. The study results from a two-year ethnographic fieldwork in the community (between 2012 and 2014) during, which observations, key-informant interviews and focus group discussions were combined with historical data; in unpacking the political economy of the 1992 market crises, and also exploring the politics of inclusion as an effective management strategy on which different state interventions on recent crises in Southern Kaduna could be modelled.

Mediante las voces y experiencias de campesinos quechuas de las comunidades de Ocros y Huancapi (Ayacucho), Los silencios de la guerra. Memoria y conflicto armado, hurga en los rastros de los años de violencia que enlutaron al Perú a fines del siglo XX. El agudo análisis de la antropóloga Valérie Robin Azevedo es una etnografía sensible de los secretos de las memorias campesinas de la guerra contra Sendero Luminoso, donde se rememora el pasado en fiestas patronales y en carnavales, en la creación musical y en los bailes comunales, en los sueños o en las apariciones de un santo milagroso.
¿Cómo se construyen hoy los recuerdos de la guerra y qué se silencia del pasado? ¿Qué muestran y qué ocultan las narraciones y celebraciones que escenifican lecturas parciales del pasado? Este fascinante libro nos revela las encrucijadas campesinas que siguen buscando rutas de convivencia pacífica hacia el futuro para reconstruir los lazos sociales profundamente dañados por la guerra interna.

André Corten & Vanessa Molina, Éditions Nota Bene, 2010,
"La première, Barbara, est un personnage de roman; la seconde, Rufina, est une vendeuse ambulante qui raconte sa propre histoire. Ce livre présente deux défilés de portraits: l'un relaie des chefs-d'oeuvre de la littérature de fiction latino-américaine, l'autre reprend des récits de vie recueillis au Mexique, au Salvador, en Colombie, en Bolivie et au Brésil dans les quartiers pauvres réputés dangereux. Ces portraits s'inspirent des mondes que dépeignent Borges, Neruda, Fuentes, Garcia Marquez dans leurs romans et de ceux que vivent au quotidien le paysan, le briquetier, le vendeur ambulant. Dans ces mondes se dévoilent des principes d'ordre, mais aussi des expression qui les déchirent , des expression de violence déconcertantes. En s'écartant des principes qui ordonnent la vie, en les désarmant, ces expressions deviennent politiques. Dans leur récit, Rufina, Carlota, Angelo et les autres ne proposent pas de solutions, ils expriment les limites d'un principe, la souffrance de s'y conformer.
Née au Salvador et ayant passé son enfance à Mexico, Vanessa Molina est doctorante en science politique à l'Université de Montréal.
André Corten et professeur de science politique à l'Université du Québec à Montréal et anime le Groupe de recherche sur les imaginaires politiques en Amérique latine (GRIPAL).

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

VITA
Life in a Zone of Social Abandonment
With photographs by Torben Eskerod

Updated Blurb (2013)

Zones of social abandonment are emerging everywhere in Brazil’s big cities—places like Vita, where the unwanted, the mentally ill, the sick, and the homeless are left to die. This haunting, unforgettable story centers on a young woman named Catarina, increasingly paralyzed and said to be mad, living out her time at Vita. Anthropologist João Biehl leads a detective-like journey to know Catarina; to unravel the cryptic, poetic words that are part of the “dictionary” she is compiling; and to trace the complex network of family, medicine, state, and economy in which her abandonment and pathology took form.

An instant classic, Vita has been widely acclaimed for its bold fieldwork, theoretical innovation, and literary force. Reflecting on how Catarina’s life story continues, this updated edition offers the reader a powerful new afterword and gripping new photographs following Biehl and Eskerod’s return to Vita. Anthropology at its finest, Vita is essential reading for anyone who is grappling with how to understand the conditions of life, thought, and ethics in the contemporary world.

University of California Press, 2013

Awards
2013 J.I. Staley Prize, School for Advanced Research

2007 Margaret Mead Award, Society for Applied Anthropology and American Anthropological Association.

2006 Anthony Leeds Prize, Society for Urban, National, and Transnational/Global Anthropology.

2006 Stirling Prize, Society for Psychological Anthropology.

2006 Outstanding Book Award, Benjamin L. Hooks Institute for Social Change.

2005 Eileen Basker Memorial Prize, Society for Medical Anthropology.

Honorable Mention, 2005 Victor Turner Prize for Ethnographic Writing, Society for Humanistic Anthropology.

This study analyzes controversies and public attitudes concerning the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)
and Stepan Bandera in Ukraine. The research question is: Which factors affect attitudes toward the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera in contemporary Ukraine? This article employs comparative and regression analyses of surveys commissioned by the author and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in 2009 and 2013 to determine the effects of regional and other factors on attitudes toward these organizations and the OUN-B leader. The study shows that regional factors and perceptions of these organizations' involvement in mass murder were the strongest predictors of the views concerning the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera. Their public support is strongest in Galicia and weakest in the East and the South, in particular, in Donbas and Crimea, two major conflict areas since the “Euromaidan.”

The "Big Five" personality traits of Neururoticism (N), Extroversion (E), Openness (O), Agreeableness (A) and Conscitiousness (C) are differentially associated with aggression and violence.  While the dimensions of lower A and lower C, and, to a lesser degree, higher N all systematically relate to greater potential or actual violence, neither E or O show systematic and consistent association.  The synergy of low A, low C and high N particularly accentuates this association, which is seen in children, adults, males, females, and across offence types.  These variables inform patterns of performance seen on apparently non-personality related methods used with offenders, and intervention programmes need to integrate personality differences influencing response into treatment programmes to increase effectiveness.

ABSTRACT
This research, situated at the junction of feminist, trans and disability studies, examines the limits of intersectional feminist analyses and the difficulties faced in their consideration of gender identity and ability through an analysis of two types of body modification: transsexuality and transability (voluntary disability acquisition). In response to the question “what are the limits of intersectional analyses and how can they be addressed?”, three objectives are proposed: 1) participate in the critical examination of specific limits of intersectional feminist analyses in order to diversify their axes through the consideration of gender identity and ability; 2) question the conceptual assumptions and cisgenderist and (cis)ableist privileges informing negative discourses around these body modifications and highlight points of convergence among feminist, transactivist and anti-ableist movements in order to encourage dialogue and solidarities among them; 3) provide feminist, trans and disability studies with an enriched model of intersectionality capable of addressing new claims for justice from oppressed groups, such as those of transsexual and transabled individuals. The negative discourses of certain feminists and other scientists regarding these body modifications are mapped and critiqued through a methodology combining archeological, genealogical and critical discourse analysis. The reflections presented here, inspired by poststructuralist and queer approaches, explore neither the “origins” of transsexuality and transability nor their motivations; this is a study of the negative discourses about these phenomena and the normative systems from which they originate. The result is an important contribution to theoretical, normative and political fields of knowledge: the examination of two “extreme” cases of body modification reveals the bodily normativities of dominant regimes, specifically cisgenderism and (cis)ableism, that remain as unrecognized in our societies as in our social movements. 


KEYWORDS
Intersectionality; feminist theories; trans theories; queer theories; disability theories; social movements; body modifications; bodies; transsexuality; transability; voluntary amputation; BIID; disability; mutilation; pathologization; normality/abnormality; stigmatization; discourse; critical discourse analysis; norms; oppression; autonomy; bioethics.


RÉSUMÉ
Cette recherche se situe à la jonction des études féministes, trans et sur la production du handicap. Elle s’intéresse aux limites des analyses féministes intersectionnelles et leurs difficultés à considérer certains axes identitaires, telles l’identité de genre et les capacités, à travers l’analyse de deux cas de figure de modifications corporelles, soit la transsexualité et la transcapacité (transformation visant à acquérir un handicap). Cette thèse s’articule autour de la question suivante : quels sont les angles morts des analyses intersectionnelles et comment pouvons-nous y remédier? Pour répondre à cette question, cette thèse propose trois objectifs : 1) Participer aux questionnements critiques entourant certaines limites des analyses féministes intersectionnelles pour en diversifier les axes à partir de l’identité de genre et des capacités; 2) Remettre en question les présupposés conceptuels et les privilèges cisgenristes et (cis)capacitistes qui sous-tendent les discours négatifs entourant ces modifications corporelles et mettre en valeur les points de convergence entre les mouvements féministes, transactivistes et anticapacitistes pour instaurer des dialogues et des solidarités entre eux; 3) Fournir un modèle enrichi de l’intersectionnalité pouvant être déployé en études féministes, trans et sur la production du (trans)handicap, apte à répondre aux nouvelles revendications de justice de groupes opprimés, comme celles des personnes transsexuelles et transcapacitaires. À l’aide d’une méthodologie alliant l’analyse critique de discours, l’analyse archéologique et généalogique, les discours négatifs de certaines féministes et d’autres scientifiques sur ces transformations corporelles sont cartographiés et critiqués. Les réflexions présentées ici, s’inscrivant dans une approche poststructuraliste et queer, ne proposent pas une recherche des « origines » et des motivations de la transsexualité et de la transcapacité, mais plutôt une étude des discours négatifs vis-à-vis ces phénomènes et des systèmes normatifs qui sous-tendent ces discours. C’est sous cet angle que cette recherche constitue un apport important aux champs des savoirs, tant sur le plan théorique, normatif que politique : en se penchant sur deux cas de figure « extrêmes », elle met en lumière les normativités corporelles des régimes dominants, notamment cisgenriste et (cis)capacitiste, occultées tant dans nos sociétés que dans nos mouvements sociaux.


MOTS CLÉS
Intersectionnalité; théories féministes; théories trans; théories queers; théories sur le handicap; mouvements sociaux; modifications corporelles; corps; transsexualité; transcapacité; amputations volontaires; BIID; handicap; mutilations; pathologisation; normalité/anormalité; stigmatisation; discours; analyses critiques de discours; normes; oppressions; autonomie; bioéthique.

The idea of monstrosity is closely allied with the articulation of monsters in visual culture. In literature, especially in Gothic woks, it implies the spectacles of violence in which real monsters play a pivotal role in setting the events in motion. This paper investigates monstrosity as a metaphor for human acts of violence both physically and psychologically. It explores monstrosity in Martin McDonagh’s The Beauty Queen of Leenane. McDonagh raises the problem of monstrosity and monstrous identities in his country, Ireland. He focuses on domestic violence which is incarnated in the characters of two women: Mag and her daughter Maureen who mistakenly think of violence as a meditator of achieving self-realization. McDonagh emphasizes the fact that monstrosity is a distinctive hallmark of the Irish society because people lose the sense of humanity.

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

Resumen. Este artículo examina las tragedias de honra conyugal de Calderón de la Barca a partir de los esquemas hermenéuticos propuestos por Réné Girard. Estos se muestran especialmente útiles para analizar la culpabilidad o inocencia de las esposas, la importancia del código de honor como agente dramático o el mismo papel del poderoso, ya que de la interpretación de estas cuestiones problemáticas parece depender la recepción última de estas piezas.

Abstract. This paper aims at examining Calderón de la Barca's honor plays from a Girardian perspective. Réné Girard's hermeneutic theories provide useful tools to tackle controversies such as the spouses' degree of culpability or innocence, the importance of the code of honor as a dramatic agent or the role of the powerful, as the ultimate reception of the plays seems to depend on the interpretation of these problematic issues.

As an incredibly diverse religious system, Buddhism is constantly changing. The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Buddhism offers a comprehensive collection of work by leading scholars in the field that tracks these changes up to the present day. Taken together, the book provides a blueprint to understanding Buddhism's past and uses it to explore the ways in which Buddhism has transformed in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.

The volume contains 41 essays, divided into two sections. The essays in the first section examine the historical development of Buddhist traditions throughout the world. These chapters cover familiar settings like India, Japan, and Tibet as well as the less well-known countries of Vietnam, Bhutan, and the regions of Latin America, Africa, and Oceania. Focusing on changes within countries and transnationally, this section also contains chapters that focus explicitly on globalization, such as Buddhist international organizations and diasporic communities. The second section tracks the relationship between Buddhist traditions and particular themes. These chapters review Buddhist interactions with contemporary topics such as violence and peacebuilding, and ecology, as well as Buddhist influences in areas such as medicine and science.

Offering coverage that is both expansive and detailed, The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Buddhism delves into some of the most debated and contested areas within Buddhist Studies today.

O objetivo geral do Diagnóstico da Violência e Criminalidade do Município de
Itabuna é aprofundar a análise dos principais problemas de violência e criminalidade,
bem como a percepção da população sobre os mesmos, buscando identificar os
principais fatores de risco e oportunidades de solução dos problemas enfrentados e
mobilizar os atores governamentais e não-governamentais, facilitando assim a
implementação das estratégias de intervenção propostas pelo projeto. A sua
importância não está apenas na divulgação de dados estatísticos sobre a segurança
pública no município, mas na transformação desses dados estatísticos brutos em algo
que possa servir para orientar ações futuras.

The essay explores how silence represents a «feminine language» that communicates through a non-uttered voice. The analysis of silence is here conducted in performance art practice by focussing on the work of Guatemalan artist Regina José Galindo: by using her works, the essay shows how the artist bears witness to trauma and to gender-related violence. This investigation approaches silent performance as capable of articulating and triggering both ethical and political considerations.

Esta tese buscou compreender como a morte violenta se apresenta na relação do sujeito com o laço social, considerando-se as dimensões imaginária, simbólica e real por meio das quais Lacan aborda a experiência freudiana. A partir de questões sobre a morte violenta de jovens envolvidos com a criminalidade, propusemos uma investigação teórica acerca das contribuições da psicanálise para esse problema. Apresentamos a tese de que a morte violenta tem sempre um duplo aspecto: comporta efeitos destrutivos, mas também constitutivos para a
cultura e para a subjetividade. Ao mesmo tempo em que a civilização interdita a morte violenta, Freud assevera que essa proibição se fundamenta em um desejo de morte recalcado. Além disso, ele utiliza a noção de pulsão de morte para situar a impossibilidade de se eliminar
os impulsos destrutivos das relações entre os homens. Se a princípio, Lacan propõe uma lógica na qual o Simbólico funciona como a instância reguladora, que limita a agressividade presente na relação intersubjetiva, posteriormente, com o nó borromeano, será possível reorganizar as relações entre os registros. Dessa forma, utilizamos a topologia borromeana para circunscrever três diferentes modos de apresentação da morte violenta no laço social: a) um modo imaginário, que foca aspectos intersubjetivos, como a rivalidade e o reconhecimento; b) um modo simbólico, que contempla as determinações discursivas, como a
interdição e a própria violência da lei; e c) um modo real, que foca aquilo que escapa às significações imaginárias e ao ordenamento propiciado pela linguagem. Concluímos que a morte violenta, tomada em cada uma das consistências do RSI, coloca em relação elementos paradoxais – o direito e o avesso das respostas subjetivas e sociais –, como a agressividade e o reconhecimento, a pulsão de vida e a pulsão de morte, a pacificação e a violência, a catástrofe máxima de uma destruição absoluta e uma abertura criadora entrevista por uma diferença mínima. Para além da dimensão clínica, a elucidação pela psicanálise dos diferentes modos de apresentação da morte violenta possibilita uma subversão do discurso social sobre a criminalidade e sobre o criminoso. Ao apontarmos a violência sistêmica que ex-siste à violência visível no cotidiano dos jovens envolvidos com o tráfico, temos uma chance de
fazer vacilar a lógica que penaliza e mata os jovens da periferia, perpetuando o ciclo da violência.