Ukraine (History)

In the shadow of the Russo-Ukrainian war of 2014, the tale of Ivan Mazepa and both Moscow and Ukraine’s perspectives then and now should act as a reminder of the constant cycle of Russian demonization of those who rebel, and Ukraine’s near-religion to rebellious counter culture that continues to this day.

This study analyzes controversies and public attitudes concerning the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)
and Stepan Bandera in Ukraine. The research question is: Which factors affect attitudes toward the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera in contemporary Ukraine? This article employs comparative and regression analyses of surveys commissioned by the author and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in 2009 and 2013 to determine the effects of regional and other factors on attitudes toward these organizations and the OUN-B leader. The study shows that regional factors and perceptions of these organizations' involvement in mass murder were the strongest predictors of the views concerning the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera. Their public support is strongest in Galicia and weakest in the East and the South, in particular, in Donbas and Crimea, two major conflict areas since the “Euromaidan.”

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

The issue of the political rehabilitation and glorification of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) became one of the central political issues in Ukraine after the Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan. It provoked major political and historical controversies and debates in Ukraine and other countries. Presidents Yushchenko and Poroshenko, their parties, far right organizations, and many Ukrainian historians attempted to recast the OUN-B and the UPA as parts of a popular national liberation movement that fought against Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union and to present the OUN-B and UPA leaders as national heroes. They denied, minimized or justified the involvement of the OUN-B and the UPA leaders and members in the mass murder of Jews, Poles, Russians, and Ukrainians.

The analyses of biographic publications, historical studies, and archival documents show that the majority of the OUN-B and UPA leaders and very large proportions of their members collaborated with Nazi Germany, mainly in the beginning of the Second
World War. Nearly half of the top and middle-ranked leaders of these organizations and
at least until the end of 1943 the majority of UPA members served in various police formations. They assisted the German occupation authorities in implementing genocidal policies towards the Jews, Ukrainians, Russians, and Poles by helping to carry out mass shootings and create conditions intended for the physical annihilation of the entire Jewish population and large numbers of Ukrainians, Russians, and Poles, specifically in Volhynia. The fact that many police commanders and large numbers of policemen in various locations and formations followed orders from the OUN-B by deserting en masse from their service, in particular in Volhynia in the spring of 1943, and forming the basis of the UPA shows that these commanders and police members were de facto controlled by the OUN-B.

This study briefly presents the history of the radical form of Ukrainian nationalism, paying special attention to the geopolitical circumstances which formed this movement. Then, it analyzes some aspects of this phenomenon, such as its main ideologists, racism, antisemitism, religion, rituals, leaders, concepts of revolution, and the ethnic, political and mass violence conducted before, during, and after the Second World War. This short monograph argues that the extreme and genocidal form of Ukrainian nationalism did have a fascist kernel and should be considered a form of European or East-Central European fascism. Nevertheless, because of the specific cultural, social, and political Ukrainian circumstances the radical form of Ukrainian nationalism differed from better-known fascist movements such as German National Socialism or Italian Fascism, and thus it requires a careful and nuanced investigation.

During the past decade, particularly under the presidency of the third Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010) there have been repeated attempts to turn the leading figures of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and its armed wing, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) into national heroes. As these fascist organizations collaborated with the Nazi Germany, carried out ethnic cleansing and mass murder on a massive scale, they are problematic symbols for an aspiring democracy with the stated ambition to join the European Union. Under Yushchenko, several institutes of memory management and myth making were organized, a key function of which was to deny or downplay OUN-UPA atrocities. Unlike many other former Soviet republics, the Ukrainian government did not need to develop new national myths from scratch, but imported ready concepts developed in the Ukrainian diaspora. Yushchenko’s legitimizing historians presented the OUN and UPA as pluralistic and inclusive organizations, which not only rescued Jews during the Holocaust, but invited them into their ranks to fight shoulder to shoulder against Hitler and Stalin. This mythical narrative relied partly on the OUN’s own post-war forgeries, aimed at cover up the organization’s problematic past. As employees of the Ukrainian security services, working out of the offices of the old KGB, the legitimizing historians ironically dismissed scholarly criticism as Soviet myths. The present study deals with the myth-making around the OUN, the UPA, and the Holocaust, tracing their diaspora roots and following their migration back and forth across the Atlantic.

Opis relacji Ukrainy i Polski w latach 1991-2004, w którym przyjęto perspektywę ukraińską. Książka odpowiada na pytanie, jakie miejsce zajmowała Polska w polityce niepodległej Ukrainy, czy wzajemne stosunki miały charakter strategicznego partnerstwa.

З 1 по 10 березня 1919-го у Харкові та Москві відбулося три важливих для України зібрання, активну участь у яких взяли Микола Скрипник та Християн Раковський.
Спочатку відкрився ІІІ з'їзд КП(б)У (1-6 березня), потім установчий (перший) конгрес ІІІ Інтернаціоналу (2-6 березня) і, нарешті, ІІІ Всеукраїнський з'їзд рад (6-10 березня). Діяли обидва діячі доволі злагоджено.

У статті відображено соціально-економічні та адміністративно-територіальні перетворення, які відбувалися на Дніпропетровщині 1920-х – початку 1930-х років і сприяли посиленню місцевого керівництва. Висвітлена специфіка формування персонального складу регіональної номенклатури Дніпропетровщини від моменту встановлення радянської влади. Виділено основні соціально-політичні характеристики, притаманні керівникам 1920-х років – початку 1930-х рр. Робиться висновок про майже повну відсутність на керівних посадах «місцевих» та перекидання на ці посади «варягів», переважно із Радянської Росії

Налагодження державної служби в добу Української революції // Державна служба України в історичному контексті: проблеми становлення та розвитку: зб. текстів виступів на наук.-практ. конф. (Київ, 18 листопада 2008 р.) / Головне управління державної служби України. – К.: Центр адаптації державної служби до стандартів Європейського Союзу, 2009. – С.37–90.

Гай-Нижник П. «Самостійна» УСРР: хронологія виникнення маріонеткової псевдодержави та її «добровільного» вступу до СРСР // Україна Incognita: веб-додаток до всеукраїнської газети «День». – 2011. – 27 грудня [Електронний ресурс]. – Режим доступу: http://incognita.day.kiev.ua/xronologiya-viniknennya-marionetkovoyi-psevdoderzhavi.htm

In this article was made historic, cultural and touristical descriptive analysis of little-known Starosta castle in Halych, which is located in Ivano-Frankivsk region, on the base of using of four groups of characteristics: natural and geographical (morphological features of the monument's construction, hydrological characteristics of the territory, location near from objects of the natural reserve fund, presence in the castle complex handmade recreational forests, landscaped parks, gardens and landscaped gardens, aggregate indicators of the natural and geographical location), historical and cultural (degree of the physical preservation, level of the historical significance , degree of the cultural value, indicator of the architectural and stylistic value, availability of saved elements of historic defense systems), infrastructural (transport accessibility, availability of accommodation facilities, food establishments, museum institutions, specialized souvenir shops and stalls), informational (in-tegration to the tourist routes, organization of tourist promotional campaigns, exhibitions and fairs, availability of informational and advertising data, rank of the coverage in scientific tourism profiles and degree of the saturation of the Internet with tourist information). It was identified main positive and negative points of the potential adaptation of monument for tourism and recreation.
Keywords: Starosta castle, monument, castle complex, fortification.

Изучение внешних контактов и связей Украинской Православной Церкви Киевского патриархата (далее – УПЦ КП) с другими христианскими церквями и представителями нехристианских конфессий не являлось ранее предметом специального изучения. Нет в наличии также и полного аналитического исследования в целом о Киевском патриархате, лишь отдельные аспекты данной проблемы привлекали внимание как отечественных, так и зарубежных исследователей по истории церкви. Именно на этих работах мы и остановимся ниже.
Все имеющиеся в новейшей историографии исследования по истории Киевского Патриархата условно делятся на две группы. В первую входят работы, носящие описательный характер, в которых отсутствует аналитика, лишь систематизирован фактический материал, а также предпринята попытка выявить причины и сущность межцеркровных конфликтов на Украине. Вторая группа исследований посвящена государственно-церковным отношениям, роли влияния религии на общественные отношения и государственное строительство, вопросам возможности государственного регулирования сложившейся в церковной жизни Украины ситуации.
В то же время, все исследователи, как в отечественной, так и в зарубежной историографии, делятся на приверженцев к одной из трех наиболее крупных украинских церквей – УАПЦ, УПЦ КП, УПЦ МП. Все работы носят в основном политизированный и отчасти пропагандистский характер.

Ведибіда Б.О. Інформаційно-методичний огляд Висвітлення історії політичних репресій і радянського тоталітаризму в експозиціях музеїв Західної України / Б. О. Ведибіда (автор-упорядник); Національний музей історії України. – К. : НМІУ, 2017. – 80 с.

In 1884, at the International Meridian Conference, held in Washington D.C., a resolution was adopted on the implementation of time zones, i.e., parts of the globe’s surface, each of which has one standard time. Time zones are now counted from Coordinated Universal Time (UTC), the reference point for which is the prime meridian (longitude 0 °) passing through Greenwich, near London. A local time does not always coincide with the time set within the time zone relative to Coordinated Universal Time (UTC) and trimmed by state borders. Due to the fact that state and administrative borders do not coincide with time zones drawn on a geographical basis, there may be greater or lesser offsets between the centrally determined official time and a local time, which is (better) harmonized with the movement of the Sun. Most of Ukraine’s territory, over 90 %, belongs to the Eastern European Time Zone (EET), which has a +2 hours divergence with the world time (UTC). Ukraine’s border areas to the east and west extend beyond the EET, but in practice these areas live at the same time as the EET (UTC + 2). However, on the western border, namely in Transcarpathia, the natural sense of time (biological time) and the habit of the past have formed an alternative use of time. The aim of the work is to reveal in what way people use official time and informal local time in everyday life, in particular in public places and spaces. The scientific novelty lies in revealing the question of whether this cultural phenomenon, which is not found anywhere else in Europe, has an ethnic origin or is a regional phenomenon. The methodological basis is the principles of historicism, the method of observation, and a questionnaire. The conclusions emphasize that the alternative form of time use, which is more or less resorted to by representatives of all ethnic groups living in the region, is the established historical and cultural heritage, a bright element of ethnic tolerance and peaceful coexistence.

Hätte man die monumentale, tiefschürfende und quellengesättigte Darstellung der Geschichte des ukrainischen Nationalismus des in Polen geborenen und in Berlin lebenden Historikers Rossolinski-Liebe schon 2013 gekannt, hätte man sich über den kurz danach ausgebrochenen ukrainischen Bürgerkrieg nicht mehr gewundert, sondern ihn vielmehr erwartet. Das Werk endet nämlich mit der detaillierten Auflistung von Denkmalserrichtungen für Stepan Bandera einerseits und solchen für die Opfer der von ihm angeführten »Organisation Ukrainischer Nationalisten (OUN) andererseits. Die Ortsnamen für letzteres heißen Simferopol und Luhansk, für erstere Kiev und Orte westlich davon.

Kotsur V.V. National Minorities of Ukraine in the Context of Social and Political Transformations of the 90s Years of the XXth Century – the Beginning of the XXIst Century
У  дослідженні національні меншини України розглядаються в контексті суспільно-політичних трансформацій 90-х рр. ХХ ст. – поч. ХХІ ст. на тлі зовнішньополітичних впливів держав-сусідів та геополітичних викликів початку нового тисячоліття. До основних проблемно-змістових блоків дослідження належать формування правового статусу етнічних меншин, їхня культурно-громадська діяльність; реалізація державної етнонаціональної політики та гармонізація міжнаціональних відносин; вплив російського та європейського цивілізаційних чинників на етнополітичний розвиток України в умовах глобалізації; соціально-професійна стратифікація, особливості регіональної ідентичності, електоральної та іншої суспільної поведінки; удосконалення нормативно-правової бази задля забезпечення умов розвитку національних меншин України; інформаційні запити національних меншин та їх участь у виборчих перегонах тощо.
Особливістю українського етнополітичного простору стала відсутність політичних партій нацменшин загальнонаціонального масштабу, хоча на місцевому рівні нацменшини мали вільний доступ до представницьких органів влади. Проте постійне переформатування центрального органу управління етнонаціональними процесами негативно позначилося на координації та оперативності ухвалення рішень у сфері етнополітики.
У дослідженні наголошується на тому, що російська агресія проти України кинула серйозні виклики усій світовій спільноті насамперед тому, що була зроблена ставка на національні меншини з метою запуску дезінтегративних процесів задля отримання контролю не лише над деякими регіонами, а й над усією країною. Істотною загрозою єдності країни дотепер залишаються спроби проросійських політичних сил нав’язати суспільству ідеї федералізації України; заперечити українську національну ідентичність; дискредитувати державу у світі та посіяти розбрат у всіх сферах суспільного життя – культурній, духовній, політичній. Автором запропоновано низку рекомендацій щодо гармонізації міжнаціональних відносин в Україні задля забезпечення її подальшого стабільного розвитку.

Ключові слова: Україна, національні меншини, корінні народи, етнополітика, етнос, нація, національно-культурна автономія, сепаратизм, гібридна війна, «русский мир», геноцид кримськотатарського народу, агресія, національна єдність, цивілізаційний розкол, європейський вибір, соціокультурні стандарти.

The  researches national minorities of Ukraine in the context of social and political transformations of the 90s years of the XXth century – the beginning of the XXIst century in the light of the foreign policy influence of the neighbor states and geopolitical challenges at the beginning of a new century. To the main problematic and contextual blocks of research belongs the formation of the legal status of the ethnic minority, their cultural and public activity, realization of state ethnic and national policy and harmonization of international relations, influence of Russian and European civilization factors on Ukrainian ethnic and political development under the globalization circumstances; social and professional stratification, peculiarities of regional identity, voting and other social behavior; improvement of regulatory and legal framework for ensuring of electorate development conditions of Ukrainian national minorities; information inquiries of the national minorities and their participation in the electorate races as well as others.
The peculiarity of the Ukrainian ethno-political space became the lack of political parties of national minorities, although local minorities had free access to representative bodies of power. However, the constant reformatting of the Governmental Central Body of ethnonational processes negatively affected the coordination, efficiency of decision-making in the field of ethnopolitics and funding of this socially important area.
The research highlights that Russian aggression against Ukraine has thrown serious challenges to the entire world community, first of all because national minority bid has been made to launch decentralized processes to gain control over not only some regions, but also over the whole country. Some significant threat to the country unity till our time were the attempts of the pro-Russian political forces to impose the society the ideas of Ukraininan federalization; to object Ukrainian national identity; to discredit the state in the world and to sow enmity in all spheres of public cultural, spiritual and political lives.
For a long time, Ukraine has succeeded in preventing internal conflicts on the ground of ethnicity, and this despite the active attempts from the outside to disrupt peace among different nationalities on its territory. At the same time, a number of strategic errors were made in the field of national building. It is primarily about the Crimean Tatars policy, which were considered by the Ukraine government as a greater threat than «the Russian world». The question of land issue to repatriates should be added as well. The adaptation of the Crimean Tatar people on their native land was rather slow, as it had to resist to the Pro-Russian forces controlled by Russian intelligence agencies. The fears of Ukrainian political leadership to give national cultural autonomy to the Crimean Tatar people resulted in catastrophic consequences in the form of the state-annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. After the demise of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation did not leave the plan to revive allied formations. In order to do this, it was necessary to prevent the successful progress of the young Ukrainian state, so the national minorities in it were under the gun of the Russian Federation special services. The rate was made on the artificial formation of conflict zones on the cross-national ground. Conflict regions in Ukraine were Crimea, where the interests of Crimean Tatars were artificially clashed against Russians, Transcarpathia, which played the scenario of political Rusyn, Donbass, where the Russian-speaking population was intimidated by compulsory ukrainization. External and internal manipulation, especially during the parliamentary and presidential elections, weakened the Ukrainian society, hampered democratic European progress.
However, as the result of the Russian-Ukrainian armed confrontation valuable guidelines of the Ukrainian population have been changed, namely: the decisive were not nationality or language, but the attitude to the independent sovereign Ukraine. In the conditions of the «hybrid war», the establishment of interregional relations with the participation of ethnic communities and territorial communities was accelerated to ensure victory and implementation of European choice for Ukraine.
The author proposed a number of recommendations to the harmonization of interethnic relations in Ukraine in order to ensure its further sustainable development.

Key words: Ukraine, national minorities, first nations, ethnic politics, ethnos, nation, national and cultural autonomy, separatism, hybrid war, «Russian world», genocide of Crimean Tatar folk, aggression, national unity, civilization split, social and cultural standards.

In this article was made historic, cultural and touristical descriptive analysis of little-known Rakovets castle, which is located in Ivano-Frankivsk region, on the base of using of four groups of characteristics: natural and geographical (morphological features of the monument’s construction, hydrological characteristics of the territory,  location near from objects of the natural reserve fund, presence in the castle complex handmade recreational forests, landscaped parks, gardens and landscaped gardens, aggregate indicators of the natural and geographical location), historical and cultural (degree of the physical preservation, level of the historical significance, degree of the cultural value, indicator of the architectural and stylistic value, availability of saved elements of historic defense systems), infrastructural (transport accessibility, availability of accommodation facilities, food establishments, museum institutions, specialized souvenir shops and stalls), informational (integration to the tourist routes, organization of tourist promotional campaigns, exhibitions and fairs, availability of informational and advertising data, rank of the coverage in scientific tourism profiles and degree of the saturation of the Internet with tourist information). It was identified main positive and negative points of the potential adaptation of monument for tourism and recreation.
Keywords: castle, Rakovets castle, monument, castle complex, fortification.

Five handwritten cartographic documents representing Xotyn (Кhotyn, Choczin; 1720), Кamjanec'-Podil's'кyj (Кaminieк; 1720) and its surroundings (1715), as well as part of the Uкraine (ca. 1750) and preserved in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid and at the Archives de la Marine in Vincennes, are described and reproduced. The author of three of them is le Sieur Bonnelevay (Bonne Levay), military engineer (who became chief engineer in 1720) and major of artillery to the service of кing of Poland. He also fortifies Кamjanec' in 1720.
These manuscripts are compared with some of other cartographic documents representing the same geographical space and the quoted cities, in particular with the handwritten plan of Xotyn [1739] from the Archives des Armées de Terre (Château de Vincennes, France), as well as with three others handwritten plans of Кamjanec' from the Biblioteкa Narodowa in Warsaw: anonymous plan of  1684 that one supposes here to be a source for the engraving plan of Кamieniec published in Rome (1684) by G.G. Rossi (under the anonymous name of Io. Jacubus Rubeis), plan of c.1735 carried out by Jan de Witte and plan drawn on July 11, 1761.

Стаття присвячена комплексному аналізу археологічних матеріалів
і пізньосередньовічних документів, які стосуються міста Іванкова Київської обл. Містить історію археологічних досліджень городища в центрі міста і уточнює час та обставини заснування тут наприкінці XVI ст. замку та містечка. З’ясовано історіографічні помилки щодо цього питання у попередніх роботах істориків. Ключові слова: Іванків, заснування мстечка, замок, Олехнович
Юхнович, Проскура, Лозка, Олізар Волочкевич, кераміка, городище,
замчище, Іванківський ключ, землеволодіння, історіографія. Чмиль Л.В., Чекановский А.А. Об основании Иванкова Киевской области
Статья посвящена комплексному анализу археологических материалов и позднесредневековых документов, которые касаются основания города Иванкова Киевской обл. Содержит
историю археологических исследований городища в центре города и уточняет время и обстоятельства основания здесь в конце XVI в. замка и местечка. Выявлены историографические ошибки, касающиеся этого вопроса в предшествующих работах историков.
Ключевые слова: Иванков, основание местечка, замок, Олехнович Юхнович, Проскура, Лозка, Олізар Волочкевич, керамика, городище, замчище, Іванковский ключ, землевладение, историография.
Chmil’ L.V., Chekanovskyi A.A. About the foundation of Ivankiv in Kyiv Region) The article is dedicated to the complex analysis of archaeological materials and the late medieval documents concerning the town Ivankiv (Kyiv region). It considers the history of archaeological researches in the center of the settlement and specifies period and circumstances of the castle and the settlement Ivankiv foundation at the end of the 16th century. Authors elucidate historiographic errors in previous historic essays concerning this question. Key words: Ivankov, foundation of castle, Olekhnovich Yukhnovich, Proskura, Lozka, Olіzar
Volochkevich, ceramics, citadel, Іvankov neighbourhood, historiography.

Th e article clarifi es the role of the Olshany cemetery in Prague as a location for the memory of Ukrainians and about Ukrainians. Olshany is one of the largest necropolises of prominent Ukrainians outside Ukraine. Most Ukrainians buried here became emigrants as a result of the defeat of the Ukrainian National Revolution of 1917-1921. Th e purpose of this article is to demonstrate the perception of this necropolis among Ukrainians, to show some aspects of mentions of Olshany in the Ukrainian information space and to fi nd out its possible role as a place of memory. Th e topic of Olshany became more active in the Ukrainian media in 2017 due to the threat of losing the grave of one of the most prominent Ukrainian poets of the early twentieth century-Oleksandr Oles (Kandyba) and his wife. Th e periodicity of attention to Olshany is explained by the interest of Ukrainians in the subject of the Ukrainian National Revolution of 1917-1921, which also acquires a greater resonance closer to the memorable dates. Members of the Ukrainian governments buried in the cemetery, including Fedor Shvets, Stepan Siropolko, Volodymyr Leontovych, Sofi a Rusova, Hryhoriy Sydorenko, Apollinarii Marshynsky, as well as scientists and artists Spiridon Cherkasenko, Mykola Andrusov, Yevhen Ivanenko and others, together with the military UGA, are very important part of the memory of Ukrainian post-revolutionary emigration, and involve people in understanding their destinies through the fi elds in which they were engaged before, during and aft er the Revolution. Th at is why Olshany already acts as a place of memory for Ukrainian historians, teachers, diplomats, etc. But given the professional diversity of the people buried there and the signifi cant legacy they have left behind, this place has greater potential. And new generations of Ukrainians who work or study in the Czech Republic now can contribute even more to this.

Гай-Нижник П. ОУН(б) за умов нової військово-політичної дійсності на теренах України (1942 р. – початок 1950-х рр.) // Ozbrojeny protikomunisticky odpor v krajinach strednej a vychodnej Europy (1944–1953). – Banska Bystrica (Slovensko): Belianum – Vydavatelstvo Univerzity Mateja Bela v Banskej Bystrici, 2019. – S.132–151.

Куцаєва Т. О.
Методичні рекомендації щодо проведення типової оглядової екскурсії в НМІУ: FAQ – запитання, що
часто виникають, типові ситуації та завдання для самоконтролю / Т. О. Куцаєва; Національний музей історії
України. – К., 2017. –  28 с.

Карпатські бібліотечно-краєзнавчі студії : збірник праць / МОН України, Прикарпатський національний
університет імені Василя Стефаника ; відп. ред. М.В. Бігусяк, наук. ред. О.Б. Гуцуляк. – Івано-Франківськ : НБ
ПНУС, 2015. – Вип. 1. – 326 с.

What happens to informal institutions and practices when political actors decide to implement democratic institutional reforms aimed at relieving formal institutions of informal constraints? Does informality disappear, or do the elites and affected populations continue to apply and abide by informal rules? What do we know about the relationship between institutional reforms and informal institutions? This book seeks to improve our understanding of how, when, and under which conditions democratic institutional reforms affect informal institutions and practices in countries transitioning to democracy, also known as hybrid regimes. With an empirical focus on three transitional post-Soviet regimes—Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine—this book aims to explain the contentious relationship between democratic institutional reforms and informality in the broader post-Soviet context. These findings have implications not only for hybrid regimes, but also for the majority of other post-Soviet, as well as other post-communist, countries. This book engages with a large and growing body of literature on informal institutions and practices and offers theoretical insights relevant to comparative politics, democratization and institutional development studies, political sociology, human geography and political economy.

Актуальні питання суспільних наук та історії медицини. Спільний українсько-румунський науковий журнал. (АПСНІМ), 2020, № 2 (26), P. 74-78

The paper aims to analize hand-written and printed cookery books published in Ukraine from the mid- 18 to the early 20 centuries as a source for studying gastronomic traditions, methods of preparation and consumption of dishes, rations, festive and everyday food as well as interrelations of different European gastronomic practices. Research methods. The research is based on the cultural- historical approach. It involves the descriptive method for identifying pecul- iarities of each cookery book that is analized. Comparative method and content analyses were used to reveal both continuity of tradition and innov- ations in nutrition practices of the Ukraine’s population. Systematization method allowed to classify cookery editions according to some strict crite- ria. Scientific novelty. By analising the cookery books the author demon- strates the continuity of the Ukraine’s population nutrition practices. The paper reveals how different gastronomic cultures, religious beliefes, econo- my and medical science influenced on the cookery books’ content. Concl- usions. It is stated that the mid-18 – early 20 centuries cookery books are reflecting the tendency of modernization and globalization of the nutrition practices. Cookery books influenced significantly shaping of the gastr- onomic practices of the Ukraine’s population. Among the various types of cookery editions there were guides and companions for young women that were not enough experienced in preparing food, examples of dinner menue- s, works on vegetarianism, childhood nutrition, healthy eating etc. Such books were based on the up-to-date achievements in the fields of physiolog- y and dietology. By the end of the 19th century the quantity of cookbooks rised noticeably. One of the popular types of the cookbooks were editions aimed at young housewives. At the same time, a lot of cookbooks, espec- ially those involving medical aspects of nutrition, were unable to pass thr- ough the censorship institutions in the Russian empire.