Praehistoric Archaeology

The study titled “The Transitional Period between the Eneolithic and the Bronze Age in Bulgaria” sets to offer a synopsis on the problem of the Transitional period between the Eneolithic and the Bronze Age in Bulgaria. Its primary objective is to expose the processes which triggered the transformations of the settlement model occurring during the Transitional period, which later became distinctive of the Early Bronze Age. Those changes consider chiefly the adoption of a new type of topography (landscape preferences), the emergence of single-layer settlements, of new residential architecture, of new settlement plans. The study attempts to uncover the connection between the settlement model of the Transitional Period and the one characteristic of the Early Bronze Age. It also examines a number of aspects of the material culture, identifying phenomena typical of the period under consideration. To accomplish its goals, the paper compares the settlement models characteristic of the Late Eneolithic with those of the Early Bronze Age and seeks to identify the process of the transformation of these in the Transitional period. The paper also presents certain connections and parallels to the rest of the Balkan Peninsula and to the territories north-east of the Danube River.
The first chapter offers a brief overview of the history of research on the Transitional period, summarizing the most important opinions on the subject. It was made possible by the work already accomplished by a number of scholars, who had studied in depth this highly contentious period. Several key theories circulate in the contemporary debate, each with its strong and weak points. The chapter offers a review of the discussions and the polemics on the nature of the Transitional period, as well as on its definition and periodisation.
According to the first theory, which launched the period’s definition, the end of the Eneolithic was brought by a large scale invasion of cultural groups inhabiting the region north of the Black Sea. It was accompanied by devastating for the indigenous population conflicts and “military” confrontations. According to this theory, the so-called Steppe invasion was preceded by substantial climate changes, and the settling of the carriers of the new cultural traditions led to a fundamental change in the archaeological face of the entire Balkan Peninsula.
On the other hand, according to the proponents of another theory there were no collisions or “military” confrontations between the local Balkan societies and the migrants. This group of scholars adopt the view that the transformations had occurred as a consequence of extensive contacts and gradual, peaceful introduction of new population. According to some of the supporters of this theory, climate change was also the cause for the switch from one kind of economy to another – from agriculture to stock breeding, undertaken by the indigenous population, with the latter economy becoming emblematic of the Transitional Period. According to them, with the destruction of a large portion of the cultivated fields forced that same populace to seek new means of subsistence, based on nomadic way of living.
According to a third theory, the Transitional Period, is not a discrete phase in its own right. There is an extended hiatus (cesura), and according to the proponents of this school of thought, the fall of the Late Eneolithic society was caused by the specifics of the population’s religious beliefs, which drove it to abandon voluntarily its residences and vacate these territories.
In the presentation of the archaeological characteristic and the settlement model, I had adopted the first thesis, but with certain reservations regarding the scale of the invasion and conflict. I believe, that at this stage of the research, it is most adequate to classify the period into Post-Eneolithic and Proto-Bronze. Presently, such internal periodization offers the best explanation for the processes which led to the transformation of the cultural traditions on Bulgarian territory.
Following a review of the absolute chronology of the period, the paper examines in detail the settlements and the settlement system of the Transitional period, with focus on the best known sites from the period, such as: Hotnitsa-Vodopada, Telish-Redutite, Rebarkovo-Dzhugera, Galatin-Chukata, Bezhanovo-Banunya, Sadovets-Ezeroto, Mezdra-Kaleto, Devetaki Cave, Borovan-Ezeroto, Trapezitsa, Varhari, etc. A comparison between the data from these settlements and the data from the Late Eneolithic and the Bronze Age, offer a clear picture of the transitional nature of the processes which led to the emergence of the Early Bronze societies and the establishment of their distinctive settlement structures. This part of the paper describes the principle characteristics of the topography and the stratigraphy and offers a comparison to those of the Late Eneolithic and the Early Bronze Age. Attention is given to the sites with structures attesting to sedentary way of life. Several types of dwellings are defined: dugouts (sunken), half-sunken (or partially sunken dwellings), rectangular buildings constructed on ground level, and apsidal buildings constructed on ground level. Dugouts and half-sunken buildings had of course been utilized as dwellings back in the Neolithic period but are atypical in the Eneolithic settlement model. It is established that changes affecting the rectangular buildings constructed on ground level are accompanied by changes in construction techniques and design specifics. In the Transitional period was introduced use of transient, wattle and daub construction. The adobe disappears. Apsidal plan buildings appear, a trend which evolves into the Early Bronze Age. I refer to a number of parallels for each type of dwelling, indicating the source for their appearance on Bulgarian territory and their spread to the western parts of the Balkan Peninsula. An argument corroborating the proposed continuity between the settlement model of the Transitional Period and that of the Early Bronze Age is also the established fact, that on a number of sites, the deposits associated with this period are superseded by an Early Bronze Age deposit. An example of this stratigraphy offer: Vaksevo-Studena Voda, Bezhanovo-Banunya, Sadovets-Kaleto, Sadovets-Ezeroto, Lepitsa, Devetaki Cave, etc. In certain instances, the Bronze Age site does not stratigraphically supersede the previous period but is found in its immediate proximity. The similarity in terms of topography offers yet another support for the proposed conclusions.
In this study I had attempted a synopsis analysis of the pottery production – one of the principal indicators of a readily traceable change. I established that the pottery assemblage from the Transitional Period is distinguished from the one of the earlier age for the simplified forms, by the production methods, and by the application of organic temper and ground shell from aquatic molluscs. The examined pottery assemblages clearly demonstrate the appearance of new elements such as: Scheibenhenkel, ribbon handles raised high above the rim, rounded bases, etc.), forms (milk jugs, huge variety of cups, S-profiled vessels). New types of incised decoration also appear: inscribed in notched ribbons hatched panes, notched rims, cord ornament, etc. Despite the evolution of these new elements, in terms of technology and quality, the Transitional Period pottery assemblage is a backward step, compared to the production techniques, the typological diversity, and the ornamentation, known from the Late phases of the Eneolithic Age.
The review of the Transitional Period did not omit an analysis of metallurgical developments. In this sphere, the principal, transitional phenomenon is the introduction of the arsenic (As) laced copper. It was precisely the invention of this typical of the Transitional Period new technology which made possible the production of finer, while also possessing greater tensile strength tools. The addition of arsenic to the copper alloy is the first step towards the invention of bronze metallurgy, which gave the name to the subsequent age. During the Transitional Period appear also the first metal cutting and thrusting weapons – knives and daggers. The large number of daggers dated to this period indicates proliferation of a new metal production and ascribes the region of modern day Bulgaria to the emerging Circum-Pontic metallurgical province. The transitional nature of the metallurgical production could also be traced in other typical of the age tools – the axes, the adzes, and the combo tools.
Finally, the paper regards one of the most interesting aspects of the prehistoric culture as a whole – the spiritual culture of the Transitional Period. Spiritual life is among the most robust elements of all communities, and thus any observed change is an important indicator of the introduction of new population groups. In this chapter I examine the diagnostic changes in anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines, burial rites, personal ornaments, and jewellery. In this section I present abundant comparanda of similar finds from the territory of the Tripolye-Cucuteni, and from the lands to the east of it. The appearance of male anthropomorphic representations, the stone zoomorphic sceptres, the previously unknown inhumation in an extended position with legs contracted at the knees, the use of ochre blankets, etc., are further arguments in favour of the transitional nature of the period under scrutiny.
I hope this work had succeeded to provide the missing pieces for the Transitional period and to answer at least some of the posited questions. In the words of Zygmunt Bauman, “Reality is as thin as the paper on which it is printed”. Thus, I implore the reader to see in this paper but a humble contribution to the study of the Transitional Period in Bulgaria, which I hope future researchers would enrich.

It is possible to select the text and translation with Google Translate. Most of the cited literature have links to review the originals.

The following presents the preliminary results of the archaeological investigations undertaken at the prehistoric settlement of Izvor. The prehistoric settlement of Izvor is located in West Bulgaria in the western portion of the Sofia Basin (WGS84; 420 51.075’ N, 220 58.013’ E [Fig. 6]). Its center lies 600 m to the South-West of the confluence between the Slivnishka and Mataritsa Rivers [Map 1a, 1b] situated on a slightly sloped overflow terrace at an average elevation of 610 to 625 m a.s.l. [Fig. 1]. The settlement covers a surface area of approximately 150 000 m2.

The Neolithic settlement at Izvor is characteristic of the open-air settlement type and without natural defenses. The site is accessible from all sides, suggesting that the criterion for site location was the proximity to vital natural resources that would have influenced the life and prosperity of the community. The location selection of the settlement, therefore, should correspond with the social and economic characteristics of the region, rather than having been selected for the purposes of defense. Notably, the settlement lies in proximity to vital sources of fresh water.

The results of the investigations demonstrate that some of the dwellings at Izvor were built upon large wooden platforms rising approximately 1 meter above the terrain, similar to those described at Uivar, Romania. The weight of the massive structure was supported by large wooden posts. In at least one instance (building No. 1), an opening in the wooden platform was identified as utilized for the disposal of household waste [Fig. 7A]. We suggest that the construction of such raised house-types was likely imposed by the characteristic seasonal humidity of the region. We also recovered the remains of earlier short-lived dwellings that were utilized before the construction of the wooden platform dwellings.

Another type of anthropogenically derived positive structure—that has to date seemingly gone unrecognized at similar sites—was identified at Izvor and here described as spatial landmarks [Fig. 7B]. The landmarks are composed of small to large conically stacked concentrations of stone, daub, bone, pottery, and fragments of anthropomorphic figurines (particularly male figurines, [Fig. 18]). They range in size, the smaller ones having a diameter of 1 to 1.5 meters and the larger ones having a diameter of 3.5 to 4 meters. They are conically shaped and rise to a height of 40 to 70 cm. Fourteen such structures were investigated at Izvor. The structures, here interpreted as spatial landmarks, would have notably remained visible at the surface over a long period of time, suggesting that such constructions were perhaps intentionally constructed and served a particular purpose.

Considering the clay anthropomorphic figurines, at Izvor a significant amount of male representations has been noted. From a technological point of view, it is important to note that unlike the female figurines the male figurines were modeled from a single core – a circumstance that precludes the possibility that they were easily formed. Furthermore, figurine fragments were found distributed over the entire investigated surface without any apparent depositional or spatial patterning. However, a notable association can be made between the deposition of male figurine fragments and the construction of the small landmark structures. The lack of spatial patterning and the ubiquitous distribution of anthropomorphic figurine fragments over the entire excavated surface suggests that such artifacts were not themselves the leading addressees of restricted and/or ritualized cult practices. Rather, it is more likely that their manufacture and destruction was ritualized and their morphological variability excludes the possibility that such figurines represent images of a single personified deity.

The substantial number of male figurines recovered at the site presenting specific iconographic features leads us to believe that they may have been representations of a particular societal caste that was prominently positioned within the social hierarchy. In this context, it is probable to consider that the male figurines – lubiquitous within the distribution of the Vinča Culture – were employed during male initiation rituals and more specifically during warrior class initiations. Many historic and ethnographic parallels may be drawn upon to support such an interpretation, although for the moment it remains tentative. It should also be noted that the deposition of male figurine fragments within several of the small spatial landmarks might as well be connected with such initiation rites. We are aware that more information is needed before such a claim can be unequivocally supported, however we believe that it is inherently logical to accept the proposition that a warrior class would have been a necessary precursor to the conquering of new territories – as is the case of Izvor – or as a preventative measure taken in order to guard against potential attacks from the neighboring tribes to the south and east.

Therefore, it can be ascertained that the site was settled and occupied during the transitional Vinča B1/B2 phase and continued throughout the course of the entire Vinča B2 phase. Following its abandonment in the late B2 phase, the site was periodically revisited during the transitional Vinča B2/C phase as is evidenced by two pits identified in the north part of the southern sector (structure numbers 25 and 31) and also in Late Antiquity (3rd – 4th century) according to the subsurface disturbances of economic structures that were concentrated in the southernmost part of the site near the Slivnishka River.

The Vinča Culture reached its most widespread geographic distribution in the Late Neolithic (Vinča B) phase, perhaps in response to demographic and/or climatic stimuli. During this time, new territories were colonized—a process that evidently was not always peaceful. Conflicts with the local regional populations to the south and east inevitably arose as both attempted to settle the same “free” areas. In the case of Izvor, it appears as though the strategy employed by the Vinča in sending small colonies ahead of expansion in order to overtake their competitors was not successful as the settlement eventually collapsed. Vinča culture as a whole suffered considerable losses of territory in the south and appears to have redirected its efforts to the north and west. By the end of Vinča D, a renewed expansion towards the east can be witnessed, evidence of which is attested at the dwelling identified in the Sofia, Poduene area. It is supposed that at this time the expansion was motivated at moving closer to valuable copper sources and in strengthening exchange practices at the interregional scale. It remains unclear whether the bearers of Vinča D culture sought to integrate the local population. However, this last attempt at territorial expansion also resulted in collapse as it was again met by a serious competitor represented by the Krivodol-Sălcuţa Culture.

The images viewed as signs appear in the beginning of the Neolithic in the South-east Europe. According to some scholars they date back even from the late Paleolithic.

The discussion about the nature of the incised signs still hasn’t found its answer, although several theories are suggested. The simpliest explanation is that  the signs are used for counting and recording quantitative values, but, that can be referred solely to the simple incisions and stabbed dots and does not apply to the more sophisticated images. Another view, influenced by the ancient pottery production, supposes that the depictions are marks of the potter who has made the vessel or signs of property of certain household or kin. The next hypothesis approaches the signs from a totally different perspective. According to it all incised images serve religious purpose – they are made as devotion to the Great Goddess.

Another theory is that they could have been used for communication between travelling craftsmen and merchants. An eventual likeness in the marks of distant workshops or certain household isn’t plausible. It seems that these simple signs are symbols, whose context is more universal and not so complex.
Another interpretation of the signs consider them as the most distant in time writing system, based on notions and concepts, not phonetic rules. Many signs are perceived as kind of writing, but we lack some basic characteristics. Some artifacts, like the plate from Gradeshnitsa, really suggest the existence of some kind of literacy, but at this stage they aren’t sufficient. The methods of this attempt to include the symbols in a uniform general classification aren’t  scientifically provable till we gain more facts. The reliability of such a statement demands a thorough analysis and comparison of as many artifacts as possible.

One of the most plausible theories assumes that the signs are depictions with unknown for us symbolism and meaning, traces of certain concept, idea, event, etc. These images are in a way symbolic means of expression of certain ideas and events. The symbol can be used as metaphor, allegory, a schematized image of a parable or myth, or an element of the cosmogony. Its role might be to define and  sacralize the artifact or to reproduce an important ritual.Vessels with an incised symbol could have been thought as able to guarantee protection, fertility, etc ... It might have had the power of a magical conjuration.

The signs could be means of communication and transmitting of a concept to distant places or forward in time.

All these statements complement each other and give the most credible explanation of the signs.

One of the most important questions is why the signs are made on the outer side of the bottom – the least visible part of a vessel. Maybe it is exactly the poor visibility that is the reason why, but then – what’s the purpose? The possible explanations are defined by the two usual points of view – utilitarian and spiritual. A sign might be placed on the base because there it’s closed in a circle, so in this way they form a composition with its own significance. Maybe they were meant to be seen only on particular occasions and the vessels, therefore, were used only in rituals or special common feasts.

Surely, the symbolism takes big part of the spiritual life during the Neolithic-Chalcolithic period. 

Nowadays, perhaps, this way of communication seems naive and elementary, but communicating throught symbols is an integral part of the human behavior.

2021 marked the 30th season of the archaeological excavations of the Durankulak Archaeological Complex. The buildings and structures of the 8th and 7th horizon were mainly studied, such as those from the Early Neolithic settlement on the Big Island belonging to the Hamangia Culture III and IV. Building №25 / VIII was completely studied. It was found that in its earliest stage the building was approximately square in shape. Its total built-up area is 39 m2. The floor of the building is covered with 5 clay layers. The interior space is common. The building had four structures located close to the walls. They cover about 17% of the interior space. One of them is a semi-domed thermal structure (structure 1). It was constructed directly on the floor. The oven shows five repairs concerning mainly the strengthening and restoration of the dome. Next to the oven, in the northeastern corner of the room, a square structure 2 was made measuring 1.10 × 1.10 m. It has a flat clay floor on which a large bone battle axe and anatomically arranged bones from the limb of deer (Cervus elaphus) were found in situ. To the west of structure 2 a quern (structure 3), also made of clay, was found. It is of a rectangular shape and contains a shallow basin (2–5 cm deep, measuring 1.50 × 1.20 м). Its floor was reinforced with a base of small stone slabs. The fourth structure is located in the southwestern corner of the room. It was built directly on the floor and measures 2.10 × 1.20 m.
    The building has been damaged by numerous pits from the upper horizons. Of interest is an oval-shaped pit. It has vertical walls and is filled with stone slabs. Next to its northeastern wall, a ceramic bowl with a graphite decoration Varna II Type was found turned upside down.
    In 2021, the study of building №24 /VII continued as well. The stone foundations of the western wall (preserved 13 m long) and part of the northern wall has been completely revealed. The foundations were made of large stone slabs. The lowest three courses of stones were fixed by yellow clay. The entrance to the building was from the south. The studied part of the building represents an elongated common room with several massive clay structures. One of them (structure 6) was attached to the central part of the western wall, and the other one (structure 5) to the southern end of the eastern wall. The structures are massive clay platforms raised in height. Their countertops were made of stacked logs, coated with several clay layers with a total thickness of 6–8 cm. The analysis of the charred wood showed that the timber used was oak (Quercus sp.).
    Under the plasters of the eastern structures were found: fragmented ceramic vessels, a large number of charred seeds of legumes and cereals, mussel shells, bone tools, and others. A separation of seeds by species has been observed. In some of the structures, seeds were stored belonging predominantly to bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia), and in others were found club wheat (Triticum aestivo/durum), einkorn (Triticum monococcum), barley (Hordeum vulgare), and others. The building 24 /VII contained a hoard consisting of the lower part of a thick-walled vessel, a mixture of seeds of legumes and cereals, and a fully preserved ceramic model of bread.

THIS IS A PROMO-FILE INCLUDING ONLY A FEW PAGES AS A SAMPLE OF THE BOOK.
Title: Metal Vases & Utensils in the Vassil Bojkov Collection, vol.2.
Author: Athanasios Sideris.
Publisher: Thrace Foundation.
Editor: Ruja Popova.
ISBN: 978-954-92384-8-8.
Sofia 2021.
Pp. 428.
This is the second volume dedicated to the metal vases in the Vassil Bojkov Collection in Sofia (see herein vol. 1, 2016). It comprises 152 entries (cat. 147-298) of vases and utensils issued from the Thracian, Achaemenid, Greek and Hellenistic cultural domains, 105 of which have never been published previously. They are illustrated by 403 colour pictures and 195 drawings, complemented by 193 b&w pictures of parallels in other museums and collections. The time-span covered in this volume extends from the 11th to the 1st centuries BC. The volume comprises as well an extensive bibliography, three indexes, various lists and a map. It includes several unique or very rare pieces, such as a prehistoric gold kantharos, gold and silver phialae, several vases bearing dedicatory and other inscriptions, a new silver kantharos with figurative scenes, a bronze calyx crater, several silver rhyta with some outstanding exemplars decorated with a silenus figure and caracal protomes, as well as a unique silver plate with the representation of Aphrodite's birth from the ocean. The book will be soon available in Amazon.com or by addressing directly the Thrace Foundation.

Lids are a seldom discovered type of Neolithic vessels, which explains the lack of analyses of this category of ceramic assemblage. This study includes 41 unpublished fragments found at the settlements Samovodene, Kachitsa, Hotnitsa-Kashlata, Hotnitsa-Kaya bunar, situated in the Yantra river valley, as well as Koprivets which is located in the Rusenski Lom basin. They reveal certain changes in typology and decoration throughout the entire Late Neolithic period (according to the Bulgarian chronological system – 5400/5300-5000/4900 BC), namely the Hotnitsa and Dudeşti cultures in the Lower Danube region, plus some Early Vădastra elements. The absence of any Boian-Bolentineanu traces is not surprising, considering its vague specifics and even question-able existence. Most of the forms described come from Samovodene (34 pieces), as it is one of the few extensively excavated sites. The majority have cylindrical (with straight or bulging walls) and slightly conical lids with planar top surfaces. The few pieces from Kachitsa, the sites in the vicinity of Hotnitsa and the single from Koprivets show different shapes, characteristic of the very end of the period. Various ornamentations are encrusted with white or, at rare occasions, red, pastes. Moreover, due to the diverse decorations, every single fragment included has its own specific appearance. The lids from North Central Bulgaria, as well as parts of the ceramic assemblage, and their closest parallels in the Dudeşti and Vădastra material from the Western Muntenia and Eastern Oltenia regions in Southern Romania

In 2018, the field studies on The Big Island (Tell Golemija ostrov ) at Durankulak village continued for the 27th consecutive season. Building N8/ VII was fully explored (Culture Hamangia IV). We found out that it was originally without massive stone walls, only with razor-like ones and a roof supported by several rows of wooden poles.

In 2018, the study of a new building No.25 / VII (Culture Hamangia IV culture) began. Only its final stage was fully explored. A grinding structure, a domed furnace and a clay structure for processing and storage of wheat were revealed there. Several ceramic pots appeared in situ inside the latter structure. The building was destroyed by fire as the inhabitants of the settlement had managed to save the most precious - the wheat and the grinding stones.

Building N 25/ Vii contained also burnt seeds of coarse wheat (Triticum monococcum), soft wheat (Triticum aestivo/durum), barley (Hordeum vulgare), as well as some grains of peas (Pisum sativum), and vetch (Vicia ervilia and Vicia sativa). There was also a large number of not-burned grains of cereals.

The Eneolithic settlement “Bohot” is found in the “Kremika” locality, the south sector of “Chervensko Nive”, within the territory of the village Bohot, Municipality Pleven, District Pleven. It is situated in the southern Lower Danube Valley, on a high fluvial terrace. The terrain has a north-east – south-west inclination.

The present preliminary geophysical survey indicated presence of various geomagnetic anomalies, some of which are sunken featured structures, and some – ground level structures.

Other than some final Late Neolithic Hotnica culture structures, the majority of the registered structures date to the Neolithic – Eneolithic transition and represent a kind of a symbiosis between Vadastra culture and the early Brenica phase of the Gradeshnitsa culture. It remains to be clarified whether the presence at the site of certain later materials – i.e. classical Gradeshnitsa artifacts, are introduced by newly arrived from the western cultural areal population. If so, locally observed ‘retardation’ in the evolution of the culture could perhaps be attributed to temporarily severed ties between the local inhabitants and the settlements to the west.

At the site were also registered several small pits from the Late Iron Age, as well as destructions of outhouses from the early 20th c.

The results of the study of building № 25 / VII-VIII showed that it has a slightly trapezoidal shape. The total built-up area is 69 m2. The building has undergone two stages of development: the first stage refers to the Hamangia III Culture, and the second one - to Hamangia IV Culture.

The building from sub-stage 1A was small, of a shape close to the square measuring 6.5 × 6.0 m. Internal dimensions are 5.5 × 4.0 m (22 m²). Its massive walls have double-sided stone foundations 0.50 – 0.60 m wide. A thermal structure was attached to the eastern wall – a hearth with a half-dome; and to the western one – a clay podium with a square shape measuring 1.50 × 1.50 m and a height of 10 cm. There were several small and large clay structures of unclear shapes and purposes next to the northern wall. The structures in the room occupied about 15% of the living space.

In stage 1B, an annex was added to the building from the south, probably a covered terrace. For this purpose, the eastern and western walls were elongated by 5 m each. The dimensions of this extension are 4.5 × 5.5 m (20 m²). It rose 15–20 cm above the room from stage 1A, and the approach to the inner room was stepped. Several additional economic segments were situated there: a domed oven located in its south-eastern corner and an elongated clay trough (?) – in the south-western one.

During stage 2 the interior of the building was completely changed. A large room with dimensions of 10.0 × 4.5 m (45 m²) was formed. The building from this stage was open from the south where a wooden colonnade was arranged. This porch was covered with a stone pavement.

The life of building № 25 / VII ended with a fire, followed by a strong destructive earthquake, around the IX degree after MSK-64. It also marks the end of the settlement from the period of Hamangia IV Culture.

In 2020, the research of building № 24/VII continued as well. There we came across the northwestern part of an unexplored earlier building – № 23/V. The remains are framed by a low clay plinth 5 – 6 cm high. On the floor of the structure we found a charred grain of Triticum monococcum and Triticum dicoccum¬¬ with an approximate ratio of 50:50%.

The worked bones from the Late Neolithic site Hotnitsa-Orlovka provide information about production and use of bone objects from Central North Bulgaria in this period. The domesticated animals are the main source of the bone industry (mainly large ungulates like Bos taurus and smaller mammals like ovis/capra). The ancient inhabitants of Hotnitsa-Orlovka prefered the longitudinally split long bones (mainly metapodium) and flat bones (ribs). The finishing of the bone objects is produced by abrision with sandstones. It is observed that some of the types have productive standardization which was planned specifically so that the use of unnecessary labor and the throwing away of raw material are avoided. This in turn leads to the thought of specialized bone industry. Despite the lack on stratigraphy posiotion of the artefacts, paralels can be drawn between the general characteristics of the findings from Hotnitsa-Orlovka and a number of other Late Neolithic sites from the Balkans.

http://journals.uni-vt.bg/epohi/bul/vol27/iss1/4

The Early Iron Age settlement in Powidz was discovered in 2000 by the owner of a local guest-house Roman Morzyński, who found more than 450 fragments of pottery vessels, tools made from antler, stone and iron. As a result of the development of tourism in this region, a significant part of the site was destroyed. Between 2000–2002 underwater archaeological rescue excavations were conducted on the site. On the surveyed area of 5000 square metres a large quantity of wood piles (6–12 cm in diameter), quern-stones and almost 900 pottery sherds date to the Early Iron Age was found. A significant frequency of semi-circular and spherical forms of vessel, together with a large quantity of jugs and cups can suggest that the pottery should be related
to the Late Lusatian ceramic style. Also the so-called ornamentation of fir tree, hung triangles, finger holes and pseudo-cord as well as the presence of the pottery with
under-lip holes is characteristic of 3rd phase of the Lusatian Urnfield Culture known from the eastern part of Great Poland and Cuiavia, in the Hallsttat D Period.

Prehistoric occupation in the region of Lake Powidz is known from the previous research and from the archive information, mostly from the Polish Archaeological Record, as well as from the underwater archaeological surveys conducted in the last 8 years. Neolithic pottery was discovered on 24 sites, mostly on the northern shore of the lake, and some archaeological traces of human activity from the Early Bronze Age were found in 11 locations. The remains of the Late Bronze Age and the Early
Iron Age (the Lusatian Urnfield Culture) occupations are known from 37 sites mentioned in the Polish Archaeological Record. As a result of recent underwater surveys two submerged settlements and two smaller sites from this period have been discovered.
Lake Powidz is located circa 10 km from fortified settlements of the Lusatian Urnfield Culture in Słupca, Ostrowite, Koziegłowy and Świętne. It seems that local communities form the region of Lake Powidz developed independently from these
centers. On the basis of the archaeological discoveries and the results of the interdisciplinary research, we suppose that the economy of these communities based mostly on agriculture, in addition to hunting, fishing and forest harvesting, developed on a limited scale.

Die Siedlungsplätze befinden sich in den Gemeinden  Altenburg, Eggendorf am Walde, Etzmannsdorf am Kamp, Frauenhofen, Strögen, Gars am Kamp, Kamegg, Thunau am Kamp, Horn, Mödring, Mold, Mörtersdorf, Poigen, Grünberg, Roggendorf, Röhrenbach, Neubau und Sigmundsherberg.

The finds of the human bodies from the swamps and peatbogs are known from the terrains of the whole north part of Central and Western Europe. Those discoveries made by accident, appear since 17th century during mining peat, which was then used as a combustible material. The number of currently known human remains found in the swamps of Europe is about 2000. A little more than a half of them comes from the period from 500 BC to 500 A.D. In the article the fnds from the first millennium BC were presented. The most numerous finds of the votive offerings from water environments included the objects connected with various customs – the elements of horse harness, so-called lurs, bronze situlaes, fragments of the carriages, wheels and bronze models of carriages dated to Late Bronze Age. From this period come numerous human offerings clothed only in capes of lamb skin. Giving them was probably forced by a cyclical rythm of nature, and repeating it periodicaly was supposed to ensure good harvest and appease gods of fertility. Since 8th century BC in the territory of Denmark human offerings were hung and the only part of their clothing was a leather belt. Since the earliest times there was a bond between a man wearing a belt and duties he performed. Social status of a person owning a belt in the Nordic, Hallstatt and Celtic zones was acknowlegdeb i.a. by depictions of warriors. Some share of the human offerings had loops on their necks. In Indoeuropean mythologies the rope, knot or bonds are the attribute of magical power of the ruler and thanks to it he reigns and keeps the world in balance. Also in Germanic world there were rites bound with roping. Participants of the annual feast of Semnons, described by Tacitus, had to agree to tie them up. This rite was compared to mitraistic ceremony of initiation, in which mhysta had his hands tied with a rope behind his back. It is possible that in the Semnons ritual Illirian infuences connected to the cult of a lunar-chthonic god, its centre located in the south regions, should be seen. The explanation of the ritual of hanging the victims can also be mentioned in Scandinavian tradition, testifying that former kings of Sweden rulled for nine years, after that they either were killed or had to find their successors, who died instead of them. Similar custom could appear in the British Islands, where since 4th century BC human bodies (so-called Worsley Man, Clonycavan Man and Oldcroghan Man) were put into swamps on the border of old kingdoms. Surely they were from a social elite, what is testified by a costly sign of a dead man`s status – there was an amulet and a hair pomade of so-called Clonycavan Man. Those offerings could have been connected with old traditon of symbolic marriage of the ruler to the goddes of fertility. Renew and amplification of power depended on it. The catastrophe of famine meant that the goddes turned away from the leader so he had to appease her with human offerings. Posthumous incision of nipples could have been the symbol of rejected king. Next the bodies were chopped into pieces, arms interlaced with a rope and the remains were thrown along the boundaries of the kingdom to keep magical guard over the whole country`s territory. It is not ruled out that the ritual of „killing the ruler” could be connected to the execution of possible rivals from social elite or prisoners captivated especially for the time of conducting the rite. Possibly one of those scenes was depicted on the Gundestrup Cauldron. In the case of some swamp bodies no visible sign of death and also additional attributes found with other victims, had been reported. The lack of recurrence features of conducted rite suggests the unfortunate accident and death by drowning. They are interpreted also as the bodies of people “sentenced” during so-called ordalias. The position, in which the corpse of the Damendorf Man was found, suggests – no matter if that man fell into the swamp or he was pushed – that he tried to defend himself from drowning by swimming.

Nahrung ist ein grundlegendes Bedürfnis des Menschen. In den letzen beiden Jahrzehnten hat die Forschung zur Ernährung des urzeitlichen Menschen durch diverse naturwissenschaftliche Analysemethoden an menschlichen Überresten im weitesten Sinn und Tongefäßen neuen Aufschwung genommern. Ergebnisse aus Archäobotanik und Archäozoologie geben zusätzlich Hinweise, welche Nahrungsgrundlagen genutzt wurden. Durch die Form der Gefäße und das Gefäßspektrum kann auf die Nutzung beim Erwerb, bei der Aufbewahrung und der Zubereitung von Nahrungsmitteln geschlossen werden.

Н. Чаусидис, Неолитските корени на „македонските бронзи“ и на други синхрони бронзени предмети од Средниот Балкан (Abstract: Neolithic roots of "Macedonian bronzes" and other synchronous bronze objects from the Middle Balkans) // Љ. Фиданоски, Г. Наумов (ред.), Неолитот во Македонија: нови сознанија и перспективи. Скопје: Центар за истражување на предисторијата, 2016, 203 – 229.
http://www.cip-cpr.org/_publishing/_neolitotVoMakedonija.html

Macedonian bronzes refer to several types of small Iron Age bronze objects (8th-6th centuries BC) originating from Macedonia and neighboring Central Balkan regions. Depending on the shape and the character of the exact types, their origin is sought for in different sides. Some researchers made attempts to prove their Caucasian or the descent from the region north of the Black Sea, by making parallels, relating them to the so-called Thraco-Cimmerian movements (beginning of the 1st millennium BC), to which written sources also refer. Other finds (double axe models) are related to the Bronze Age Aegean cultures (Minoan and Mycenaean). This study argues a so far insufficiently promoted thesis regarding the indigenous Central Balkan component of some Iron Age objects from the aforementioned groups. It is made by comparing certain Iron Age objects or their features to relevant Balkan finds of previous periods. Those are several types of ceramic finds from the Neolithic which are mainly related to the far northern parts of the Balkan Peninsula, foremostly from the Vinča culture. Most of them are referred to as Vinča amulets in literature, given that based on their shape and the pierced apertures it is believed they were meant to hang on ropes, worn on human bodies as pendants with certain magical or symbolical purpose.

Keywords: Macedonian bronzes, Vinča amulets, Neolithic, Iron Age, jewelry.


Со терминот „Македонски бронзи“ се означуваат повеќе видови ситни бронзени предмети од железното време (VIII–VI век пр.н.е.), коишто потекнуваат од Македонија и од соседните среднобалкански области. Нивното потекло се бара на разни страни, зависно од обликот и карактерот на конкретнитe типoви. Некои истражувачи се обидуваат, преку паралели, да го докажат кавкаското или северно-прицрноморското потекло на дел од нив, поврзувајќи ги со т.н. „трако-кимериски“ движења (почетокот на I мил. пр.н.е.), на што упатуваат и пишаните извори. Други наоди (модели на двојни секири), се ставаат во сооднос со бронзеновременските егејски култури (минојската и микенската). Во оваа студија се изнесени аргументи за една досега недоволно промовирана теза околу автохтоната средно-балканска компонента на некои железновременски предмети од спомнатите групи. Тоа ќе се реализира преку компарирањето на конкретни железновременски предмети, или нивни обележја, со соодветни балкански наоди од постарите периоди. Станува збор за неколку типови ситни керамички наоди од неолитскиот период кои главно се врзуваат за посеверните делови на полуостровот, пред сè од кругот на „Винчанската култура“. Најголемиот дел од нив во науката се познати како „винчански амулети“ со оглед на тоа што, врз основа на обликот и пробиените отвори, се претпоставува дека биле предназначени да висат на јаженца, обесени на човековото тело, и тоа во функција на приврзоци со одредена магиска или симболичка намена.

Клучни зборови: македонски бронзи, винчански амулети, неолит, железно време, накит

Vorlage eines Einzelfundes aus einem im Neolithikum nur sehr schwach besiedelten Gebietes. Das Artefakt wurde seinerzeit als landwirtschaftlich genützte Erdhaue angesprochen. Heute bringt man solche Stücke eher mit der Holzbearbeitung in Verbindung.

7/8) Hermann Maurer, Beiträge zur Heimatkunde.
9) Hermann Maurer, Abriß der Ur- und Frühgeschichte des Waldviertels.
10) Hermann Maurer, Gesammelte Beiträge aus den Jahren 1985 - 1990.
11) Hermann Maurer, Nachweise prähistorischer Musikausübung im Waldviertel.
12) Hermann Maurer, Dr. Franz Pieler und die Linearbandkeramik im Horner Becken.
13) Michaela Maurer, Hermann Maurer, Steinzeit und Bronzezeit in den Museen der Stadt Horn (Höbarthmuseum).
14) Hermann Maurer, Vier kleine Beiträge zur Vorgeschichte, Geschichte und Volkskunde Niederösterreichs (Altenburg, Kühnring und St. Bernhard).
15) Hermann Maurer, Eine spätneolithiche Sichel aus Baiersdorfer Plattenhornstein von Zitternberg bei Gars am Kamp, Niederösterreich.
Alle Folgen sind hier bei Academia eingestellt und als PDF abrufbar.

Zwei Berichte über jungsteinzeitliche Siedlungen im westlichen Randbereich des Horner Beckens, Waldviertel, nördliches Niederösterreich. Zur Neolithsiedlung von Brunn an der Wild siehe auch Hermann Maurer, Dr. Franz Pieler und die Linearbandkeramik im Horner Becken. In: Horner Schriften zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte 12, 2013, S. 3.