Policing Studies

This study demonstrates that that the lion’s share of everyday policing and patrol in Onion Lake and Ahtahkakoop is  administered by Peacekeepers and that their withdrawal would result in a significant impact on the effectiveness of the RCMP who
heavily rely on their assistance and guidance. The vast majority of respondents do not wish to see the Peacekeepers become a police service under the “self-administered” option of the FNPP. Without exception, however, Peacekeepers, administrators, and
RCMP officers believe the Peacekeepers need funding for  standardized training, better equipment, and uniforms as well as more formalized information sharing with the RCMP.
Under the current parameters of the FNPP, however, no such remedy is available. Without a change in the FNPP, the Peacekeepers will continue to act as underpaid, overworked and minimally trained first responders and role models upon whom the RCMP is, by their own admission, heavily dependent but unable to support. Given this state of affairs, it is recommended that the FNPP be revisited to allow for the possibility of plural forms of policing outside the First Nations Self- Administered (FNSA) and RCMP Community Tripartite Agreements (RCMP CTA) .
Peacekeepers are inexpensive and very effective. It would take very little to expand and improve their service provision and thereby free up the RCMP to also engage in more proactive and culturally appropriate mentorship and community involvement.

This Report was produced just before the Law Commission of Canada was defunded by the newly elected Conservative government. The Report argued for a new governance structure to oversee policing that incorporated the rapidly increasing private security sector.  The Report was presented to Parliament but received little consideration as the topic of police oversight remains politically charged and the structural reforms suggested were ambitious.

This article explores from a comparative perspective some of
the legal, evidential and procedural issues raised by undercover policing.
It focuses on two of the more common, yet legally problematic,
techniques of covert investigation: namely, entrapment and covert interviewing.
The comparison draws on legal developments in Australia,
Canada and Europe.

El FBI ha publicado el informe sobre más de 5,4 millones de incidentes y 6,290,042 de ilícitos que se presentaron al Sistema de Informes Nacionales de Incidentes (NIBRS) del Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) en 2016, y por primera vez, desde el 2016, el informe anual ha incluido datos sobre maltrato hacia los animales. El FBI actualizó sus políticas del Programa NIBRS de UCR, a partir del 1 de enero de 2016, para incluir específicamente la crueldad hacia los animales como una categoría delictiva específica de modo que las agencias de policía deberían incluirla al presentar las estadísticas delictivas al FBI. La crueldad hacia los animales es un crimen grave no solo contra los animales, sino también contra la sociedad en general. La Dra Querol afirma: “como decimos en el grupo de trabajo de la NSA/FBI protegiendo a las personas protegemos a los animales y, protegiendo a los animales protegemos a las personas”. Gracias al esfuerzo de la NSA y el FBI, el maltrato a animales se incluye desde el 2016 en el Grupo A de delitos graves, contra la sociedad. Al saber dónde están ocurriendo estos crímenes y la demografía de quién está cometiendo estos crímenes, las agencias de policía y las protectoras pueden tomar medidas proactivas para abordar los problemas en áreas con altas tasas de maltrato hacia los animales. Informar al FBI no es obligatorio, pero mientras más información se proporcione al FBI, mejor será capaz de medir la cantidad de delitos en un área específica y permitir una revisión más exhaustiva de la relación entre la crueldad hacia los animales y otros crímenes en la comunidad.

Las principales conclusiones del informe de este año:

En la comparativa de datos sobre incidentes de maltrato animal en 2016 y 2017, vemos que se ha obtenido una mejora notable pasando de 1126 incidentes en 2016 a 3228 en 2017.
Según la tipología delictiva, el 61% de los incidentes son relacionados contra la propiedad, el 23% contra las personas y el 16% contra la sociedad (categoría que incluye el maltrato hacia los animales). Durante el 2017 se han recogido 3228 incidentes de maltrato hacia los animales.
Respecto a la edad de los autores de los incidentes de maltrato animal se detectaron 2620 adultos (84%), 116 menores de 18 años (4%) y 379 individuos cuya edad era desconocida (12%).
Cuando se ha analizado el maltrato hacia los animales por sexo, destaca un 56% de hombres, un 36% de mujeres y un 8% se desconocía. Cabe señalar que la cifra de mujeres que perpetran maltrato hacia los animales es mayor de la que recogen habitualmente los estudios o los atestados policiales. Aunque aún estamos trabajando en la tipología de maltrato por sexo, los resultados abren nuevas vías de investigación.
En lo que se refiere a la autoría del maltrato animal, la mayoría de casos son perpetrados por personas de raza blanca en un (65%) de los casos, las personas de raza negra/afroamericanos un 21%, los nativos americanos un 1% , los asiáticos en un 21%, los nativos de Hawaiï o islas del Pacífico en un 1% y en un 12% de los casos se desconoce la raza. Cuando contrastamos los datos de prevalencia de otros delitos (como violencia de pareja) en reservas o en poblaciones nativas, las cifras son extremadamente altas, lo que nos hace pensar que, seguramente, las cifras de maltrato animal están infraestimadas.
Respecto a las franjas de edad en que se produce el maltrato, si observamos la franja de los 21 a los 40 años, supone el 56% de todos los casos de maltrato animal. También conviene resaltar que hemos detectado maltrato en todas las franjas de edad, desde menores de 10 años (8 casos)a mayores de 66. Del mismo modo que sucede con el análisis por edad, estamos en proceso de analizar el tipo de malrato por franja de edad.
Respecto a la geolocalización del maltrato animal destaca que la mayoría se producen en residencias o domicilios, constituyendo el 73% de todas las áreas analizadas. El hecho de que se produzca mayoritariamente en residencia o domicilio, dificulta su detección y obliga a los agentes implicados no sólo en la detección de maltrato animal, sino a otros profesionales, así como a la comunidad, a involucrarse en la detección de dicho ilícito.
Al analizar las franjas horarias en que se reportan más incidentes, llama la atención de que aumenta desde las 8 de la mañana hasta las 6 de la tarde. A pesar de que estamos analizando las causas, podría deberse a la reducción de los efectivos policiales y los agentes de control animal durante las horas nocturnas.

Rapid adoption and expansion of the CCTV systems in Turkey as well as all over the world have produced a fair amount of ―technological determinism‖ among many law enforcement officials, which Norris and Armstrong (1999, p. 9) define as ―an unquestioning belief in the power of technology‖. As a matter of technological determinism, politicians and the public continue to myopically expect that the exclusive responsibility of preventing crime rest on the police-monitored CCTV cameras. Conversely, policy makers may be better informed if they consider why the law enforcement agencies should invest in the installation of the CCTV cameras in public areas based on the research. In fact, a well-designed evidence based paradigm in the CCTV literature is likely to reveal the truth about the question of ―does it work?‖
In addition to all previous methodological efforts, empirical evaluations in the CCTV literature are still needed to account for alternative perspectives to measure their effectiveness in the deterrence of crimes. Therefore, the present study focused on the concepts of environmental criminology, namely "crime risk at place". This research also considered the environmental risk values that might identify ―environmental conditions under which cameras would be most effective‖ (Caplan et al., 2011, p.271). Thus, the concept of ―Environmental risk value" provided a unique methodological approach to the police- monitored CCTV literature.
This study examined the impact of the metropolitan city of Bursa‘s city-wide system

and certain individual police-monitored CCTV camera‘s views used to scan the landscape, respectively on street level, including aggravated assault, auto theft, thefts from autos, and larceny theft crime incident numbers in a spatial distribution of locations; and analyzed whether the environmental risk value effects on the deterrent effect of police-monitored CCTV cameras on aforementioned crime types. To accomplish that statistical analyses (paired t test, location quotient, and regression models) and risk terrain modeling (RTM) were conducted in this dissertation.
Three important findings were found in this study. Firstly, city-wide system effect indicated that larceny thefts and thefts from auto experienced significant reduction. However, aggravated assaults and auto thefts were not. Secondly, the results from assessing the deterrent effect of certain individual police-monitored CCTV cameras on aggravated assaults, larceny thefts, thefts from autos and auto thefts were mixed. Finally, each individual CCTV camera has a unique environment – environmental risk value that influences its deterrent effect on – aggravated assaults, larceny thefts, thefts from autos and autos theft. Further, the affect was discernable and in positive direction for each crime type.
Environmental risk value assessments can advance our understanding of the deterrent effect of CCTV cameras at their viewshed areas. So environmental risk sites must be taken into account when the decision process concerning CCTV cameras is made by local and national level policy makers, police agencies and politicians who try to establish where the most appropriate location to install police-monitored CCTV cameras is. In this respect RTM can be considered as a pre intervention tool so that police agencies can measure the deterrent effect of CCTV before installation. Such a pre-evaluation process increases the capacity for effective police management and crime prevention strategies in police agencies.

The name Broken Windows Theory was derived from an experiment conducted by Philip Zimbardo (1969), in which an abandoned automobile was placed in a high crime neighborhood where it remained untouched for a week until part of it was smashed by a researcher. Within a few hours of the initial damage the car was destroyed. The theory posits that in certain neighborhoods if a broken window remains unrepaired then it alerts others that this is the 'norm', and breaking more windows becomes more acceptable; in other words, a failure to enforce minor public offenses contributes to a downward spiral in which residents become less involved and withdrawn from the community, thereby allowing for crime and vandalism to proliferate; and moreover, that disorder is indirectly linked to serious crime. The theory was derived by Wilson and Kelling (1982) from the findings of a foot-patrol experiment conducted in Newark, New Jersey by police administrators and social scientists (Police Foundation 1981). While swapping police officers from patrol cars to walking beats did not reduce the amount of crime in those neighborhoods as expected, residents did experience positive outcomes. Residents in neighborhoods that had foot patrols, felt more secure, believed that crime had decreased, and appeared to take fewer precautions to protect themselves from criminal activities. While the use of patrol cars, increases police mobility, expediting the response time to citizen service calls, and strengthening the control of central command, they also act as a barrier between the officer and the community. An officer on foot patrol is unable to separate himself from the street allowing for greater integration into the neighborhood, along with greater accessibility by residents. Thus fostering a sense of collective identity in which both formal and informal actors are collaborating at improving their respective community. Wilson and Kelling (1982) found that the level of disorder in a neighborhood provides a signal to motivated offenders that there is a lack of concern about the neighborhood. This indicates that there is a lack of social control, either formal (i.e. police officers) or informal (i.e. neighbors, family), which reduces that chances for apprehension. Therefore, offenders will target disorderly neighborhoods to commit offenses because the costs of their illegal actions are greatly reduced or eliminated. The theory predicts that a sequence of events (i.e. windows breaking) will then ensue. First, the ongoing accumulation of disorder in the neighborhood; second, individuals will perceive that violent crime is increasing and become more fearful of their community; third, the increased levels of fear will inhibit individuals from intervening in the neighborhood and limiting their use of public space; fourth, residential turnover will ensue, with individuals who are able to emigrate being replaced by individuals who are not attached to the neighborhood. Finally, serious crime (this includes drug dealing, prostitution, robberies, car theft, assorted violent crimes) will inevitably increase (Wilson and Kelling 1982).

El trabajo aporta al conocimiento del proceso de construcción del cuerpo policial en la provincia de Buenos Aires, atendiendo a un ciclo de reformas efectuadas al finalizar el siglo XIX. Se observa de qué manera se construyó una institución que concentrará funciones de policía, hasta entonces desplegadas en otras esferas estatales, como la justicia de paz. Se focaliza en una problemática poco transitada por la historiografía: la función central que estos cuerpos adquirieron para la producción del territorio. En primer lugar, se estudia la reforma de 1878 que estipuló la organización de las Comisarías Rurales en un diseño de operaciones descentralizado, para actuar en el ámbito de la campaña. En segundo lugar, se atiende a los debates legislativos de 1880, tras la federalización de Buenos Aires, a efectos de reorganizar el servicio, que por el contrario confluyeron en un diseño centralizado estructurado en torno a la Jefatura de Policía. PALABRAS CLAVES: Policía; Territorio; Reformas. ABSTRACT: The article contributes to the knowledge of Buenos Aires province police force building process, considering a cycle of reforms developed at the end of the 19th century. We study how an institution that will concentrate police functions, until then deployed in other state's spheres such as peace justice, was constructed. We focus on a perspective unconsidered by historiography: the central function that these bodies acquired for the production of the territory. First, we study the reform of 1878 that stipulated the organization of the Rural Commissariats in a decentralized operations design, to act in the campaign. In second place, we examine the legislative debates after Buenos Aires' federalization in 1880 to reorganize the service-which by contrast, defined a centralized design structured around the Central Police.

Convocation Address at Bethel University, August 29, 2016 about recent troubles in Minnesota, particularly the shooting of Philando Castille, and our responsibility as followers of the Gospel. There is an audio link also available. After you click the link, it's the first one in the queue; fast-forward to 15:00:  https://itunes.apple.com/us/itunes-u/2016-2017-chapel-college-arts/id1148681753?mt=10

The spread of crimmigration policies, practices, and rhetoric represents an economically rational strategy and has significant implications for the lived experience of noncitizen immigrants. This study draws upon in-depth interviews of immigrants with a range of legal statuses to describe the mechanics through which immigrants internalize and respond to the fear of deportation, upon which crimmigration strategies rely. The fear of deportation and its behavioral effects extend beyond undocumented or criminally convicted immigrants, encompassing lawful permanent residents and naturalized citizens alike. This fear causes immigrants to refuse to use public services, endure labor exploitation, and avoid public spaces, resulting in social exclusion and interrupted integration, which is detrimental to US society as a whole.

Suçun işlenmeden önlenmesi çalışmaları, modern toplumlarda kolluk kuvvetlerinin asli vazifeleri arasında ön plana çıkan görevleri arasındadır. Suçun önlenmesi anlamına gelen proaktif polislik, polisin suç işlenmeden önce harekete geçmesidir. Bu tür polislik, suçla  mücadele herkesin sorumluluğu temeline dayanan çok kurumlu yaklaşım ve suçu sosyal bir problem olarak algılayıp kontrolünü de sosyal yöntemlerle mümkün gören önleme stratejilerini de içinde barındıran bir yöntemdir. Bu nedenle, suçla mücadele sorumluluğu, ilgili diğer resmi kurumlar, sivil toplum kuruluşları ve daha genel olarak halkla paylaşılmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Toplum Destekli Polislik (TDP) tanımı yapılmış, TDP ortaya çıkışını hazırlayan nedenler ve TDP faaliyetlerinde yöneticilerin rolü belirtilmiş ve TDP faaliyetlerinin faydalarına ilişkin bölüm yazarının bir süre müdürlüğünü yaptığı Diyarbakır TDP Şubesinde kendisinin ve şube personelinin yaşamış olduğu bazı anılara örnek olarak yer verilmiştir. Bahse konu anılarda; toplumda yaşanan bütün sorunları kendi sorunları olarak gören, okula gidemeyen bir çocuğun acısını içinde duyan, evinde şiddet gören kadının feryadını, mağduriyet yaşayan bir ailenin ve sokaklarda yaşama mecburiyetinde kalan kimsesizlerin acısını yüreğinde duyan, sadece bir olay meydana geldiğinde olaya müdahale eden değil, her zaman vatandaşların dertlerine ortak olan, hastalandıklarında geçmiş olsun ziyaretine giden, vefat etmeleri durumunda yakınlarının acılarını paylaşmak için taziye ziyaretinde bulunan, halkın bayramlarına ve özel günlerine katılarak onlarla bütünleşmeye çalışan, suça bulaşan veya bulaşma riski yüksek olan çocuk ve gençlerin tespit edilerek onların nasıl meslek sahibi yapılmaya çalışıldığı ve benzeri konular anlatılmıştır.

ALINTILAMA ÖNERİSİ
Terkeşli, R. (2014), Toplum Destekli Polislik ve Örnekleri , Harmancı, F. M; Gözübenli, M. ve Zengin, C. (Ed.),"Güvenlik Sektöründe Temel Stratejiler" içinde (s.57-81). Nobel Yayınevi, ISBN:978-605-133-960-3


BİR BÖLÜMÜ BURADA YER ALAN KİTABIN TAMAMINA AŞAĞIDAKİ LİNKLERDENULAŞABİLİRSİNİZ
https://www.academia.edu/43834170/G%C3%BCvenlik_Sekt%C3%B6r%C3%BCnde_Temel_Stratejiler
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/294836329_Guvenlik_Sektorunde_Temel_Stratejiler

Social & Behavioural Sciences
Requirements of the National Crime Agency
Internal Report 2014
External Champion Research Council of the UK Global Uncertainties Programme

http://www.paccsresearch.org.uk/news/social-behavioural-sciences-national-crime-agency/

http://www.paccsresearch.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/REPORT_NCA-Requirements-Social-and-Behavioural-Sciences_FINAL-V2.0.pdf

Cameras are ubiquitous and increasingly mobile. While CCTV has captured considerable attention by surveillance researchers, the new visibility of police activities is increasingly produced by incidental sousveillance and wearable on-officer camera systems. This article considers advocacy for policing’s new visibility, contrasting that of police accountability activists who film police with designers and early adopters of on-officer cameras. In both accounts, these devices promise accountability by virtue of their mechanical objectivity. However, to each party, accountability functions rather differently. By attending to the social and legal privileging of police officers’ perspectives, the article provides an explanation for design decisions that produced Taser’s AXON Flex on-officer cameras and for why police are embracing these new technologies. Critics of these cameras cite privacy concerns, officer discretion in operating cameras, and department disclosure of footage. Nonetheles...

Introduction Nigerians are highly religious people. The Gallup International (2012) ranked Nigeria as the second most religious country in the world, based on a survey that shows that 93 per cent of her population tended to be religious. Religion plays an important role in the politics, economy and security of Nigeria as a nation. The Nigerian politicians understand this position and are obediently observing a non-writing code of a Christian-Muslim ticket in a political contest. This arrangement has gone a long way to reduce religious tension in the federation. Nigeria has witnessed a series of religious conflicts since the 1980s. There are frequent incidents of Christian-Muslim conflicts, and recently Islamic fundamentalists are proliferating in Nigeria. Certain religious doctrines and rituals are often manipulated to encourage violent conflict. A recent example is the campaign of terror in the Lake Chad region by the Nigerian based Islamist Boko Haram, which has killed over 23,000...

The issues of ‘race’ and ‘racism’ have been with us since the founding of our august republic. Unfortunately, they are perniciously still with us today. They were the reason we fought the Civil War (1861-1865) and have mired our history throughout. There is no period in our history, the history of the United States, when ‘race’ has not been significant in some profound way. For many reasons too, the American Civil War is still with us today. It is still with us in every racial conflict we have had since. It is still being fought, perhaps unknowingly by many African-Americans, who have experienced ‘structural violence’ in some way, whether in terms of wanting better education, better housing, or a better job, or even rights for a normal life. And it is still with us today when African-Americans are targeted unfairly by law enforcement.

In the past two decades, a burgeoning plural policing literature has re-focused the attention on the plurality of sponsors and providers that populate policing landscapes throughout the world. This article coheres and advances this research agenda in two ways. It provides the first critical examination of its conceptual and theoretical achievements, while also highlighting important gaps that remain in explaining how struggles over the political economy affect plural policing and vice versa. This requires applying political economy questions about power and resources to policing— " how, " by " whom, " and especially for " whose " benefit policing is delivered—and conceptualizing policing as one aspect of state–society relations. The article further elucidates strengths and weaknesses of the plural policing literature in a case study of Indonesia's contemporary plural policing landscape. The importance of plural policing goes beyond academic endeavor. Indeed, plural policing is ubiquitous throughout the world and affects how security is provided, and power exercised, in most social realms whether at local, national or international level. It is thus a phenomenon difficult to ignore for comparative politics, IR scholars, and policymakers alike.

In Europe, as in most countries of the world, building resilience to terrorism is a key concern at the moment. One way of building resilience out of many, is to normalise and depoliticise counterterrorist measures by giving powers over them to seemingly non-political and technical actors, the police. These attempts to build resilience to terrorism by normalising
counterterrorist procedures may lead to losing political powers to bureaucracies and even third states. The role of Europol in countering terrorism serves as an example to demonstrate this development. Since the police, including Europol, is seen as a technical, non-political actor,
its role in countering terrorism can be seen to facilitate and normalise anti-terrorist procedures. Simultaneously, however, Europol lacks accountability and democratic oversight and collaborates with organisations that are less accountable than itself such as intelligence services. What happens to data shared with the Counter Terrorism Group or Interpol? The article points to an alarming development that requires further scholarly attention.

La presente investigación muestra una descripción detallada de las actividades de prevención del delito y la violencia que desarrolla la Policía Nacional Civil, considerando los factores que ejercen influencia sobre ellas. Además, analiza las percepciones ciudadanas acerca de estas actividades, especialmente de los grupos poblacionales que son los receptores de ellas. Se analiza el trabajo policial preventivo y cómo este se inserta en la misión general de la PNC, los retos que ha enfrentado y los límites para su implementación general. Además, se examinan las experiencias exitosas en la implementación de actividades preventivas, poniendo énfasis en la evaluación que la ciudadanía hace de ellas, considerando la construcción de confianza mutua, legitimidad y territorialidad. Se finaliza proponiendo una estrategia amplia de gestión territorial de la seguridad.

This essay examines the restructuring of policing currently taking place in developed democratic societies. It argues that restructuring is occurring under private as well as government auspices and will have profound effects on public safety, equity, human rights, and accountability. These effects are discussed, along with the trade-offs they represent for public policy. The driving forces behind restructuring are fear of crime, the inability of government to satisfy society's longing for security, the commodification of security, the rise of mass private property, and cultural individualism. The essay concludes with a prediction about the future of policing and suggests policies that are needed to avoid restructuring's harmful effects.

This paper examines the institutional, political and cultural conditions in which Aboriginal Community Police Officers work. The paper contends that as a result of these conditions and their interconnections, various kinds of work carried out by Aboriginal Community Police Officers are inadequately recognised locally within the Northern Territory Police Force, as well as more broadly in the policymaking discourse that constitutes the ‘Aboriginal domain’ (Rowse 1992). While policymaking has fashioned the emergence of modern Aboriginal communities, in particular through the deployment of ‘Aboriginal culture’ as a definitional property, the institutional imaginary in which Aboriginal policing is conceived remains remarkably bereft of any specific notion of cultural work. This paper seeks to address the institutional imaginary by connecting the failure to think of the cultural work involved in Aboriginal community policing to the failure to conceive bureaucratic work as culturally specific. Through the analysis of research and data gathered through focus group interviews with Aboriginal Community Police Officers in the Northern Territory, I demonstrate how the policing bureaucracy inhibits the potential of Aboriginal policing. This analysis calls for the development of Aboriginal career pathways, suggesting that this would ameliorate the pressure placed on Aboriginal Community Police Officers to assimilate to non-Aboriginal policing. By simultaneously recognising and acting on the reproduction of the cultural and normative values of whiteness in the administration of policing, the institutional advancement of Aboriginal policing could strengthen existing Aboriginal Community Policing work, as well as catalyse the means to resist institutional racism.

Predictive policing generally refers to police work that utilises strategies, algorithmic technologies, and big data to generate near-future predictions about the people and places deemed likely to be involved in or experience crime. Claimed benefits of predictive policing centre on the technology’s ability to enable pre-emptive police work by automating police decisions. The goal is that officers will rely on computer software and smartphone applications to instruct them about where and who to police just as Uber drivers rely on similar technologies to instruct them about where to pick up passengers. Unfortunately, little is known about the experiences of the in-field users of predictive technologies. This article helps fill this gap by addressing the under researched area of how police officers engage with predictive technologies. As such, data is presented that outlines the findings of a qualitative study with UK police organisations involved in designing and trialing predictive policing software. Research findings show that many police officers have a detailed awareness of the limitations of predictive technologies, specifically those brought about by errors and biases in input data. This awareness has led many officers to develop a sceptical attitude towards predictive technologies and, in a few cases, these officers have expressed a reluctance to use predictive technologies. Based on these findings, this paper argues that claims about predictive software’s ability to neutralise the subjectivity of police work overlooks the ongoing struggles of the police officer to assert their agency and mediate the extent to which predictions will be trusted and utilised.

"Since ‘9/11’ and the global war on terrorism that followed, Muslim clerics and intellectuals in India have been under pressure from various quarters to publically denounce terrorism. This demand has come from media, political parties and fellow non-Muslim citizens. On 31May 2008, the leading Islamic Seminary Darul-Uloom Deoband (based in Uttar Pradesh) issued a public “Fatwa against terrorism” at a public rally of no less than 100,000 Islamic clerics in Delhi. This paper analyses the background to the declaration, the contents of the Fatwa by the Deobandis and the responses from the ruling Congress Party government, the right wing (Hindu fundamentalist) opposition BJP, the Delhi Police and also Muslim intellectuals."

In studying the consistencies we find our purpose of establishing the consistencies of how variations of truth are assessed.
The methodology used was a threefold assessment of short sections of a recorded interview that was later publicized.
From this we find normative and acceptable consistencies in the methods and responses, and we gain an insight into the internal workings of the law enforcement of law enforcers, supporting our social confidences.
In conclusion, the reinstatement of appropriate and correct boundaries are evident.

Racial discrimination in policing and its effect on police/minority youth relations were explored in a federally funded Canadian race relations initiative, using semistructured dialogue and voice-centered relational data analysis. Participants were front-line police officers and male youth of color. For enhancing communication between the groups, findings emphasized ongoing, face-to-face interaction. Substantial related concerns were: the need for trust, respect, self-preservation, information sharing, and improved police/minority youth relations. These were understood and highlighted as embedded within a system of ruling relations in the participants’ sociocultural context. Implications of these issues for police relations with racialized youth and their communities are discussed.

The article can be dowloaded here: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13621025.2020.1859194?src=

Abstract: Bridging prison and immigration justice is of utmost importance, and an obvious and strategic point of encounter for dialogue among activists and scholars working on these issues is immigra- tion detention. But as penal and carceral abolitionists have taught us, we cannot tackle prison injustice without addressing broader issues in policing, criminal law and other means of coercive social control. Taking my cues from this work, I suggest that we move upstream and look at the role of immigration policing in detention and deportation. The article draws from records obtained mostly through Access to Information (ATI) and Freedom of Information (FOI) requests to map out collaboration between the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) and municipal police forces in Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver. In looking for ways to limit police involve- ment in internal border control, the article discusses strategies to promote a culture of non-collaboration with immigration enforce- ment and build alternatives means of ensuring community safety and well-being in the spirit of police and border abolitionism.

This article examines the reaction by the Australian Federal Government to the protest movements of the 1960s–1970s and their attempts to use public order legislation to thwart radical discontent in Australia. It argues that the Public Order (Protection of Persons and Property) Act 1971 was aimed at the threat of “violent” protests, particularly the tactic of the “sit-in”, and that to this end, the legislation was an overreaction to the actual threat posed by the protest movements at the time. It also shows that after a long gestation period, the Act was ill-equipped to deal with the changing nature of demonstrations in the 1970s, such as the problems caused by the erection of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy. Thus, after an initial flurry of use in mid-1971, the law has been seldom used since.

This article aims to contribute to the understanding of the intelligence democratization process in new democracies comparing three South American countries: Ecuador, Peru, and Argentina. With a background of authoritarian legacies(‘political police’style intelligence agencies controlled by the military) under particular political circumstances and changing strategic environments, these countries experienced disparate trajectories, prescriptions, and outcomes in their efforts to reform their intelligence communities. Drawing on new institutionalism, historical moments and relevant events shaping the dynamics of intelligence democratization are highlighted for each case, depicting failures and successes, and identifying drivers of change.

This paper presents an overview and discussion on Dean’s (2000) cognitive investigative styles,
paying particular attention to the skill and risk styles. In particular, the concept of ‘creativity’ in policing
is discussed as the overlapping dimension between Dean’s (2000) two latter investigative styles. A
brief overview of the literature on creativity in policing is then presented followed by a discussion on
the various benefits of a creative approach. Finally, some possible hurdles which may stand in the
way of the integration of creativity within the policing sector are overviewed. The paper concludes by
proposing further research into Dean’s (2000) skill and risk styles as templates for sharing and
fostering creative knowledge within the policing domain.

El Instituto de Carabineros fue un cuerpo policial de carácter militar cuya misión fundamental era tanto la vigilancia de costas y fronteras, como la represión del fraude fiscal y el contrabando en España. Fue creado en 1829, siendo su organizador el Marqués de Rodil. Después de una azarosa existencia tuvo un protagonismo destacado durante la II República y la Guerra Civil. En 1940 este Cuerpo fue integrado en la Guardia Civil.