Police and Policing

Communities everywhere have experienced the negative effects of street gangs. The presence of military-trained gang members (MTGMs) in the community increases the threat of violence to citizens. The problem addressed was the apparently growing presence of military-trained gang members in civilian communities in two southern states. The purpose was to determine the perceived presence of military-trained gang members and examine whether there was a relationship between the perceptions of gang investigators regarding the presence and the size of their jurisdictions, the proximity of their jurisdictions to a military installation, and the extent to which investigators participate in anti-gang activities. The Army, Army National Guard, and Army Reserve were identified as the largest sources of MTGMs and the Bloods, Crips, and Gangster Disciples were the gangs most represented. Military leaders should acknowledge the increase in gang-related crime and address the problems caused for both military and civilian communities without attempting to quantify the threat level. Military leadership should continuously examine activities of all suspected gang members for active gang affiliation for retention purposes while evaluating any gang affiliation for security clearances. Military Law Enforcement liaison for recruiters should develop effective communication with law enforcement agencies to assist with information sharing.

There are many histories of the police as a law-enforcement institution, but no genealogy of the police as a form of power. This book provides a genealogy of the modern police by tracing the evolution of ‘police science’ and of police institutions in Europe, from the ancien régime to the early 19th century. Drawing on the theoretical path outlined by Michel Foucault at the crossroads between historical sociology, critical legal theory and critical criminology, it shows how the development of police power was an integral part of the birth of the modern state’s governmental rationalities and how police institutions were conceived as political technologies for the government and social disciplining of populations. Understanding modern police not as an institution at the service of the judiciary and the law, but as a complex political technology for governing the economic and social processes typical of modern capitalist societies, this book shows how the police have played an active role in actually shaping order, rather than merely preserving it.

All’indomani dell’unificazione italiana la classe dirigente liberale, impegnata a consolidare il fragile assetto costituzionale, temeva i rischi potenziali di una mobilitazione popolare incontrollata, o favorita da democratici e reazionari, all’ordine monarchico-costituzionale. Il pericolo, vero o presunto, di cospirazioni e insurrezioni costituì uno dei tòpoi tipici della cultura politica ottocentesca, cui non sfuggivano nemmeno le autorità di polizia, psicologicamente predisposte a vedere dietro ogni forma di dissenso l’azione di provocatori e spie. Da questo retaggio politico-culturale la politica di sicurezza adottata dalla Destra si caratterizzò per il suo duplice approccio: le autorità avrebbero dovuto da un lato «illuminare» la popolazione a non ascoltare la propaganda dei partiti d’opposizione, dall’altro praticare la più stretta sorveglianza contro gli agitatori politici per prevenire e nel caso reprimere eventuali disordini. Siffatta concezione trovò la sua realizzazione concreta nel primo decennio unitario con la promulgazione di leggi, regolamenti e direttive. Tuttavia, i tentativi di introdurre una normativa restrittiva del diritto di riunione e di associazione tra il 1861 e il 1865 non trovarono mai una maggioranza parlamentare pronta a sostenerli. Nel confronto tra la paura dei tumulti popolari e la difesa dei diritti costituzionali prevalse sempre quest’ultima, anche se ciò non impedì alle autorità di adottare all’occorrenza provvedimenti che in alcuni casi degenerarono in abusi e violenze verso i cittadini. Sebbene il periodo 1861-1871 difetti ancora di una ricognizione generale sui disordini urbani, in questa sede saranno esaminati alcuni aspetti, normativi e pratici della tutela dell’ordine durante le manifestazioni di dissenso. Si cercherà di rilevare dall’analisi incrociata dei documenti archivistici – articolati in fonti di polizia, giudiziarie e normative – indizi significativi su di un maggiore disciplinamento sull’uso delle armi e sulle procedure operative delle forze dell’ordine che, a partire dalle stragi di Torino, suggerirebbero una maggiore attenzione alla salvaguardia della vita dei civili, tumultuanti compresi.

This study demonstrates that that the lion’s share of everyday policing and patrol in Onion Lake and Ahtahkakoop is  administered by Peacekeepers and that their withdrawal would result in a significant impact on the effectiveness of the RCMP who
heavily rely on their assistance and guidance. The vast majority of respondents do not wish to see the Peacekeepers become a police service under the “self-administered” option of the FNPP. Without exception, however, Peacekeepers, administrators, and
RCMP officers believe the Peacekeepers need funding for  standardized training, better equipment, and uniforms as well as more formalized information sharing with the RCMP.
Under the current parameters of the FNPP, however, no such remedy is available. Without a change in the FNPP, the Peacekeepers will continue to act as underpaid, overworked and minimally trained first responders and role models upon whom the RCMP is, by their own admission, heavily dependent but unable to support. Given this state of affairs, it is recommended that the FNPP be revisited to allow for the possibility of plural forms of policing outside the First Nations Self- Administered (FNSA) and RCMP Community Tripartite Agreements (RCMP CTA) .
Peacekeepers are inexpensive and very effective. It would take very little to expand and improve their service provision and thereby free up the RCMP to also engage in more proactive and culturally appropriate mentorship and community involvement.

This Report was produced just before the Law Commission of Canada was defunded by the newly elected Conservative government. The Report argued for a new governance structure to oversee policing that incorporated the rapidly increasing private security sector.  The Report was presented to Parliament but received little consideration as the topic of police oversight remains politically charged and the structural reforms suggested were ambitious.

The Football Banning Order was the first Civil Preventive Order (CPO), predating the many similar measures that followed the election of New Labour to government in 1997 by 10 years. CPOs have been held by the domestic courts to be preventive rather than punitive measures that do not need to follow criminal procedures to be compliant with Arts.6 and 7 of the European Convention on Human Rights. After three decades of amendment and imaginative application, however, the original CPO has evolved into a punitive measure that is rarely utilised against those who orchestrate football-related violence and goes far beyond what is necessary to prevent low-level football disorder. It will be argued that in order to avoid breaching Arts.6 and 7, the imposition of this evolved CPO - a ‘super-Football Banning Order’ - should be restricted by amendment of ss.14A and B Football Spectators Act 1989. Further, and of wider interest, its previously undocumented incremental evolution should serve as a warning of how other CPOs could evolve similarly punitive impacts on their recipients.

The Texas Rangers are an iconic symbol of both Texas and the American West. As citizen soldiers and lawmen the Rangers have left an indelible mark in the annals of history and American culture. This book offers a balanced and informative history of the Ranger corps. The author integrates both the traditionalist view of the Rangers as heroic defenders of Texan liberty and justice with the revisionist scholarship of more recent historians which has exposed a darker side to the corps including instances of brutality, corruption, racism and on occasion exceptionally high levels of violence. A Breed Apart: The History of the Texas Rangers explores the history, character and development of the Texas Rangers from their creation as an irregular frontier force to their current status as highly trained and well respected agents of law enforcement. The book provides an excellent resource for any reader wishing to understand why the Texas Rangers remain such powerful historical symbols and continue to exert such fascination in the public imagination.

This survey reports on the prevalence of trauma and factors impacting wellbeing among a response sample of 2204 frontline police in Ireland. It shows the potential prevalence of diagnosable PTSD of 16% among participants and discusses the impact of sub-threshold PTSD symptoms among police. The report also proviides and impact analysis (Juniper 2010) of factors affecting wellbeing among respondents.

The publication reviews the policies and institutional mechanisms for countering police corruption in several EU member states. To be effective, anti-corruption efforts should be based on a system of independent and mutually accountable institutions which are sufficiently empowered to implement their objectives. This report emphasises the last two decades of experience in the UK, Belgium and Austria in modernising their anti-corruption policies and institutions. In addition to the institutional and legal framework, concrete measures and methods (risk assessment, integrity tests, etc.) are also examined. The Bulgarian and Romanian experience in countering corruption in law enforcement institutions is also reviewed with an emphasis on some of the main problems and gaps that undermine effective counter measures.

Since the 2003 revolution that brought to power President Mikheil Saakashvili, the post-Soviet Republic of Georgia has implemented a major programme of police reforms, including the mass dismissal of corrupt officers, the restructuring of police agencies, and significant changes in recruitment, training, and compensation. The reforms have eliminated many forms of corruption and have transformed what was a criminalised and dysfunctional police force into the most disciplined and service-oriented law enforcement agency in the post-Soviet region. The paper describes the scope and nature of these police reforms, analyses their effectiveness, and explains their origins. The Saakashvili government implemented police reforms as part of a broader agenda of reversing the decay of the Georgian state in the post-Soviet period and reasserting its control of the national territory and its effective independence from Georgia's neighbour, Russia. Police reforms in Georgia were also the product of a revolutionary moment in which the new government could take extraordinary measures to reshape the police. In part because the Georgian government remains domestically and internationally embattled, the reformed police have become closely associated with the Saakashvili presidency. Georgia therefore suggests that we need to rethink the different ways that democracy and state building contribute to successful police reforms.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

In any society, the police are expected not only to enforce the law, but also to abide by the law. However, looking at the history of policing, it can be seen that some police officers are involved in many scandals in which they broke the law. Then, the question arises “Who would control the controllers?” The issue of police supervision is critical because if nobody controls the police, then suitable ground for police corruption and misconduct would be formed. The history of policing reflects that classical approaches such as the rotten apple theory or repressive and temporary prevention measures are inadequate for explaining and preventing police corruption. Therefore, new methods or approaches are needed to tackle the problem.Technology has generated new solutions to many of our problems, so it could also generate new solutions for reducing police corruption. In this regard, the purpose of this thesis is to review police corruption, and to offer strategies to reduce it by using technological systems such as cameras in patrol cars, vehicle tracking systems, MDTs (Mobile Data Terminals) that allow officers to enter information in criminal cases or traffic violations, computer programs for tracking police officers’ transactions on department databases and so forth. This research analyzes whether the implementation of such technological systems would reduce police corruption in general, and in the Turkish National Police (TNP) specifically. Furthermore, the study evaluates how technological systems used in the U.S. police departments can be applied to TNP for reducing police corruption, and how the existing technological systems used in TNP can be improved to reduce police corruption in Turkey.

The ability of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) to stop and search citizens remains as a long-standing power. Setting aside security-related stop and searches, these ‘everyday’ powers are governed primarily under the Police and Criminal Evidence (NI) Order 1989 (PACE) and the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 (MDA), and account for the majority of police stop and searches in the country. While identical powers in England and Wales have attracted controversy for over 30 years (Bradford, 2017), debates around their use have remained conspicuous by their absence from academic or policy debate in Northern Ireland.

Polisie |  Polizei  |  警察 |    Police  |  شُرْطَة  |  ตำรวจ

Freedom sets us apart. There are no bad police forces in the world, only unsupported forces. Unsupported by those they protect; the public, me and you.

Governments see policing as a reactive organization, but being proactive is a necessity meaning availability of resources, equipment and technology. The lack of resources being the main contributor.

The dissimilarity between police service and a police state in Africa, Europe, North America, South America, Asia.

Developing police sciences and various specialities is an urgent need necessity, and the aim of improving the performance level of police affairs, meeting its requirements and strengthening the ability of its facilities, to discuss aspects of crime and delinquency in the legal context and without prejudice to the rights and freedoms of individuals.

What is excluded in the index? Logically Thinking - Any military and private security personnel Data modules are excluded, only true police efficiency data.

What is Authoritarian? Freedom of Movement - Authoritarianism is a form of government characterized by strong central power and limited freedom. Under an authoritarian regime, individual freedoms are subordinate to the state, and there is no constitutional accountability.

I can't find my country? The simplest answer is there are 197 countries in the world, but in total there are 232 territories and regions that have some element of self-governance but are not considered sovereign states. 211 was taken into concentration, but only 177 had credible data to incorporate.

Comprehensive data is only available for some countries, but don't worry; efforts are in place to list at least 98% of the world countries.


Top Performing Forces

Rank                 Score
1     Finland         0,056
2     Denmark         0,063
3     Switzerland  0,064
4     Austria                 0,068
5     Iceland        0,073
5     Japan                 0,073
6     Norway         0,089
7     Estonia         0,090
8     Luxembourg 0,091
9     United Kingdom 0,099
10     Australia          0,100

Under-Performing Forces

Rank                              Score
126     Eritrea         0,347
127     Tajikistan         0,349
128     Yemen         0,350
129     Sudan        0,351
130     North Korea 0,352
131     Uzbekistan  0,353
132     South Sudan 0,358
133     Libya                 0,362
134     Congo republic 0,391
135     Central African Republic 0,398

The main purpose of the research is to inform action, not to scrutinize, to prove a theory, and contribute to developing knowledge in a field of Policing, the Global Police Index 2019 by Tinus Etsebeth states clearly that overpopulation is the largest single problem to the world is facing, he also highlights other significance of research within the index.
namely 'The Deaf and the Police' on page 37, 'Road Safety in Stealth Mode' on page 92, and 'Police Station Zoning' for safety on page 88.

Research is fundamental for improvement.

globalpoliceindex.mystrikingly.com
( http://globalpoliceindex.mystrikingly.com/ )

Headlines relating to crime figures are inescapable in contemporary society, the reason for the great time and attention given to issue of crime is because of the importance of crime to the general public1. For this reason political parties have attempted to drive down the crime rate. 2 Crime statistics have become a central tool in assessing the crime rate; this is because crime figures are useful instruments in demonstrating criminal patterns. If particular patterns in crime emerge this can mean resources being targeted to exposed areas. 3 The official crime statistics are entirely based on records of 43 police forces within England and Wales. The Office for National Statistics now collects the official statistics. 4 The official statistics suggest that crime is decreasing, however whether this is reflective of society is doubted. This is because of the " dark figure " of crime. The term relates to the unaccounted crimes within the official statistics. The reason for crimes not being registered can vary depending on the offence and the victims. The impact of the dark figure is that firstly that the official figures are not reflective of the real criminality rate. A second issue that the dark figure of crime creates is that areas that need addressing are ignored, as they do not appear on the figures. 5 If particular crimes are not being accounted for and ignored the state is failing in its positive obligation in protecting individuals. 6 Therefore accounting for these crimes is vital in gaining a genuine picture of crime within England and Wales. The Crime Survey for England and Wales has produced figures that have attempted to address the dark figure of crime. The studies are conducted upon a survey-based methodology meaning victims' experience is accounted for rather than just crimes that are reported to the police. This means crimes that may not appear within the official police records will be accounted for within the crime survives. Both figures show that crime is on a decline from the peak of the 1990's however the police records fail to account to near 5 million offences a year. This essay will progress to critically evaluate whether the official figures are truly valid in reflecting the level of criminality in England and Wales. Firstly the essay will examine the limitations of the official police recorded statistics, addressing issues within the figures of reporting, recording and counting rules. The essay will advance to identify police culture that specifically creates dark figure of crime with a link to gendered victimisation. The essay will conclude with an in depth look at gendered crime against women such as rape and other sexual offences and why these offences are underrepresented within official police crime statistics.

Resume The author searches for the limits of the competence of restorative justice, and thinks of it in much broader terms, as it makes the recent literature. She is dealing with the notion of restorative justice as a society-building principle that 'stretches' far into the different areas of special (social) policies. If restorative justice gains more ground, it strengths the conditions for participatory democracy with more intensive involvement of the public in problem-solving. The study argues that traditional criminal justice has to deal with criminal actions in such a wide spectrum for which it is neither prepared nor has adequate financial resources or available tools to find proper solutions. The competence limits of traditional justice's boundaries must be permeable when traditional justice's punishment would be 'too little' or 'too much, e.g. when the pain caused by the crime is very strong or when the offence is not serious enough. The author thinks that there are two areas where proportionality as a measurement given by criminal law makes no sense because the consequences of acts that are almost impossible to conceive for a human mind cannot be communicated in the language of formal criminal law. It should be the competence of restorative justice to handle any actions that do not reach the lower limit of criminal justice or those which exceed the upper limit thereof, either exclusively or complementarily. This means that at those points where the competence borders of national defence and criminal law merge, restorative, and especially "reconciliation" justice have relevance. Similarly, at points where the activities performed by the police forces and social services merge, it is not traditional but restorative justice that may play a more significant role. Thus, restorative justice may have its place in the area outside the traditional competence borders of criminal justice.

Course Description This course introduces students to the demands and conventions of academic reading and writing. It stresses on invention, drafting, revising, editing, and self-assessment, along with effective critiquing and collaborating. Students will be required to analyze texts as they build effective arguments in their writing. Instruction on the stages of the writing process, from prewriting exercises through rough drafts and revisions, forms a key part of the syllabus. The course stresses on the recursive nature of writing and reading-as well as their instruction-and is intended to offer students with a variety of forms of discourse leading towards exposition and argumentation in common Standard English. The course aims at continuing to develop students' practical fluency with sentence, paragraph and thesis-development skills but with increasingly complex applications. Rules and Requirements Students will be assigned a total of 32 pages of writing that will be divided among a number of short term essays (4 pages, typewritten and double-spaced pages). They will be required to revise at least three of these essays. There will be a short essay assigned at the beginning of the semester in order to assess a student's writing skills.

Hur och under vilka förhållanden sker exkludering och inkludering av homosexuella och homosexualitet inom polisen? Genom att fördjupa sig i denna fråga söker författaren bland annat svar på hur det kan komma sig att det finns så få öppet homosexuella po-lismän och hur eventuella hinder för inkludering kan förstås. Med utgångspunkt i homo-och bisexuella polisers erfarenheter samt egna observationer av polisarbete analyseras hur exkludering och inkludering av homosexualitet samexisterar i svensk polis, hur dessa processer är relaterade till polisarbetets kultur och särdrag, samt hur polisledningen arbetar för att skapa en inkluderande organisation. Boken bidrar med ökad förståelse för de problem och de aktivi-teter som är förknippade med mångfaldsfrågor, i synnerhet med fokus på sexuell läggning, men även mer generellt; många av insikterna i boken kan användas för att förstå inkludering och exkludering av andra samhällsgrupper. Mellan bögskämt och prideparader rör sig i gränslandet mellan organisations-, genus-och polisstudier och riktar sig till såväl forskare och studenter som praktiker med intresse för mångfalds-frågor och polisen. Insikterna är även relevanta för dem som jobbar med eller är intresserade av mångfald, inkludering och lika-behandling i andra, liknande "maskulint kodade" organisationer, som försvaret och vissa idrottsorganisationer.

Ongoing training of serving officers in the Police Service of England and Wales is an important function of the organisation. It is necessary to maintain competence of officers and prevent failures of the organisation for which it could be liable. The Theory of Andragogy is the major theory of adult education and its principles include that organisations should encourage individual self-motivation to promote effective learning. This thesis was intended to be a mixed methods empirical study combining a staff attitude survey and focus group data to examine the extent police ongoing training fulfils this principle. However due to participation issues the qualitative phase was unable to provide firm conclusions, but does provide us with potential hypotheses for further research. The survey suggests that current training provision does not appear to take the andragogical principle of self-motivation into account and this is detrimental to the effectiveness of the training. Whilst we can ...

Convocation Address at Bethel University, August 29, 2016 about recent troubles in Minnesota, particularly the shooting of Philando Castille, and our responsibility as followers of the Gospel. There is an audio link also available. After you click the link, it's the first one in the queue; fast-forward to 15:00:  https://itunes.apple.com/us/itunes-u/2016-2017-chapel-college-arts/id1148681753?mt=10

Amazon’s Ring relies on infrastructural obfuscation to hide their
infrastructures through urban camouflage (as doorbells,
floodlights, sensors) while simultaneously expanding the carceral
state and extending the industrial police-surveillant state. Through
a critical analysis of the Ring surveillant assemblage, this paper
reveals the way Ring and its associated apps produce fear and
paranoia of the racialized Other, promote community buy-in that
more surveillance will improve safety, while obscuring private
partnerships with local law enforcement. I argue Ring cannot be
viewed in isolation from its entangled corporate owner, Amazon,
which relies on an ever-expanding infrastructural network,
including surveillance of their highly prized package delivery
service. Ring is more than individual community members
installing doorbells with cameras that extend beyond their
property into public space; it is the blurring of boundaries
between police work and civilian surveillance, the reliance on
obscured digital infrastructures that hide to whom and what
users are connecting when they install a Ring device, and the
expansion of Amazon’s vast infrastructural power. By recentering
critique on the infrastructural backbone, made up of discourses
and fixtures, this paper argues for the need for infrastructural
accountability from companies such as Amazon, who not only
profit from fear, but actively reproduce structural violence
through their data infrastructures.

Stop and Search: the anatomy of a police power, edited by Rebekah Delsol and Michael Shiner, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan,2015, 228 pp., £65 (hardback), ISBN 978-1-137-33609-5
The police practice, or tactic, of stopping and searching people in public places, the subject of this collection of essays by nine contributors, is of central importance to policing in all parts of the world (p.170).  It is ‘one of the core methods of British policing’ used over a million times a year (according to police records; there may be many more unrecorded stops: p.19I). It can determine the attitudes towards the police and the state that employs them and adversely influence the future careers, including criminal careers, of large numbers of individuals (p.119). It can alienate whole communities from the societies that surround them, leading the police, other state institutions, and the media to place them under suspicion as potentially dangerous and posing a threat to civilised life (pp.103,145). It can be an immediate cause of violent disorder and riots (pp. 36, 161).

Demonstrations which spill over into conflict have always required the police to distinguish between members of the public exercising their right to protest, and members of the public engaging in criminal activity, i.e. between ‘good protesters’ and ‘bad protesters’ (Waddington, 1999). Journalists who depended heavily upon official sources when constructing news narratives have historically reproduced these distinctions (Hall et al, 1978) and as a result images of violent protesters have frequently been used to delegitimize their claims (Juris, 2005).  However a number of high profile investigations into the policing of protest in the UK mean that police officers are also being subjected to distinctions made by inquiry panels between ‘good police officers’ and ‘bad police officers’. Thus a new trope is emerging in popular print and online news narratives in which the actions of the police rather than protesters are becoming the object of the public’s attention.

These dynamics will be explored with reference to the ways in which confrontations between protesters and police were pictured in the aftermath of Ian Tomlinson’s death. It will focus in particular on the way in which images highlighting acts of concealment became a significant strand in on and off line news narrative as they developed in the years between Tomlinson’s death in 2009 and the civil suit bought against PC Harwood in 2012. It will argue that images of police officers in militarized helmets and without identity tags become synonymous with the opacity that initially characterized the police forces response to the death of Tomlinson. It will conclude by suggesting that this lack of transparency contrasted with the extended visibility offered by mobile phone footage of the demonstration and contributed to the police’s inability to frame G20 protesters as violent agitators.

The numbers are staggering: One-third of America’s adult population has passed through the criminal justice system and now has a criminal record. Many more were never convicted, but are nonetheless subject to surveillance by the state. Never before has the American government maintained so vast a network of institutions dedicated solely to the control and confinement of its citizens.

A provocative assessment of the contemporary carceral state for American democracy, Arresting Citizenship argues that the broad reach of the criminal justice system has fundamentally recast the relation between citizen and state, resulting in a sizable—and growing—group of second-class citizens. From police stops to court cases and incarceration, at each stage of the criminal justice system individuals belonging to this disempowered group come to experience a state-within-a-state that reflects few of the country’s core democratic values. Through scores of interviews, along with analyses of survey data, Amy E. Lerman and Vesla M. Weaver show how this contact with police, courts, and prisons decreases faith in the capacity of American political institutions to respond to citizens’ concerns and diminishes the sense of full and equal citizenship—even for those who have not been found guilty of any crime. The effects of this increasingly frequent contact with the criminal justice system are wide-ranging—and pernicious—and Lerman and Weaver go on to offer concrete proposals for reforms to reincorporate this large group of citizens as active participants in American civic and political life.

Purpose – Police organizations' main goal is providing the security of the neighborhoods for citizens. This paper aims to investigate how efficiently the police stations in the city of Ankara work. It also seeks to determine how the efficiency of police organizations can be measured by using data envelopment analysis (DEA). Design/methodology/approach – The study uses DEA to measure the efficiency of police stations in the city of Ankara in Turkey. DEA measures the relative efficiency of decision-making units (DMUs) based on their inputs and outputs. Findings – The results showed that ten of 19 police stations in Ankara were efficient. In other words, 52.6 percent of police stations were found to be efficient. Research limitations/implications – All police stations in Ankara could not be included in the study. Since DEA analysis the relative efficiency of DMUs, including all police stations in Ankara, may have given a broader perspective for police managers. Practical implications – Inefficient police stations in this study should either reduce the number of incidents that occurred in the precinct or solve those crimes and increase the number of solved incidents. Preventing crimes may be achieved by employing community policing strategies, thus, police managers should focus on adopting community policing strategies. Originality/value – The results of the DEA analysis can be used to help police stations in Ankara to be more efficient. Furthermore, applying DEA may be a new approach to measuring the efficiency of police services.

Suçun işlenmeden önlenmesi çalışmaları, modern toplumlarda kolluk kuvvetlerinin asli vazifeleri arasında ön plana çıkan görevleri arasındadır. Suçun önlenmesi anlamına gelen proaktif polislik, polisin suç işlenmeden önce harekete geçmesidir. Bu tür polislik, suçla  mücadele herkesin sorumluluğu temeline dayanan çok kurumlu yaklaşım ve suçu sosyal bir problem olarak algılayıp kontrolünü de sosyal yöntemlerle mümkün gören önleme stratejilerini de içinde barındıran bir yöntemdir. Bu nedenle, suçla mücadele sorumluluğu, ilgili diğer resmi kurumlar, sivil toplum kuruluşları ve daha genel olarak halkla paylaşılmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Toplum Destekli Polislik (TDP) tanımı yapılmış, TDP ortaya çıkışını hazırlayan nedenler ve TDP faaliyetlerinde yöneticilerin rolü belirtilmiş ve TDP faaliyetlerinin faydalarına ilişkin bölüm yazarının bir süre müdürlüğünü yaptığı Diyarbakır TDP Şubesinde kendisinin ve şube personelinin yaşamış olduğu bazı anılara örnek olarak yer verilmiştir. Bahse konu anılarda; toplumda yaşanan bütün sorunları kendi sorunları olarak gören, okula gidemeyen bir çocuğun acısını içinde duyan, evinde şiddet gören kadının feryadını, mağduriyet yaşayan bir ailenin ve sokaklarda yaşama mecburiyetinde kalan kimsesizlerin acısını yüreğinde duyan, sadece bir olay meydana geldiğinde olaya müdahale eden değil, her zaman vatandaşların dertlerine ortak olan, hastalandıklarında geçmiş olsun ziyaretine giden, vefat etmeleri durumunda yakınlarının acılarını paylaşmak için taziye ziyaretinde bulunan, halkın bayramlarına ve özel günlerine katılarak onlarla bütünleşmeye çalışan, suça bulaşan veya bulaşma riski yüksek olan çocuk ve gençlerin tespit edilerek onların nasıl meslek sahibi yapılmaya çalışıldığı ve benzeri konular anlatılmıştır.

ALINTILAMA ÖNERİSİ
Terkeşli, R. (2014), Toplum Destekli Polislik ve Örnekleri , Harmancı, F. M; Gözübenli, M. ve Zengin, C. (Ed.),"Güvenlik Sektöründe Temel Stratejiler" içinde (s.57-81). Nobel Yayınevi, ISBN:978-605-133-960-3


BİR BÖLÜMÜ BURADA YER ALAN KİTABIN TAMAMINA AŞAĞIDAKİ LİNKLERDENULAŞABİLİRSİNİZ
https://www.academia.edu/43834170/G%C3%BCvenlik_Sekt%C3%B6r%C3%BCnde_Temel_Stratejiler
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/294836329_Guvenlik_Sektorunde_Temel_Stratejiler

In this paper, I explore the complexity and difficulty of defining homelessness and I expose some methodological issues that must be considered by the researchers in this field study. I also question the access to the field and the "alteration" of data by the presence of researchers. Finally, I expose some marginal and relatively new qualitative research methods that could be taken to account in this field such as spatial and visual methods.