Labour Movements

This book offers an in-depth overview of Turkish history and politics essential for understanding contemporary Turkey. It presents an analysis on a number of key issues from gender inequality to Islamism to urban regeneration. Based on interviews with leading intellectuals and academics from Turkey, the book’s theme follows the dramatic transformations that have occurred from the 1980 military coup to the coup attempt of 2016 and its aftermath. It further draws attention to the global flows of capital, goods, ideas, and technologies that continue to influence both mainstream and dissident politics. By doing so, the book tries to unsettle the assumption that Erdoğan and his Islamic ideology are the sole actors in contemporary Turkey. This book provides unusual insight into the Turkish society bringing various topics together, and increases the dialogue for people interested in democratic struggles in 21st century under neoliberal authoritarian regimes in general

This article attributes the crisis in Zimbabwe and the privation of the Zimbabwean people to two malignant factors; the political authoritarianism of the Mugabe regime and the neoliberalism evident in the structural adjustment programme of the 1990s and punitive economic actions against Zimbabwe in the 2000s. The Mugabe regime's shift towards anti-imperialism and land reform in 2000 has engendered political polarisation, creating the perception of two competing political blocs and divergent perspectives on what constitutes a truly 'emancipatory' struggle in Zimbabwe. In an attempt to transcend this polarising narrative, an 'emancipatory' struggle is here understood as one which avoids undermining either political or socioeconomic rights by offering an effective challenge to both political authoritarianism and neoliberalism. A strong opposition movement centred upon the labour movement has offered such a struggle, particularly through the radical agenda and activism of the rank-and-file workers as part of a broader labour multitude at the grassroots of civil society. Labour's struggle has not been unproblematic; internal tensions, difficulties engaging with rural land redistribution struggles and the nascent neoliberalism of the MDC have created notable problems. However, by navigating the polarised realities of Zimbabwe and the continued challenges posed by political authoritarianism and neoliberalism, the labour movement has retained its potential as an emancipatory and de-polarising force in Zimbabwe.

From Aristotle to social contract theory, contract doctrine has been through transformations, and by the 18th century, it had developed the principle that the state should not interfere with individual contract freedom. As the Industrial Revolution emerged, however, the unequal contract conditions between employees and employers had become worse. In order to found his call for legal reformation of these unequal conditions on a solid base, Green criticised social contract theory and the individualist conception of contractual freedom and constructed an alternative theory consisting of individual freedom, common goods and government intervention. The present article aims to expound the practical significance of Green’s theoretical works, and accordingly, it will explicate how the class representation issue in the 19th century British Labour Legislation movement prompted Green to reconstruct the theorem of liberalism and provide a theory for the reformation. What Green thus established is a popular democratic theory with a focus on contractual justice and state duty.

The Norwegian folk dance revival can be seen as two continuous parallel threads that, without absolute breaks, began around 1900 and continue to the present day. Many discourses in the histories
of various movements have argued the neutrality of folk dance. People of all political, religious
and professional backgrounds were welcomed. Organisational practices, as the present author has
experienced them from the last part of the twentieth century, also aspired to this ideal of neutrality and openness. Still, the overall impression is that at least one of the threads reveals clear stances on a number of political issues.
This chapter looks at how these movements and their leaders situated themselves both in terms of
political adherence their relationship to central issues such as rural versus urban, religion and different shades of nationalism. I will focus on certain critical points in twentieth century Norwegian
history, such as the growth of the Labour movement in the 1920s, World War Two and the struggle
over membership of the European Union in the 1970s and 1990s.

Η παρούσα εργασία επιχειρεί να παρουσιάσει τους βασικούς σταθμούς στην ανάπτυξη του εργατικού και συνδικαλιστικού κινήματος από τα τέλη του 19ου αιώνα ως και τα μισά του 20ου αιώνα. Η χρονική περίοδος που εξετάζεται, ξεκινάει από την εμφάνιση των πρώτων άτυπων μορφών εργατικής οργάνωσης και τις απαρχές της βιομηχανικής ανάπτυξης και τελειώνει στο τελευταίο κεφάλαιο των χρόνων του Μεσοπολέμου που είναι η Μεταξική δικτατορία. Η μεθοδολογική προσέγγιση που χρησιμοποιείται είναι η βιβλιογραφική ανασκόπηση σε συνδυασμό με το σχολιασμό και την κριτική ανάλυση των περιεχομένων.

  Αρχικά παρουσιάζεται η πρώιμη φάση του εργατικού κινήματος· οι συνθήκες δηλαδή που επικρατούσαν τον 19ο αιώνα στον Ελλαδικό χώρο και οδήγησαν στην συσπείρωσή του. Ύστερα αναλύεται το εργατικό και συνδικαλιστικό κίνημα όπως αρχίζει να ξεπροβάλλει και να καθιερώνεται στην Ελληνική επικράτεια από την περίοδο των βαλκανικών πολέμων και την Μικρασιατική καταστροφή μέχρι το 1930. Τέλος δοκιμάζεται μια συνθετική αποτύπωση των χρόνων της Μεταξικής δικτατορίας που αποτέλεσε την καθοριστικότατη φάση του εργατικού και συνδικαλιστικού κινήματος από την σκοπιά των εργατικών νομοθεσιών και των συνδικαλιστικών ελευθεριών

PL
Celem niniejszej pracy jest przedstawienie rozwoju polskiego ruchu anarchistycznego w okresie od XIX w. do I wojny światowej, jak również wykazanie jego specyfiki na tle ruchu anarchistycznego Europy Zachodniej. Autor w pierwszym rozdziale skupia się na omówieniu genezy myśli antypaństwowej oraz antykapitalistycznej. Przedstawia najważniejszych prekursorów, a także teoretyków i działaczy anarchistycznych.
W drugim rozdziale zostaje przedstawiona geneza rozwoju polskiej myśli anarchistycznej. Autor przywołuje w nim wspólnotę Braci Polskich, a następnie działaczy Wielkiej Emigracji. Zostaje również zarysowania działalność Ludwika Waryńskiego i powiązanych z nim polskich anarchistów w Genewie.
Rozdział trzeci skupia się już na polskim ruchu anarchistycznym w XX w. Zostają zaprezentowane najważniejsze grupy anarchistyczne z tamtego okresu, aktywne wówczas na Podlasiu, w Warszawie i Łodzi. Autor przedstawia działalność tych grup również na tle rewolucji 1905 r. W tym samym rozdziale zamieszczono także opis poglądów oraz działalności czterech najważniejszych teoretyków polskiej myśli anarchistycznej, tj.: Jana Wacława Machajskiego, Augustyna Wróblewskiego, Edwarda Abramowskiego oraz Józefa Zielińskiego.

EN
The aim of this work is to present the development of the Polish anarchist movement in the period from the 19th century to the First World War, as well as to show its specificity against the background of the anarchist movement of Western Europe. The author in the first chapter focuses on the genesis of the thought of anti-state and anti-capitalist ideas. Presents the most important precursors as well as theoreticians and anarchist activists.
The second chapter presents the genesis of the development of Polish anarchist thought. Author evokes the community of the Polish Brethren and then the activists of the Great Emigration. The activities of Ludwik Waryński and the related Polish anarchists in Geneva are also sketched .
The third chapter is already focused on the Polish anarchist movement in the 20th century. The most important anarchist groups from that period, active at that time in Podlasie, Warsaw and Łódź, are presented. The author presents the activities of these groups also against the background of the revolution of 1905. The same chapter also describes the views and activities of the four most important theoreticians of the Polish anarchist thought, namely Jan Wacław Machajski, Augustyn Wróblewski, Edward Abramowski and Józef Zielinski.

The paper examines, within the framework of historical sociology, a potential relationship between lack of innovations in India’s brick-kiln production and the existence of bonded labour and caste-based division of labour. The technology of brick production (moulding of bricks and firing of bricks) was known to India since Harappan and Indus Valley civilisations. The technology of burnt brick production was preserved and practiced by a certain community in Indian caste hierarchy and that was put into service in villages as small scale activities. The situation changed with the arrival of the British imperialists, who engaged in large scale construction activities like railways, irrigation, garrisons, bungalows etc which required huge volumes of bricks. The British imperialists, who were not interested in strengthening Indian manufacturing capabilities, without altering the moulding and firing technologies scaled up the production of bricks to industrial mass production. This involved introduction of certain innovations that presently characterises Indian brick kiln sector like sourcing of labour through contractors by paying advances, workers working against debt in the kilns (bonded labour), piece-rate wages, contractors controlling work and payment of wages, strict division of tasks and deployment of labour along caste lines etc.,. On the other side, the imperialist taxation policies, agrarian reforms, trade & industrial policies created a condition whereby impoverished rural and urban people were available to be cajoled to work in industrial brick kilns. The paper argues that bonded labour is in fact an imperialist innovation.

El nacimiento y desarrollo de las Comisiones Obreras en la ciudad de Zaragoza durante el franquismo y su relación con el movimiento obrero del resto del país es un punto clave a la hora de entender la transición a la democracia en España. La presión ejercida desde las calles, duramente reprimida por el régimen incluso una vez fallecido el dictador, fue crucial a la hora de contribuir a las reformas democráticas. Para ejercer esa presión fue necesario un difícil proceso de adaptación al trabajo dentro de las estructuras verticalistas que tiene su inicio ya a finales de los años 40 y principios de los años 50, casi dos décadas antes de la fundación de las Comisiones obreras en la ciudad.

This dissertation investigates the internal struggles within the labour movement in Dalarna at the beginning of the twentieth century. I investigate Social Democracy, Anarcho-Syndicalism and Communism, the three major factions of the working class. I study the relationship between these organisations and their supporters in the complex socio-economic area of Dalarna.

I have based my study on the three party programs and their answer to two central questions of the time: Will the conflicts of society lead to revolution? and How should politics and production be organised in the non capitalist society to come? Generally, anarcho-syndicalists argue that state power must be transformed to local government, social democrats hope to make different social interests compromise into political consensus. Communists want a proletarian state through social revolution. How were those ideologies received in Dalarna? In the beginning, anarchists fought social democrats: The opposition excluded from social democracy 1917 was also more influenced by anarchism than by communism. The opposition founded a party, witch towards the 1920´s turned from anarchism into communism, and the small farmers, that erlier had been attracted by the anarchist influenced rural propaganda, left and more industrial workers joined. Simultaneously, anarchists reorganised from a political party to a syndicalistic trade union, gradually mowing from the industrialised south to northern Dalarna. Communists, mainly left in the industrialised south, were shaken by two splits in the 1920´s and they lost their ability to compete with the social democrats in democratic elections. In Dalarna, social democrats, confronting anti-parliamentary anarchy and totalitarian communism alike, won the contest within the labour movement: At the end of the period, they dominated the area.

The intensification of global economic integration, the consolidation of power in multinational enterprises and the increase in the financialization and marketization of politics and of everyday life has undermined the post-war settlement in many (Western) countries and, at the same time, the social, the environmental, and the economic preconditions of their societies. The recent and yet unresolved economic crisis has revealed all the flaws of the dominant neoliberal morality which is deeply ingrained in economic and political institutions both nationally and internationally, strengthening social, political and cultural inequalities and diminishing trust in political institutions. This has inspired the search for alternatives, new norms and practices for regulating and constructing the economy in both academic and public debate. Some research has started to look at social movements and trade unions as actors able to challenge and to question the current practices of production, organization and consumption. The fundamental hope behind this search is that the joint efforts of social movements and trade unions might be able to either defend the achievements of the welfare state or help creating new and socially sustainable institutions. In this present contribution an attempt will be made to introduce a Polanyian perspective as a powerful tool to analyze forms of social movement - trade union cooperation in terms of what shall be called cross-movement counter mobilization (CMCM).

This article investigates "Rotten Prods" (Protestants) through an archival and historiographical survey of the shipyard expulsions of the summer of 1920. The historical background to the "insult" is discussed, as is racial violence in British cities and industrial unrest in 1919. It charts the development of the original Home Rule-supporting Protestants to the more radical, working-class "Rotten Prods" of a later era. It explains the political dynamics of violence in 1920 and considers the predicament of "Rotten Prods" per se in the early years of Northern Ireland and beyond. Finally, it frames and assesses three exemplars of the tradition: Belfast Labour counsellor James Baird, the Communist Party of Ireland's Betty Sinclair, and trade unionist Joe Law.

ITC technologies have come to comprehensively represent images and expectations of the future. Hopes of ongoing progress, economic growth, skill upgrading and possibly also democratisation are attached to new ICTs as well as fears of totalitarian control, alienation, job loss and insecurity. Currently, with the terms Industry 4.0. and 'Fourth Industrial Revolution " (FIR), public institutions (such as the national governments of Germany, Us, Italy, France, and Hollande), private institutions (the World Economic Forum, Hedge Funds, commercial banks), and literature refer to the inchoate transformation of production of goods and services resulting from the application of a new wave of technological innovations: interconnected collaborative robots; machine learning; Artificial Intelligence; 3D printers connected to digital development software; simulation of interconnected machines; integration of the information flow along the value chain; multidirectional communication between manufacturing processes and products (Internet of Things). According to the main representations of Industry 4.0. by private and public institutions, its effects are expected to be mainly positive, for what regards productivity, economic opportunities and the future of work. The positive potentials now attributed to the new cycle of innovation evoke and expand those attributed to the previous waves of innovation linked to ITC technologies, and, even before, to the transition from Fordism to Post-Fordism. However, these transformations have so far not achieved any of the promises they raised. Improvements for workers in terms of work conditions, work performance and work relationships cannot be determined by any technical innovation in itself, being technological innovation always socially shaped. 1. Digital innovation and the Fourth Industrial Revolution: epochal social changes? In 1979, the futurist Alvin Toffler popularized the concept of a new information era underpinned by several key ideas, including the demassification of media, the end of mass production and mass consumption, customised products and services, decentralisation, interactivity and full but hyper-flexible employment. ITC technologies have come to comprehensively represent images and expectations of the future. Hopes of ongoing progress, economic growth, skill upgrading and possibly also democratisation are attached to new ICTs as well as fears of totalitarian control, alienation, job loss and insecurity

Οι κομμουνιστικές και συνδικαλιστικές οργανώσεις του Μεσοπολέμου ακολούθησαν διαδοχικά πολιτικές πολύ διαφορετικές μεταξύ τους. Η Καπνεργατική Ομοσπονδία Ελλάδας (ΚΟΕ) υπό την επιρροή του Κομμουνιστικού  Κόμματος Ελλάδας (ΚΚΕ) αρχικά εναντιωνόταν στην ολοσχερή απλοποίηση  της επεξεργασίας, την εφαρμογή του συστήματος της «τόγκας» και την αντικατάσταση των καπνεργατών με καπνεργάτριες. Το 1929 αναγνωρίζει την τάση αυτή ως αναπόδραστη και υπερασπίζεται το σύνθημα για «ίσα μεροκάματα για ίδια δουλειά σε άνδρες και γυναίκες». Ως αντίρροπη κίνηση, εμφανίζονται οι παρατάξεις των σοσιαλιστών, αρχειομαρξιστών και της ομάδας Σπάρτακος, οι οποίες υπερασπίζονται τα παλιότερα συνθήματα, ενώ οι δυνάμεις του ΚΚΕ βρίσκονται σε κρίση. Οι αρχειομαρξιστές μετά το 1930 εξελίσσονται και υιοθετούν τα νέα συνθήματα. Στη μεγάλη απεργία της Καβάλας το 1933 δοκιμάζονται οι «γραμμές» όλων. Οι δυνάμεις του ΚΚΕ εμφανίζονται πιο προσαρμοστικές, καθώς οι αρχειομαρξιστές οδηγούνται σε μια συνολική επανάγνωση του καπνικού ζητήματος με βάση μια φεμινιστική κριτική.

The age of global neoliberalism has created a crisis for traditional unionism, yet the belief that labour movements have been fundamentally undermined is spurious. Neoliberal globalisation has created a new operating context for labour, yet scholarship has commonly either emphasised the vast challenges this new context has created for labour movements or posited new social movements as the standard bearers of anti-neoliberal struggles-setting aside labour movements as the remnants of a bygone era. This action note questions such perspectives by evidencing the extent to which labour movements in the global south remain prominent forces in anti-neoliberal struggles, exploring how they have adapted to the challenges of informalisation and the rise of new social movements engaging in progressive causes beyond traditional union concerns. In doing so, this note outlines some general principles for southern union engagement with informal workers, new social movements and actors in the global north, which create opportunities for mutual benefits and the strengthening of shared struggles against neoliberal globalisation.

Di Nunzio D., 2022, Ricerca-intervento e azione sindacale: teoria, metodo e esperienze per un modello adattivo, Working Paper Fondazione Di Vittorio, n.2.
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L’articolo presenta alcune riflessioni teoriche e metodologiche sul rapporto tra ricerca-intervento e azione sindacale, sulla base di alcune esperienze, considerando: a) gli obiettivi (conoscenza scientifica, azione collettiva, coinvolgimento individuale); b) il senso dell’azione (intervento programmato, esplicitazione dei valori); c) il modello organizzativo (co-gestione e partecipazione). Infine, sono presentate alcune criticità e prospettive della ricerca-intervento, evidenziando la rilevanza di una ricerca-intervento adattiva.
Parole chiave: ricerca-intervento, ricerca-azione, sindacato, metodologia
***
Research-intervention and trade union action: theory, method and experiences for an adaptive model
The article presents some theoretical and methodological analysis about the relations between research-intervention and trade union action, based on some experiences, considering: a) objectives (scientific knowledge, collective action and individual engagement); b) meaning of action (planned intervention, explicit values); c) organizational model (co-management and participation). Finally, the article presents some critical points and perspectives, highlighting the relevance of an adaptive research-intervention.
Keywords: intervention-research, action-research, trade unions, methodology

Os arquivos pessoais ganharam um maior destaque na prática arquivística, sobretudo em algumas instituições. O Centro de Documentação e Pesquisa da Cultura das Esquerdas na Argentina
(CeDInCI) preserva fundos de pessoas com diversas trajetórias e fortes marcas político-intelectual. Neles, a memória do movimento operário se encontra representada em muitos documentos.
Nesta oportunidade, queremos mostrar e comparar dois exemplos de nossos fundos que se relacionam diretamente com o movimento operário desde a trajetória de duas pessoas distintas:
o arquivo pessoal do militante gráfico argentino Luis Danussi, participante direto dos fatos documentados; e o arquivo pessoal do historiador argentino do movimento operário Edgardo Bilsky, voltado à análise dos mesmos.

Vilka grupper är det som demonstrerar första maj, avseende ålder, kön, klass, sysselsättning, utbildningsnivå, födelseland och facklig tillhörighet? Är de som demonstrerar på första maj partimedlemmar? Och vilka motiv anger demonstranterna till varför de går med i ett förstamajtåg? I denna presentation visas några resultat från enkätundersökningar bland första maj-demonstranter i Stockholm, Malmö och Göteborg 2010–2012.

The essays in this collection present research on national, class, and gender identities in the Baltic Sea Region and Eastern Europe being conducted by researchers based at the Institute of Contemporary History, Södertörn University, Stockholm. The contributors focus on transnational flow as they explore Danish, Estonian, Finnish, German, Lithuanian, Moldovan, Polish, Russian, and Swedish instances, and the region at large. The studies examine fluid identities in a historical perspective and show how notions of identity have been naturalised in specific contexts.

This book is issued in conjunction with the fifteenth anniversary of the Swedish Institute of Contemporary History. By bringing to the public the most current findings in Baltic and East European studies and offering an overview of work done by the institute’s researchers, it hopes to demonstrate the fruitfulness of opening contemporary history to broader regional and transnational approaches.

Literary scholars have long searched for an unambiguous concept of working-class literature. This article tries a new approach: not based on a new classificatory concept but on a wider scope for new types of texts. Thus, conceiving of working-class literature as a phenomenon of family resemblance in Wittgenstein’s sense seems useful. Further, the concept of working-class literature might be supplemented by a concept of working-class literariness. Working-class literariness appears in texts expressing class-perspectives with the potential to desautomatize the process of perception and to provoke shifts of aspect. Especially instructive would be narratives where competing perspectives collide.
Devotional narratives of the late 1800s and the early 1900s depicting working-class motifs exemplify such collisions. A philantropic Christian outlook normally dominates, but is often blended with utopian socialism and confronted with strong counter-arguments delivered by militant workers. The alternative approach of this article is tested on such narratives to clarify what working-class literariness might look like.

This dissertation focuses on the evaluation of the obstacles on the way towards a militant and democratic, grassroots trade unionism. Therefore, it is an ethnography of trade union organising.

At a general level this study deals with the relationship between labour and capital in the Irish mushroom industry in the context of global capitalism and the Irish national institutional framework. This is reflected at a theoretical level in the opposition between the political economies of labour and capital. At a more concrete level, this dissertation centres on workers’ resistance to exploitation and the struggle of capital to overcome it. While the first part of the thesis deals with that struggle on mushroom farms, the second part tells about the efforts of organised labour in Ireland to ‘clean up’ the worst aspects of exploitation in the mushroom industry.

In the second part of the dissertation, a second contradiction arises, that between the interests and dynamics of labour institutions, such as trade unions and workers’ based Non-Governmental Organisations, and workers’ collective interests. This second contradiction, which I consider a reflection of the main contradiction between capital and labour, motivates the title of this dissertation, ‘Workers against Institutions’. This does not imply that I make a case against organised labour; it merely means that workers have also to fight against the influence of the hegemonic political economy of capital within their own organisations, which is reflected in tendencies such as ‘reformism’, ‘partnership trade unionism’, and bureaucratic tendencies as opposed to rank-and-file unionism, and ‘popular power’.

1980 nyarán Lengyelországra figyelt a világ. A munkások, az értelmiségiek, a parasztok és a diákok összefogva, együtt léptek fel az államszocialista rendszer egyeduralkodó pártjával szemben és létrehozták a Szolidaritás Független Önkormányzó Szakszervezetet. Hamarosan kiderült, sem a lengyel, sem a szovjet hadsereg nem verte le a kezdeményezést, hanem példátlan módon társadalmi szerződés aláírására került sor Gdańskban a munkások és a kormány között.

A Szolidaritás igazi társadalmi mozgalommá nőtte ki magát és tizenhat hónapon keresztül létező alternatívát mutatott a korábbi állami, politikai és gazdasági berendezkedéssel szemben. A fiatal szerző alapos vizsgálata hozzásegíti az olvasót a közelmúlt és a ma Lengyelországának jobb megértéséhez.

In this Master Thesis, we analyse the role of Marcus Thrane and his workers union in the 19th century Norway and how they have contributed to the preparation of the basis for a modern-day democracy and the creation of political parties in the country.
For a long time, Thrane and his union were not so well-known by historians and scholars, although there have been studies and research made about this subject, mainly from the end of 1950's until the 1970's.
Two ways of approaching this subject were practiced by scholars: an economic approach, and a political approach, often being one against the other.
In this Master Thesis, we approach the subject in both the economic and the political aspect of Thrane's ideology and the functionning of his union. The goal is to show that the Arbeiderforening has set the ground basis for the creation of modern-day democracy by demanding the universal male suffrage, and by its organisation and functionning, how the Arbeiderforening was more than just a workers union and could be seen as a proto-political party, years before the emergence of the Workers' Party (1887) and the modern-day workers' union Landsorganisasjon (1889).

Generalni štrajk u Osijeku iz 1905. godine, proizašao iz demonstracija stolara tvornice Kaiser i Povischil koji su nastojali izboriti povišicu plaće za deset posto te redukciju radnog vremena na deset sati, buknuo je u vrijeme kada je metoda opće obustave rada postala svojevrsno glavno oružje europskog radništva. Sve u svemu, historiografija osječki štrajk iz 1905. godine bilježi kao prvi generalni štrajk u hrvatskoj povijesti, nakon kojeg je uslijedilo nekoliko sličnih događanja u drugim hrvatskim gradovima. Osim toga, uslijed osječkih zbivanja pala je i prva radnička žrtva, šesnaestogodišnji Srećko Kulundžić, zaposlenik Reisnerove tvornice. Tema osječkog generalnog štrajka iz 1905. godine bila je polazište edukativno-istraživačkog pilot projekta „Povijest i baština“ u suradnji Odsjeka za povijest Filozofskog fakulteta u Osijeku i Muzeja Slavonije.

In this paper I want to investigate whether EU migration should be viewed in terms of collective action and a social movement or an individual act of resistance. Furthermore, as migrants’ class character is heterogeneous yet underlies the global division of labour, we need to ask ourselves whether migration to the EU possibly even amounts to a form of class struggle.

In Empire, Hardt and Negri they write: “A spectre haunts the world and it is the spectre of migration. All the powers of the old world are allies in a merciless operation against it, but the movement is irresistible” (Hardt & Negri, 2000:213). By implicitly referring to Marx’s ‘spectre of communism’ they elevate migration to a global social movement.

Moreover, a number of scholars have contended that migration is an act of resistance itself through which the migrant can transcend her/his gender and class position, for example (Bach, 2010; Munck, 2011). In this reading, migrants’ mobility then constitutes a form of power (Alberti, 2014:3). But how does one distinguish between individual acts of resistance and collective action?

En route to the EU and within its borders, migrants make use of social networks, family and mobilise other social bonds (ethnic, national, religious). According to Swider precarious migrants develop a type of “bounded solidarity” which upholds between migrants from the same towns, regions and possibly also from the same countries. This kind of solidarity also extends to those employers, businesses from the same country and draws upon old forms of kinship (Swider, 2014:50). What does this mean for how we understand the co-constructive dynamic of labour exploitation and being a migrant?

References
Alberti, G. (2014). Mobility strategies, “mobility differentials” and “transnational exit”: the experiences of precarious migrants in London’s hospitality jobs. Work, Employment & Society. doi:10.1177/0950017014528403
Bach, S. (2010). Managed migration?: nurse recruitment and the consequences of state policy. Industrial Relations Journal, 41(3), 249–266. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2338.2010.00567.x
Hardt, M., & Negri, A. (2000). Empire. (First Harv.). Cambrigde, MA & London, UK: Harvard University Press.
Munck, R. (2011). Beyond north and south: migration, informalization, and trade unin revitalization. WorkingUSA, 14(March), 5–18. doi:10.1111/j.1743-4580.2010.00317.x
Swider, S. (2014). Building China: precarious employment among migrant construction workers. Work, Employment & Society, 29(1), 41–59. doi:10.1177/0950017014526631