History of Slavery

Published on Sept 15th, 2014 by The Jewish Daily Forward

Beyond the Wealth of Jewish South Carolina lies a Troubling History - a study of Mordecai and David Cohen of Charleston: Philanthropists and slave owners.  One of their slaves, Jim, escaped and survived to share his life experiences being tortured under their command.

En este capítulo de libro abordo el papel de los milicianos de origen ne- groafricano en la defensa de ciudades, pueblos y puertos hispanoame- ricanos, para después relacionarlo con una comedia poco conocida del Siglo de Oro, titulada "El valiente negro en Flandes", de Andrés de Claramonte y Corroy, cuyo protagonista es un esclavo que lucha en los Tercios de Flandes. Se trata de un argumento dramático de gran actualidad, pues desafía los tópicos racistas, planteando la igualdad entre las personas.

Focusing my study on one manumission case from early 1931 documented within the records of the British India Office, I argue that the conflict described within where the Sheikh of Sharjah sought to challenge British authority to manumit slaves in his town demonstrates issues of sovereignty and authority between the sheikh of Sharjah and the British Political Agent in Bushire stemming from the legal imperialism of Britain embedded within the treaties signed between the two political actors. In the anti-slavery clauses of these treaties, Britain held the right to manumit slaves hailing from the Trucial States. However, in the case under review, the enactment of this right led to push back from the sheikh and a slave owner in the form of armed protest outside the British Resident Agent’s home in Sharjah. This, in turn, led to British demandfor restitution in the form of fines, threatening to destroy a nearby tower if left unpaid. This case also demonstrates the role of the Resident Agent as an inter-state intermediary whose position can be described as trans-jurisdictional as he often worked in favor of the local slave owners within the Trucial states as much as he worked for and was considered an advisor by British officialdom in the Persian Gulf. I further argue that British intervention in the Arabian Sea constituted legal imperialism despite the lack of outright colonization of the Trucial sheikhdoms because the basis of Britain’s claims rested upon the enactment of several treaties and the implicit recognition of the claims by the growingly influential international community.Focusing my study on one manumission case from early 1931 documented within therecords of the British India Office, I argue that the conflict described within where the Sheikh ofSharjah sought to challenge British authority to manumit slaves in his town demonstrates issuesof sovereignty and authority between the sheikh of Sharjah and the British Political Agent inBushire stemming from the legal imperialism of Britain embedded within the treaties signedbetween the two political actors. In the anti-slavery clauses of these treaties, Britain held theright to manumit slaves hailing from the Trucial states. However, in the case under review, theenactment of this right led to push back from the sheikh and a slave owner in the form of armedprotest outside the British Resident Agent’s home in Sharjah. This, in turn, led to British demandfor restitution in the form of fines, threatening to destroy a nearby tower if left unpaid. In myopinion, this case also demonstrates the role of the Resident Agent as an inter-state intermediarywhose position can be described as trans-jurisdictional as he often worked in favor of the localslave owners within the Trucial states as much as he worked for and was considered an advisorby British officialdom in the Persian Gulf. I further argue that British intervention in the ArabianSea constituted legal imperialism despite the lack of outright colonization of the Trucial sheikhdoms because the basis of Britain’s claims rested upon the enactment of several treatiesand the implicit recognition of the claims by the growingly influential international community.

Il contributo affronta, tramite l'utilizzo di fonti archivistiche, il ruolo svolto dagli ebrei di Messina nel commercio degli schiavi in Sicilia tra tardomedioevo e prima età moderna. L'obiettivo è una prima ricostruzione dell'inserimento di alcuni componenti della comunità giudaica peloritana nel lucroso traffico di questa preziosa "merce umana" e dell'atteggiamento dell'aljama nei confronti di importanti problematiche come la redenzione degli ebrei ridotti in schiavitù.

This article contributes to the reassessment of Scottish history and identity in light of the recovery of its connections with black Atlantic issues such as slavery and empire. The ‘paradox’ of the national bard seeking employment as a book-keeper on Jamaica remains an uncomfortable area for modern Scotland. This article considers Burns's biographical and textual (dis-)entanglement with the Caribbean in relation to the subsequent competition over his memory. It reads Robert Burns as a lieu de mémoire (Pierre Nora) that opens up a conflicted account of the nature of free labour ideology, slavery and abolition in the late eighteenth century.

Paper presented June 4, 2015, to the General Philemon Thomas Chapter, Sons of the American Revolution. The paper challenges existing scholarship on events popularly described as the "1811 German Coast Slave Uprising."

A white blood thirst certainly occurred during the events which occurred on the cusp of Congress' vote to allow the Territory of Orleans to petition for statehood. Many in Congress opposed the expansion of the nation's slavery over so vast an area which would be carved into numerous states, and they also voted, on the losing side, to provide full citizenship and voting rights to the considerable population of free people of color. French elite in the territory were apoplectic enough to hear of efforts to end slavery, much less to imagine that they might have to share voting rights with a subordinate class of individuals, the gens de couleur libre.

These events occurred in the midst of two fully documented 'rebellions', i.e., that of the 1810  West Florida Rebellion and that of East Florida, also known as The Patriots' War, the following year, 1812. The paper argues that the three events are inextricably linked and must be viewed in that context.

Neste artigo, o leitor é convidado a palmilhar, mais uma vez, pelos caminhos e os percalços narrativos sobre o mais conhecido dos mocambos de escravos do Brasil, o Quilombo dos Palmares. A partir dos relatos coetâneos — cartas, relatos de viagem e documentos administrativos — o caráter exemplar da destruição do ajuntamento de escravos será apresentado, ressaltando as vicissitudes e nuances mais marcantes nas diversas notícias registradas sobre o mocambo. Complementarmente, cotejar-se-á algumas das tendências e leituras historiográficas sobre o longevo ajuntamento de escravos, o que permitirá apresentar, em linhas gerais, leituras plurais sobre Palmares. Volver a Palmares: historias de un " mocambo " del Brasil colonial Resumen: En este artículo, se invita al lector a caminar, una vez más, por los caminos y las narrativas sobre el más conocido " mocambo " de esclavos en Brasil, Palmares. A partir de los informes de la época —cartas, relatos de viajes y documentos administrativos— se presentará el carácter ejemplar de la destrucción de la reunión de esclavos, desta-cando los eventos y los matices más sorprendentes en varias noticias acerca de los mocambos. Además, se recopilarán algunas de las tendencias y las lecturas historiográficas sobre esta longeva reunión de esclavos, lo cual permitirá que se presenten, en general, las lecturas plurales de Palmares. Abstract: In this article the reader is invited to revisit the multiple narratives on Palmares, the best known Brazilian colonial " mocambo ". Based on various accounts-letters, travel journals and administrative documents — the article shows the exemplar character of the destruction of these slave gathering, highlighting the most striking nuances in the various reports on the mocambo. The article also presents the mayor historiographical debates on these slave gatherings, illustrating the plural readings on Palmares.

Examines convict life when Singapore was a penal colony between 1825 and 1873 and the unusual convict system where prisoners were their own warders. The magnificent buildings and construction that still stand today are a legacy of their enduring contributions.

Within the territories under the dominion of the Iberian monarchies, on both sides of the Atlantic, we seek to approach the cult rendered to Saint Iphigenia mainly in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In addition to the specialized bibliography, we rely on the first European and American publications that gave news about this African saint, as well as on the brotherhoods that were the driving force of devotion. With all this, we have raised a geography of images to Iphigenia in sculpture and painting in three continents, and we show how the 1738 Carmelite model of the friar José Pereira de Santana dominated in the representations of the saint in Europe, Africa and in Portuguese America, not so in the American territories of the Hispanic monarchy, being these images particularly novel and some of them unpublished.

This paper aims to account for what I describe as the gentrification of the humanist tradition by strengthening the bond between the epistemic merger of virtue theory and the still emergent category of political economy in eighteenth-century discourses. I use Jane Austen's Mansfield Park (1814) to trace the shifting relation between character and currency to historical transformations in transatlantic slavery and the development of an innovative line of rhetoric capable of registering the historical novelty of ‘creditable’ yet ‘unreal’ value. I argue that the text articulates contemporary fears that the growth and diversification of character through the process of commodity production and exchange rendered virtue in a politically paradigmatic form archaic and remote. In other words, Austen's narrativized account of the advent of paper money and public credit dramatizes how these linguistic transformations resulted in a wider cultural unease about the socially determined indicators of value, character, and race, and meant that not merely the functioning, but the intelligibility of society depended upon the success of a program of reification. Yet I caution that the novel's conclusion signals that the success of this program remained anxiously unsettled at the close of the eighteenth century and that it instead acknowledges how the modern dialects of credit precariously subsumed grammars which had traditionally given shape to the material or otherwise ‘real’ foundations of civic personality and virtue.

Delving behind Canada’s veneer of multiculturalism and tolerance, Policing Black Lives traces the violent realities of anti-blackness from the slave ships to prisons, classrooms and beyond. Robyn Maynard provides readers with the first comprehensive account of nearly four hundred years of state-sanctioned surveillance, criminalization and punishment of Black lives in Canada.

While highlighting the ubiquity of Black resistance, Policing Black Lives traces the still-living legacy of slavery across multiple institutions, shedding light on the state’s role in perpetuating contemporary Black poverty and unemployment, racial profiling, law enforcement violence, incarceration, immigration detention, deportation, exploitative migrant labour practices, disproportionate child removal and low graduation rates.

Emerging from a critical race feminist framework that insists that all Black lives matter, Maynard’s intersectional approach to anti-Black racism addresses the unique and understudied impacts of state violence as it is experienced by Black women, Black people with disabilities, as well as queer, trans, and undocumented Black communities.

A call-to-action, Policing Black Lives urges readers to work toward dismantling structures of racial domination and re-imagining a more just society.

The focus of this article is the hagiographies and novenas to San Benito de Palermo that circulated in the territories of New Spain, most of which were produced locally in the 18th and 19th centuries. While these devotional books can be used as a means of taking the measure of official holiness during the years of their publication, upon closer analysis this body of religious literature reveals the virtues and attributes of this Sicilian Saint that descended upon, among others, people of African descent. For this reason, the discussion surrounding his «skin color» constituted the principal obstacle against which this Negro Franciscan found himself struggling constantly. In the final section, the paper highlights the role of the Franciscans in New Spain during the colonial period in America as the community that, through the medium of the printing press, most strongly promoted the cult of this illustrious figure.

On June 17, 2015, Dylann Roof opened fire at Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina. In sum, he massacred nine people, including the pastor and state senator Clementa C. Pickney. Several days later at Roof’s first court appearance, relatives of the slain victims had the opportunity to confront the gunman. As many news stories noted, the relatives of the victims offered Roof their forgiveness even while articulating the pain and suffering of their loss. At the hearing, Nadine Collier spoke the powerful words “I forgive you,” to Dylan Roof (Izadi 2015). Collier’s testimony hinted at a theological imperative that is fundamental to Christianity, namely the notion of forgiveness. Forgiveness from the perspective of African American Christianity is composed of both reconciliation and justice. The aim of this chapter is to blend the pragmatic principles of Charles Sanders Peirce and W.E.B. Du Bois to understand the meaning of forgiveness centered on the perspective of Christianity from African Americans.

This article presents a new interpretation of the famous folktale about enslaved Africans flying home, including the legend that only those who refrained from eating salt could fly back to Africa. It rejects claims that the tale is rooted in Igbo culture and relates to suicide as a desperate attempt to escape from slavery. Rather, an analysis of historical documents in combination with ethnographic and linguistic research makes it possible to trace the tale back to West-Central Africa. It relates objections to eating salt to the Kikongo expression curia mungua (to eat salt), meaning baptism, and claims that the tale originated in the context of discussions among the enslaved about the consequences of a Christian baptism for one's spiritual afterlife.

This book is a historical account of the slave trading system of the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the nineteenth century and of the attempts, which were eventually successful, to suppress it.

Originally published in 1982.

The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Available as eBook and paperback.

Nel 1566 Pio V concesse ai Conservatori di Roma la facoltà di liberare e dare la cittadinanza romana agli schiavi battezzati che si fossero presentati di persona in Campidoglio. La concreta attuazione del provvedimento (documentata da centinaia di casi per il periodo 1516-1787) fece di Roma una meta privilegiata degli schiavi cristiani, per nascita o per conversione, in cerca di emancipazione. L’analisi di questo provvedimento, pur inserendosi principalmente nella storia complessa delle schiavitù mediterranee, si colora di nuovi significati alla luce delle posizioni sulla materia espresse negli stessi anni da Martin Lutero. La lettura intrecciata delle opere del riformatore tedesco dedicate all’emergenza turca in Germania negli anni del primo assedio di Vienna e del conflitto in Ungheria (1529-1547) offre prospettive di sicuro interesse proprio su questi temi. L’esame delle tre prediche (due del 1529 e una del 1541) e delle tre prefazioni alle edizioni a stampa di testi islamici (1530, 1542 e 1543, con l’introduzione al Corano latino di Thedore Bibliander) permette di ricostruire il filo conduttore di una riflessione teologica ampia sui fatti di quegli anni e sul destino del cristiano prigioniero del nemico infedele. La netta condanna della guerra santa e l’invito continuo ad accettare il disegno divino spingono il riformatore verso un approccio nuovo alla schiavitù, assai diverso da quello romano.

No texto que segue, buscaremos problematizar a análise das grandes propriedades escravistas integradas à economia oitocentista, especialmente àquelas do complexo cafeeiro, estruturado ao longo do Vale do Paraíba entre o sul do Rio de Janeiro e o norte de São Paulo. Para tanto, inicialmente, evidenciaremos uma breve síntese do consenso produzido na historiografia sobre o perfil demográfico da escravidão no Brasil, sobretudo, nas províncias que acolheram a grande lavoura. Em seguida, resguardado o consenso, passaremos a sugerir o retorno à análise dos espaços tidos como zonas de agro exportação, na penumbra nas últimas décadas, posto à sombra justamente no combate a ideia de que o Brasil, fosse no período colonial ou imperial, sintetizava-se na face da plantation.  Efetivamente, voltaremos à grande lavoura cafeeira problematizando a força da escravidão naquele espaço no oitocentos, destacando a concentração da propriedade escrava lastreada em poucos complexos de fazendas familiares constituídos pelos potentados do café a partir dos anos de 1820. Vale dizer, nesse sentido, que a constituição desses espaços, integrados à reestruturação da economia mundial capitalista, reatualizou a escravidão nas zonas economicamente mais dinâmicas do Império do Brasil, transformando seu perfil, reabrindo o tráfico de africanos em escala nacional e alargando a sobrevida da própria escravidão nacional.

The maritime interstate trade in bondspersons illustrates the contours of United States capitalism of the early nineteenth century as it developed between 1807 and midcentury. The saltwater trade between the Chesapeake and New Orleans comprised four stages corresponding to larger economic developments. An incidental slave trade rose in the context of the US ban on imported slaves, embargoes, and the growth of domestic commerce. An essential trade followed, growing in the post-War of 1812 transatlantic market for agricultural staples. It was carried on aboard vessels plying the so-called cotton triangle and also ships carrying regionally-specific
goods and commodities between domestic ports. The 1830s witnessed a vertical trade exemplified by one slaving firm that responded to the swift expansion of credit and surging demand. Following the panic of 1837, market fragmentation led to a mechanical trade, which was also dependent on robust exports of slave-produced crops. Financial technologies propelled that development, and the maritime slave trade was nearly seamlessly integrated into the broader coastal trade.

Slavery was still in effect mercilessly when Islam was born. Slaves were people living miserable lives who hoped to find salvation from the boundaries of others, and society treated them as commercial property for sale. Islam made significant reforms in slavery. This articles delves into the issues of the slave trade/markets, slaves' economic buitability and qualifications, jobs that focused primarily on slavery, as well as slave prices and the number of slaves in society in the early Islamic period.
Key Words: The Prophet Mohammad, The Rashidun Caliphs, Umayyads, economics, slaves, concubines.

“The Arabs have raided sub-Saharan Africa for thirteen centuries without interruption. Most of the men they deported have disappeared, due to their inhuman treatments. This painful page of the history of Black people does not seem to have been completely ended. The beginning of this treatment of the Blacks began when the Arab Emir and general Abdallah ben Saïd, imposed upon the Sudanese a “Bakht” (an agreement) in 652, forcing them to furnish hundreds of slaves annually. Most of them were men who were taken from the people of Darfur. That became the point of departure for an enormous human operation that continued officially until early in the 20th century.”

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La promulgation de la loi du 23 février 2005 « portant reconnaissance de la Nation et contribution nationale en faveur des Français rapatriés » donne lieu à un important débat public et à la diffusion d’une pétition d’historiens exigeant l’abrogation de toutes les lois dites mémorielles (loi de 2005 en cause, mais aussi loi Gayssot de 1990, loi reconnaissant le génocide arménien et loi Taubira de 2001). Cette pétition repose sur une dénonciation qui présuppose que lesdites lois, mises sur le même plan, auraient une fonction et un objet identiques. Or ce double présupposé est critiquable : d’une part, le fait d’appréhender ces textes comme ayant la même fonction, celle de sanctionner un comportement, est basé sur une confusion qu’il s’agit de clarifier ; d’autre part, considérer qu’ils ont le même objet, en l’occurrence l’établissement d’une vérité officielle par le Parlement ou les juges, relève d’un malentendu qu’il convient de dissiper s’agissant des lois de 1990 et de 2001. Ainsi le problème ne serait pas tant celui d’une inflation législative alarmante de lois scélérates, établissant une vérité d’Etat ; mais plutôt celui du sens, à peine caché, de l’adoption d’un texte tel que l’article 4 de la loi de 2005, qui impose une interprétation légitimement contestée par les historiens.
Sévane Garibian

Sur  Martin Ruef, Between Slavery and Capitalism. The Legacy of Emancipation in the American South, Princeton et Oxford, Princeton University Press, 2014 ; Alex Gourevitch, From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth. Labor and republican Liberty in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014 ; Céline Flory, De l’esclavage à la liberté forcée. Histoire des travailleurs engagés dans la Caraïbe française au XIXe siècle, Paris, Karthala / Société des Africanistes, 2015.

The thesis of the paper is that Africans make up a significant portion of the makeup of southern fire departments. Municipalities of the 1700s and 1800s needed to provide fire protection in order to prevent the fires that could (and did) destroy cities. The fire departments that developed to meet this need used many of the same equipment and tactics regardless of geographic location. However, fire departments in the South differed in character and demographics from their northern counterparts. These differences included the use of Africans as firefighters. The differences in the demographic make up and character of these fire departments reflect differences in the urban culture of the South and the North. The geographic and time constraints of the prospectus will likely be narrowed down as the research is carried out. BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Boles, Durelle J., ed. Durelle Boles Collection of Southern Imprints,1829-1872

While describing the Greco-roman world or what is called classical antiquity (from 8th-5th cent BC), one will never miss out on the deep-rooted institution of slavery. The dominant mode of production in classical Greece, which governed the complex articulation of each local economy and gave its imprint to the whole civilization of the city-state, was that of slavery. This was to be true of Rome as well. The Ancient World as a whole was never continuously or ubiquitously marked by the predominance of slave labour. But its great classical epochs, when the civilization of Antiquity flowered-Greece in the 5th and 4th centuries B.C. and Rome from the 2nd century B.C. to the 2nd century A.D.-were those in which slavery was massive and general, amidst other labour systems.