History of Anarchism

Ochocientas casitas unifamiliares de planta baja en la orilla del río Besós, cada una de un color diferente, comprimidas entre una zona industrial semiabandonada y la nueva Barcelona del AVE y del Fòrum. En este lugar de márgen, desconocido y estigmatizado, grupos de migrantes y autóctonos lucharon juntos para crear un paisaje humano excepcionalmente denso y rebelde: un barrio anticlerical y anarcosindicalista, en el cual la resistencia duró ochenta años, donde buscaron amparo Buenaventura Durruti, Quico Sabater y un sinfin de excluidos e indeseados de todos los sitios y de todas las épocas.

Mientras las excavadoras del Ayuntamiento de Barcelona avanzan en el derribo de esta ciudad horizontal, un grupo de habitantes retoma la histórica tradición de lucha del barrio para oponerse al nuevo urbanismo de bloques de pisos, reivindicando la importancia de sus calles, de sus estilos de vida, y de la convivencialidad que permitía la forma urbana de qué se habían apropiado.

Este trabajo es el resultado de una implicación a la vez etnográfica, política y humana con el barrio de Bon Pastor durante los años del derribo (2002-2012), para desvelar la profundidad del trauma que representa la desaparición progresiva de un barrio, con sus memorias de autogestión y autonomía, con su vida cotidiana basada en la proximidad, con sus fiestas que servían para resolver conflictos, y de sus conflictos que creaban comunidad.

Historia de la Columna Tierra y Libertad de la CNT y de su sucesora la 153 Brigada Mixta durante la Guerra Civil española. Historia de los Comités de Defensa en la Catalunya central.

History of the anarchist column called Tierra y Libertad and the militarized unit it derived to during the Spanish Civil War. This is also a resum of the revolutionary activities of the Defence Committees in the central Catalonia areas during the spanish Second Republic.

According to the Bible, Eve was the first to heed Satan’s advice to eat of the forbidden fruit. The notion of woman as the Devil’s accomplice is prominent throughout the history of Christianity. During the nineteenth century, rebellious females performed counter-readings of this misogynist tradition. Hereby, Lucifer was reconceptualised as a feminist liberator of womankind, and Eve became a heroine. In these reimaginings, Satan is an ally in the struggle against a patriarchy supported by God the Father and his male priests.

This study delineates how such Satanic feminism is expressed in a number of nineteenth-century esoteric works, literary texts, autobiographies, pamphlets and journals, newspaper articles, paintings, sculptures and even artefacts of consumer culture such as jewellery.

In the material, four motifs in particular are prominent: 1) interpretations of Eve’s role in the fall of man as something positive, 2) the witch as a proto-feminist figure, 3) the demon lover as an emancipator, 4) a feminised Satan contrasted with an oppressive male God. A fifth and less central motif is conceptions of Lilith, according to Jewish lore the unruly first wife of Adam, as the first feminist.

The analysis focuses on interfaces between esotericism and the political realm, as well as the interdependence of literature and the occult. New light is thus shed on neglected aspects of the intellectual history of feminism, Satanism and revisionary mythmaking. The study is informed by theories concerning counter-readings, counter-discourses and counter-myths, and in particular highlights the complex interplay of such phenomena and the hegemonic discourses that demonised feminism. A key theme in this context is the limits and paradoxes of inversion as a subversive strategy.

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Elisée Reclus fut géographe et libertaire, indissociablement. Lié un temps à Michel Bakounine, ami de Louise Michel, engagé physiquement dans la défense de la Commune de Paris puis banni du territoire français, il acquit de son vivant une renommée internationale par l'ampleur et l'acuité de ses écrits sur la Terre et les sociétés qui l'habitent. Florence Deprest propose de porter un éclairage nouveau sur le chapitre qu'Elisée Reclus a consacré à l'Algérie en 1886 dans sa monumentale Nouvelle Géographie Universelle. En situant cette œuvre dans le contexte idéologique et scientifique de la société coloniale à l'âge de l'empire, elle montre en quoi certaines interprétations de Reclus sur l'Algérie sont tout à fait représentatives des courants progressistes du moment, et participent de ce que l'on a coutume d'appeler l'humanisme colonial. L'auteure met alors au jour la dialectique de cette description géographique où l'Algérie colonisée incarne un possible renouveau de l'antique Méditerranée, imaginée comme un espace de mouvements et de métissages, mais également un lieu de l'arbitraire colonial, de la perte d'indépendance politique et de la légitime résistance indigène.

Teixint la història en roig i negre és un recorregut per la història rebel i revolucionària de les comarques de l'Alt Llobregat i el Cardener. L'obra se centra en els dos últims segles de lluites populars i moviments socials d'aquests territoris posant l'èmfasi en tot allò que ha esdevingut anarquismes, en plural. D'aquest estudi es dedueix la continuïtat històrica entre moviments, organitzacions i col·lectius que comparteixen un mateix imaginari. Vet aquí un llibre d'història social que recorre el moviment obrer, l'anarquisme, el lliurepensament, el sindicalisme i la contracultura des dels seus orígens fins a l'actualitat a les comarques del Bages i el Berguedà.

A radikálisan decentralizált szerveződésű kriptovaluták sikerei a 2010-es években felkeltették a politikai szféra érdeklődését is. Jelen tanulmány keretei között azt tételezzük fel, hogy a kriptovaluta mint technológia egy eredendően politikai jellegű igényre való technopolitikai válaszkísérletként értelmezhető. A decentralizált, bármilyen központi monetáris hatóság je-lenlétét nélkülöző privatizált pénzrendszer igénye megjelenik a libertárius politikai filozófiá-ban évtizedekkel a kriptovaluták feltalálását megelőzően. Friedrich August Hayek a Denatio-nalisation of Money című 1976-os tanulmányában a központi bankok szerepét háttérbeszorító, magánkibocsátású pénzformák mellett érvel. Méltán nevezhetjük a korai huszonegyedik századi kriptovaluták egyik legkorábbi elméleti előzményeként. Az 1990-es évek információs forradalma új lendületet adott a libertárius és anarchista elgondolásoknak, ekkor jelentek meg a "kriptoanarchisták." Ezen irányzatok képviselői szerint a kibernetika, különösen robbanékony politikai lehetőséget kínál a radikális mozgalmak hívei számára. 2008-ban dolgozta ki egy Satoshi Nakamoto álnevű programozó a Bitcoin elméleti alapjait egy ta-nulmányban, majd ugyanebben az évben tette közzé a Bitcoin szoftver forráskódját. Ezt köve-tően robbanásszerű fejlődésnek indultak a kriptovaluták. Fontos elem a kriptovaluták esetében a titkosított jelleg, a harmadik felek és központi hatalmi szereplők lehetőség szerinti kizárása a rendszerből a közvetlen kereskedelem megvalósítása révén. "Kriptoutópikus"-nak is jellemez-hetjük a kibernetikai termelési módba mint emancipációs tényezőbe vetett anarchista ideoló-giai bizalmat, tanulmányunkban pedig igyekszünk felvázolni ezen szerteágazó irányzatnak egy lehetséges genealógiáját.

Introduzione: ogni sera, una pillola contro la paura Cosa fare se da un giorno all'altro ti rinchiudono in casa e ti chiudono biblioteche, librerie e sale di lettura? Si può rimediare con la tecnologia, certo, ma non tutti i libri si trovano negli archivi online o sotto forma di e-book, e un libro digitale non dà lo stesso gusto di una lettura serale cartacea, specialmente se hai già passato tutta la giornata su uno schermo per fare quello che chiamano smart working. Qual è stata dunque l'idea di Gianandrea, libraio militante, autore tra le altre cose di pionieristici cataloghi tematici sull'Anarchismo, sul Sindacalismo Rivoluzionario, sul Sessantotto, sui Mazziniani, sul Movimento Federalista Europeo, sul Liberalsocialismo? Usare la tecnologia per socializzare i contenuti dei libri che per lavoro e passione aveva sottomano. Perché bisogna ricordare che questo lavoro non nasce solo in un contesto librario, ma anche in un contesto libertario. Le prime di queste "pillole" vengono inviate nel gruppo Signal dell' Area Libertaria Reggiana: ogni sera una citazione da un classico dell'anarchismo accompagnata da un breve profilo dell'autrice o dell'autore. Ben presto l'iniziativa si allarga, raggiungendo tutti quei compagni e compagne, soprattutto giovani, che avevano l'abitudine di vedersi tutti i giorni al Circolo "Berneri" di via Don Minzoni. Se ci pensiamo questa è stata la prima volta che la nostra generazione si è confrontata con il divieto formale di riunione e di manifestazione, e con degli arresti domiciliari di fatto, che per chi studia la storia dell'anarchismo e dei movimenti sociali richiama alla mente le limitazioni alla libertà sofferte sotto i regimi totalitari. Anche se per ragioni (e con modalità) molto diverse, abbiamo assaggiato un po' delle biografie da quelle nostre compagne e compagni che tra il diciannovesimo e il ventesimo secolo hanno vissuto il carcere, l'esilio, il confino, la lotta clandestina nella resistenza antifascista. Ma rispetto a loro, nel 2020 abbiamo un'arma in più: la tecnologia. Da Signal, il gruppo passa a Whatsapp e si è propagato in maniera virale (è il caso di dirlo) a più gruppi e liste, tanto che non si riesce più a sapere quanta gente direttamente o indirettamente ha ricevuto queste pillole. Chiusi in casa durante il lockdown, in momenti in cui il morale effettivamente si abbassava molto, ogni sera arrivava un messaggio con questi stralci anarchici di vita e di pensiero. Ed eravamo tutte e tutti un po' meno sole e soli.

Desde mitades de la década de 1980, una generación que había dado sus primeros pasos
durante el fin de la dictadura franquista llegará a adolescente y, parte de ella, empezará su
militancia en movimientos sociales y antagonistas. A través de un observatorio concreto, el
mundo anarquista de la ciudad de València, y de la historia oral el texto pretende acercarse
a través de la historia de vida de Carmen a cómo se habían construido y estaban
reformulándose las identidades de género en este antagonismo juvenil.

Simon Springer (Department of Geography, University of Victoria, Canada) contributes this short essay about his visit to Moscow and Domitrov. He organized a session titled “For Kropotkin” with Anthony Ince for the IGU Moscow Regional Conference and made a trip to the Kropotkin museum in Dmitrov.

Loadenthal, Michael. “Cells, Communiqués and Monikers: The Insurrectionary Networks of Anti-State Attack.” In Routledge Handbook of Radical Politics, edited by Uri Gordon and Ruth Kinna, 326–40. New York, NY: Routledge, 2019.

Abstract:
Spanning over a century, the insurrectionary spirit of anarchism has been on the forefront
of direct, unmediated attacks on the state and capital. Insurrectionary praxis is based on an ethic of informality, clandestinity and temporality, and as a result, its cells exist in secret only as long as deemed necessary for a particular action. Unlike social movement organisations and above-ground campaigns, the cells that populate the insurrectionary milieu are not something to ‘belong to’ but something to ‘act through’; a momentary assemblage of likeminded individuals united for a particular attack by voluntary association and through shared affinity.

While the modern cell networks gained visibly in Europe around the millennium,
their rapid replication has led to similarly styled formations in dozens of countries from the Americas to Asia. This franchised replication is aided by the use of adoptable monikers – static labels used to associate an attack with others, and to ideologically tag them as insurrectionary. Oftentimes, these are acronyms whose names communicate the politics of the attackers, such as the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF), International Revolutionary Front (IRF) as well as older, not explicitly insurrectionary monikers such as the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and Earth Liberation Front (ELF). The use of moniker-linked attacks, which form into a campaign of sorts, is a distinctive feature of the insurrectionary cells. For example, in June 2013, a Greek of the FAI cell bombed a vehicle belonging to a prison director overseeing the incarceration of comrades. This attack marked ‘act one’ of the Phoenix Project, and would be followed by thirteen additional attacks, spanning eight countries out over a twelve-month period. The Phoenix Project highlights the strength of the adoptable moniker, as through its usage, an arson targeting an Indonesian hotel and the sabotage of Italian fuel pumps can be united into a shared, global effort, and not understood as disparate acts of lone wolves. This chapter will explore how the insurrectionary anarchist networks utilise the cell model, the communiqué and the adoptable moniker to allow for the creation of a globally dispersed, decentralised, open involvement movement united in its rejection of capitalism, the state and those who would seek to control it.

This article was published in 2009 as the result of my student activities and research. It focuses on the Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin´s participation at the Slavic assembly in Prague in 1848. Bakunin influenced its developement and results. Similarly, his stay in Prague brought him a lot of experience, which influenced the future development of his intelectual thought. Bakunin participated on the assembly as delegate of polish-ruthenian department. He mainly commented on formal questions, but also concetrated on background activities and tried to turn other delegates (e.g. Ľudovít Štúr) for his revolutionary thoughts. He, however, failed. He tried to disprove the illusions about russian tzar Mikuláš I. and was in fierce oppostion to austroslavism. He came out with the idea of democratic slavic federation, but he failed again in enforcing this. After the assembly, he participated in unsuccessful June uprising and had to flee to Dresden. He then tried to organize uprising in Prague from Dresden, but was exposed, arrested and in 1851 extradited to russian authorities.

Kuşkusuz, işçi devletinin yaşadığı zorluklarda sorunu öncelikle nesnel koşullarda aramak gerekir (ve bu koşullar aşağıda daha ayrıntılı şekilde ele alınacaktır). Fakat öznel etken de yabana atılmayacak derecede sorunlu olduğunu göstermiştir. Partinin ileri doğru gittiği (“saldırdığı”) her durumda Bolşevik örgütlenme modelinin kazandırdığı kaynaşmış ve ideolojik açıdan ortaklaşmış nitelik yeterince güçlü olduğunu göstermiş ve zaten tam da bu nedenle Lenin’in partisi bir devrime önderlik edebilmişti. Fakat saldırı ânında, suların yükseldiği dönemde görülmeyen ya da etkisizleştirilebilen eksiklikler, suların geri çekildiği koşullarda kendisini çok çarpıcı bir şekilde göstermiştir. Lenin bir partinin esas gücünün tıpkı bir orduda olduğu gibi geri çekilirken görülebileceğini ve saldırırken gösterilen azim, kararlılık ve birlikteliğin ricat halindeyken de gösterilmesi gerektiğini söyler.
Bu açıdan bakıldığında, partinin bazı sınavları alnının akıyla geçtiğini, bazılarındaysa aynı başarıyı gösteremediğini söylemek gerekir. Parti içindeki tartışmalarda ortaya çıkan yanlış görüşler, partinin yönetici kademesindeki insanların (Buharin, Şlyapnikov, Kollontay, Stalin) devrimin üzerinden birkaç yıl geçtikten sonra en temel konularda büyük ilkesel yanlışlara düşüyor olmaları, tüm bunları toparlayan isim sıfatıyla Lenin’in ölümünden sonra partinin içinde yaşanacakların, yani bir nesnellikten beslenen bürokratik karşıdevrime partinin içindeki ileri gelenlerin önderlik etmesinin habercisi olarak alınmalıdır.

On October 1, 1920, the city of Santiago, Chile, came to a halt as tens of thousands stopped work and their daily activities to join the funeral procession of José Domingo Gómez Rojas, a 24 year old university student and acclaimed poet. Nicknamed "the firecracker poet" for his incendiary poems, such as "The Cry of the Renegade" Gómez Rojas was a member of the University of Chile's student federation (the FECh) which had come under repeated attack for its critiques of Chile's political system and ruling parties. Government officials accused the FECh's leaders of being advocates for the destruction of the social order, subversives who had the temerity to question national policy making, and insolent youths who did not know their place. Arrested for alleged sedition as part of a five-month-long "prosecution of subversives," Gómez Rojas joined other students and workers in Santiago's prison system. He never left. After two months in police custody, he died in Santiago's asylum, quickly to be reborn as a political martyr for students and workers alike.

This microhistory recovers the context within which Gómez Rojas's arrest, imprisonment, and death unfolded and the experiences of men he counted as friends, comrades, colleagues, mentors, and pupils. Fifty years before the much-heralded student movements of 1968, Raymond Craib shows, university students and workers were active political collaborators and radicalized political subjects. In interwar Chile, members of Chile's sizeable working class marched side-by-side with students from the FECh. At the same time, increasingly radicalized university students, as well as former students, workers, and worker-intellectuals, gathered together to talk, read, and find common cause. Members of what Craib calls a "capacious Left" they shared a wide-ranging interest in works of sociology and political theory, a penchant for poetry, and an eclectic embrace of anarchist, socialist, and communist principles and practices. They also shared the experience of repression, an experience that ultimately cost Gómez Rojas his life and marked an entire generation of political organizers and agitators, including future president Salvador Allende and poet Pablo Neruda.

Esta contribución recuerda las bases argumentativas de los adversarios y partidarios de la participación electoral y las reacciones de las clases trabajadoras influidas por el anarquismo, tomando en cuenta los elementos contextuales de las tres fases históricas en que el ciudadano español disfrutó del derecho, aunque en condiciones distintas y específicas, a emitir su voto : el sexenio democrático, el régimen constitucional de 1876 y la segunda República.

Reinforcing an urgent need to envisage and usher “postcapitalist” futures of nonhuman animal liberation into being, and thereby create important new counter-power spaces for CAS to occupy, this chapter focuses both on the struggle to resist capitalism and ways to embed alternative strategies of resistance in the everyday.

In particular, the chapter explores the limits of appealing to veganism, per se, as a means of challenging capitalist exploitations of animals, both human and nonhuman. This serves as a perfect demonstration of the power of advanced capitalism to commodify the alternative by stripping out the radical praxis of veganism and repackaging this as an “alternative lifestyle choice.” The challenge then becomes
one of how to envisage and enact a postcapitalist world that is consistent with the appeal for total liberation of humans, other animals, and the Earth.

To these ends, the chapter invokes a spirit of anarchism; a radical praxis that has significantly animated the trajectory of critical animal studies to date. Here, a narrative focused on re-imagining of the political economy of the household and community spaces through critical vegan praxis will  be outlined.

Bu kitap Times tarafından ‘modern zamanların en büyük ve sansasyonel siyasi komplolarından biri’ olarak tarif edilen olayı ele alıyor. 21 Temmuz 1905 tarihinde, İstanbul’da bulunan Yıldız Hamidiye Camisi’ndeki Cuma duasından sonra patlayan bombalı bir araç 26 kişinin ölümüne ve 58 kişinin de yaralanmasına yol açtı. Saldırının hedefi olan Sultan II. Abdülhamid olayı yara almadan atlattı. Osmanlı polisi kısa sürede olaydan Ermeni devrimcilerin sorumlu olduğunu buldular, pek çok insan tutuklandı ve yargılandı ve bunların arasında Belçikalı anarşist Edward Joris de vardı. Onun hapse atılması uluslararası bir tepkiye yol açtı ve sonuç olarak diplomatik bir karışıklık yarattı.

Suikast girişimi başarısız oldu, olaylar hafızalardan silindi ve bu olay yirminci yüzyıl tarihinin başlarına dair bir dipnot olarak kaldı. Bu kitap komployu Osmanlı’nın son döneminin tarihine dair ulusal sınırları aşan bir an olarak ele alıyor ve uluslararası hukuk, terörizm, Oryantalizm, diplomasi, anarşizm, emperyalizm, milliyetçilik, kitle iletişim araçları ve hayırseverlik gibi modern tarihe dair konulara bir pencere açıyor. Yirminci yüzyılın başlarındaki Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ile Avrupa ve dünyanın geri kalanı arasındaki uluslararası bağlara dair orijinal bir bakış sunuyor.

This article addresses the life and works of a virtually unknown lady explorer, Octavie Renard-Coudreau (1867-1938), who continued an Amazonian exploration 'alone' after the death of her husband, the maverick French geographer Henri Coudreau (1859-1899). It extends and connects two main bodies of scholarship, the first on women travellers and feminist historical geographies, the second on scientific couples and collaborative partnerships in the history of sciences. I argue that, in addition to textual analysis, the social, biographical, cultural and political contexts of these travels allow a better understanding of the ambivalences that characterised Western travellers and scholars, both men and women, in imperial contexts. This helps avoiding essentialism and recovering the experiences of marginalised figures in the history of geography. The story of Octavie Coudreau has elements of originality that can stimulate new reflections on these points, also because her travel experience was not in the hegemonic Anglophone context, and she was acquainted with unorthodox and dissident geographers of that time. This article also contributes to studies on the influence which anarchist geographers such as Elisée Reclus, a supporter of the Coudreaus, exerted on explorers, though Octavie seemed to keep her distance from this former socialist inspiration.

Analysis, characteristics and evolution of the anarchist exile of 1939. It deals with biographical, sociological and political aspects and the impact that this phenomenon has on the subsequent evolution of anarchism in Catalonia.

Anàlisi, característiques i evolució de l'exili anarquista de 1939. Es tracten aspectes biogràfics, sociològics i polítics i l'impacte que posseeix aquest fenomen en la posterior evolució de l'anarquisme a Catalunya.

No Brasil, há uma grande disputa sobre a narrativa da Insurgência dos Governados de 2013. Por razões teóricas/político-eleitorais/ideológicas, muitos intelectuais participam de uma querela sobre os seus motivos, características e resultados. Portanto, apontaremos elementos para identificar o que está por trás de cada uma dessas correntes interpretativas. Faremos também um debate sobre as formas metodológicas de construção da história. No bojo dessa discussão, apresentaremos algumas teses a partir da nossa observação participante, da narrativa de colegas e de diversas fontes secundárias como jornais, revistas, blogs e mídias sociais em geral.
Disponível em: http://www.otal.ifcs.ufrj.br/a-revolta-dos-governados-do-inverno-primavera-de-2013-no-brasil-e-suas-interpretacoes/

Kompakt und in klarer Sprache untersucht Ralf Hoffrogge in dem Buch «Sozialismus und Arbeiterbewegung in Deutschland» die Entwicklung sozialistischer Analysen und Theorien sowie verschiedene Praktiken und Organisationen der Arbeiterbewegung in Zeiten von Industrialisierung und Sozialistengesetzen, bis hin zum Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkriegs.

Leser_innen begegnen in diesem Buch den Anfängen moderner Gesellschaftskritik und den Organisationsformern der der Kritiker_innen. Dabei können sie die Auseinandersetzung der frühen Arbeiterbewegung mit Themen wie Kapitalismus, Sexismus und Rassismus verfolgen.

Ein Blick in die Geschichte der sozialen Frage offenbart erstaunliche Parallelen zu heutigen Debatten. Mulitkulturalität, sinkende Reallöhne und Fragen zur Organisation sind immernoch drängende Themen. Deshalb hilft die Lektüre dieses Buchs allen politisch Interessierten dabei, zu aktuellen Themen Stellung zu beziehen und Politik aktiv zu gestalten.

Resumen Este trabajo tiene como objetivo presentar la investigación conducida durante algunos años por el autor y que culminó con la publicación del libro Bandera Negra: rediscutiendo el anarquismo (Editorial Prismas, Brasil, 2014, 346 pp.). El libro parte de un proceso colectivo de investigación global del anarquismo que viene siendo conducido por investigadores de distintas partes del mundo en el seno del Instituto de Teoría e Historia Anarquista (ITHA) y tiene como objetivo general responder con profundidad qué es el anarquismo. Se parte de un balance crítico de los estudios de referencia más influyentes sobre el tema en castellano, portugués, inglés y francés, discurriendo sobre sus virtudes pero, principalmente, identificando sus problemas, limitaciones y omisiones. Se constata que tales estudios no responden adecuadamente a la pregunta formulada y sostienen una cantidad innumerable de tesis sin ningún fundamento histórico, que continúan siendo repetidas hoy en día. Bandera Negra propone entonces un nuevo abordaje teórico-metodológico para los estudios del anarquismo: define aspectos comunes a autores y episodios, permitiendo conceptuar esta ideología y diferenciarla de otras; identifica continuidades y permanencias a largo plazo; actualiza categorías analíticas para dar cuenta del fenómeno; toma como base la historia del anarquismo desde la Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores hasta el presente, en los cinco continentes; utiliza elementos de la nueva historia del trabajo y de la historia global del trabajo; abarca la totalidad e interdependencia entre teoría e historia, pensamiento y acción, autores y episodios, forma y contenido, anarquismo y luchas sociales, críticas y propuestas; enfatiza en la relevancia de los estudios comparativos. Además de esto, el libro basa en la revisión de la producción escrita de más de 80 autores / organizaciones anarquistas y en la historia global del anarquismo en sus casi 150 años de existencia y presenta una redefinición del anarquismo, que es complementada con la exposición de sus principales debates históricos y sus grandes corrientes. Entre otras tesis, el sostiene que el anarquismo es un tipo de socialismo revolucionario que posee una inmensa e influyente historia entre todos los tipos de trabajadores, tanto de los campos como de las ciudades. El libro plantea en esta historia un conjunto de diez principios político-ideológicos que se explican mediante tres ejes (crítica a la dominación, defensa de la autogestión y estrategia fundamental) y permiten constatar una coherencia ideológica entre los anarquistas. A pesar de esto, tres grandes cuestiones estratégicas vienen dividiendo a los anarquistas: organización, reformas y violencia, en torno a las cuales se propone una redefinición de las corrientes anarquistas. Bandera Negra no solo contrapone muchas de las tesis de los estudios de referencia, sino que presenta nuevos elementos para comprender la teoría y la historia anarquista en perspectiva global. Palabras clave: anarquismo, sindicalismo revolucionario, anarco-sindicalismo, teoría/filosofía política anarquista, Bandera Negra

Τι είναι η αναρχία και τι θέλουν οι αναρχικοί; Ένας ανθρωπιστής, φιλοπερίεργος και με διάθεση κατανόησης, απευθύνει ερωτήσεις στον γιο του, στρατευμένο αναρχικό που έχει εντρυφήσει στο θέμα.

Κατά τη συζήτησή τους, οι δύο συνομιλητές φτάνουν μέχρι τις ρίζες των εννοιών της αναρχίας και της δημοκρατίας. Επικαλούνται ορισμένες φυσιογνωμίες του αναρχισμού και τα ποικίλα ρεύματα του επαναστατικού αυτού κινήματος, φέρνοντας επίσης παραδείγματα από τον κόσμο του σήμερα. Από κοινού, αναλύουν την αναρχική κριτική των μεγάλων συστημάτων κυριαρχίας -του κράτους, της θρησκείας, της πατριαρχίας, του καπιταλισμού και του ρατσισμού- και παρέχουν έτσι μια ζωντανή και πρωτότυπη εισαγωγή στην αναρχία.

GREEK TRANSLATION OF «L'ANARCHIE EXPLIQUÉE À MON PÈRE»

[http://www.luxediteur.com/catalogue/lanarchie-expliquee-a-mon-pere/]

[http://stasei.blogspot.ca]

Report at the 5th Ural Industrial Biennial of Contemporary Art "IMMORTALITY" (section “Compelling Images of IMMORTALITY: Who Creates Them, How and Why?”) / Yekaterinburg (September, 2019)
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Доклад на 5-й Уральской Индустриальной Биеннале "БЕССМЕРТИЕ" (секция "Убедительные образы бессмертия: кто, как и зачем их создаёт?) / Екатеринбург (Сентябрь, 2019)
https://syg.ma/@uralskii-filial-gtssi/izobrietieniie-bies-smierti-ia-v-stranie-anarkhii

This chapter addresses the life and works of Italian transnational anarchist and anti-fascist Camillo Berneri (1897-1937) drawing upon Berneri’s archives and original papers, never translated into English with only few exceptions. For the first time, I analyse Berneri’s work through spatial lenses, investigating the contributions that this can bring to the contemporary fields of critical, radical and subaltern geopolitics. My argument is twofold. First, I argue that the analysis of spaces of exile and transnational solidarity networks are paramount for understanding the trajectories of anarchist anti-fascism between the two world wars. Berneri is an outstanding representative of an entire generation of Italian anarchists and antifascists. He was eventually defined ‘the most expelled anarchist of Europe’ due to his innumerable travels and tribulations across the borders of Italy, France, Germany, Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg and Spain. Second, I argue that Berneri’s writings on the geopolitical problems that the Spanish revolution had to face from 1936, such as the question of the armed defence from Franco’s troops and the Italian imperialism in the Balearic Islands, can nourish present-day perspectives in radical internationalism and stateless geopolitics. The prickliness of Berneri’s analyses, published in the journals of Italian anarchists fighting in Spain with the CNT-FAI, can also explain why he was murdered by Stalinist agents during the Bloody Week of Barcelona in May 1937, just few days after delivering a radio speech where Berneri pronounced a moved tribute to another Italian anti-fascist, Antonio Gramsci, just died in a fascist prison in Italy.

In my study I would like to draft the intellectual, political
atmosphere, in which the Munka-kör (Work-circle), bearing
the stamp of Lajos Kassák, was founded and formulated.
It was a leftist creative community, which through its
numerous branches most impregnated the Hungarian
labour movement at the end of the 1920s and the beginning
of the next decade. Nevertheless, instead of “background”
it seems more correct to talk about a kind of
milieu, a huge political sphere from the left of social democracy
to the most radical fractions and grouplets, namely the
Hungarian versions of Trotskyism and council-communism
(or, according to the terminology of the Communist
Party of Hungary: the “too-leftists”).

Reseña del libro:

Susanna Tavera, Federica Montseny. La indomable (1905-1994), Barcelona, Temas de Hoy, "Biografías", 2005, 352 pp.

en "Cuadernos Radicales. Libros y revistas", Política. Revista Republicana. Madrid. (ISSN: 1139-5397), mayo-junio, 57, 2005, p. VII.

URL: https://www.izqrepublicana.es/publicaciones/politica.php

Russian anarchism of the 1910s-1920s (biocosmism, pan-anarchism) proposed an original political and aesthetic model of "access to space", which possessed a great heuristic and utopian potential, which, due to political circumstances of the first half of the 20th century, was repressed and forgotten. The article reconstructs and interprets this model through questions about (cosmic) language, (anarchic) imagination and (interplanetary) technics.

From the second half of the nineteenth century European governments perceived anarchism as an international threat and regarded the surveillance of colonies established by anarchist refugees as of great importance. The article investigates the service of 'International Police' that the Italian Ministry of Interior and the Italian embassies set up for this purpose. By taking as a case study the colony of Italian anarchists who settled in London from 1870 to 1914, it analyses in detail the organizational structure of this intelligence service and it reconstructs the main incidents which informers and spies were involved in. The article examines also the ambivalent attitude of the British police in regard to the surveillance of foreign revolutionaries and the repercussions that these intelligence activities had on the relationship between Italian and British authorities.

Los estudios sobre el anarquismo en la región argentina indagan, en una abrumadora mayoría, sobre el movimiento a finales del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX; deteniéndose, en líneas generales, entre las décadas de 1930 y 1940. Sin embargo, Gustavo Rodríguez (2007), Patrick Rossineri (2011), Daniel Barret (2011), Felipe Corrêa (2012), Rafael Uzcátegui (2014), por sólo mencionar algunos, desarrollaron un vibrante debate sobre el despertar del anarquismo, sus tendencias y tensiones en América Latina. Asimismo, una modesta indagación sobre el movimiento anarquista entre 1997 y 2013 en Buenos Aires, su área metropolitana, y La Plata nos permite constatar su incidencia durante la crisis del 2001 y la restauración del sistema. En efecto, los anarquistas protagonizaron desde acciones directas violentas, propias del insurreccionalismo, hasta acciones de inserción social en coordinación con movimientos sociales, características de la tendencia especifista.

El congreso revolucionario celebrado en Londres en 1881, con asistencia de algunos de los líderes más destacados del anarquismo internacional, como Kropotkin y Malatesta, representó un intento fallido de recrear la Internacional anitiautoritaria, desaparecida tras el congreso de Verviers de 1877, y mostró con ello la orientación contraria a las grandes organizaciones que predominaba en el movimiento anarquista. El congreso lanzó un llamamiento a la propaganda por el hecho y al uso revolucionario de los explosivos, que tuvo eco en atentados realizados en diversos países en años sucesivos. En cambio, el proyecto de Kropotkin de combinar las organizaciones obreras amplias con los pequeños grupos clandestinos orien-tados a la acción violenta no logró ponerse en práctica.