Gospel of Philip

The article interprets the so-called “Eucharistic section” in John 6:51–58 in the context of early Christian text on the Eucharist, especially Ignatius and Justin, but also Irenaeus and the Gospel of Philip. It interprets the Eucharist as a ritual by which, according to early Christian texts, canonical and non-canonical, the believers gain eternal life though their participation in Christ.

A later addition to the canon of the lost scripture, if not the last memento of the Apostles, the small note written from Peter to Phillip was embellished by Clement's scribes with about 100 lines of teaching.

Appears to be a legitimate book of the canon.

It has been proposed that references to Jesus’ relationship to Mary Magdalene in the Gospel of Philip represent a possible context for an early gospel fragment in which Jesus refers to her as ‘My wife’. It will be argued here that Mary’s relationship to Jesus in Philip is determined by her role as privileged recipient of revelation, not by her marital status. More significant in accounting for the Jesus’ Wife fragment is the Gospel of Thomas, which the author appears to have known in precisely the text-form represented by the one surviving Coptic exemplar.

This article is a subchapter of a much longer study (about 80 pages) entitled: The Mother of Jesus and the Magdalene: One and the same Mary? An overview of the Sources (awaiting publication in a specific journal in one or more parts or as a separate booklet). The following passage gave the translators a lot of trouble and was the subject of much comment. The aim of a translation is to clarify the meaning of the text as well as possible, not to obscure it. Thus, I am following the translation of Jacques-Étienne Ménard which remains close to the text and seems to me to have grasped its spirit...

This text is an exploration of the role of the Sacred Feminine in the Gnostic Pantheons, an analysis of the rite called the Mystery of the Bridal Chamber in the Gospel of Philip, and includes a comparison with the Upper & Lower Mothers in Kabbalah.

Cet article est un sous-chapitre d'une étude beaucoup plus longue (environ 80 pages) intitulée : La Mère de Jésus et la Magdaléenne : Une seule et même Marie ? Un aperçu des sources (en attente de publication dans une revue spécifique en une ou plusieurs parties ou sous forme de livret séparé)

I hereby release my Unicode transcription of Thomas into the public domain.
With the papyrus of the Nag Hammadi Library publicly accessible, so must the transcriptions be, in order that translations can be verified - and 'silent emendations' such as translating Chrestian with Christian on every single one of its 5 occurrences (without a single note or indication) in the Gospel of Philip rendered obsolete: 5 times it says Chrestian there, 2 times it says Christian - yet no translation contains the word Chrestian.
How can that be, isn't there a single Coptic translator who thinks that Chrestian should say Chrestian?
Needless to say, this doesn't happen the other way around, with "translators" translating Christian with Chrestian

Biblical academic must change, and the falsification must stop - and measures must be taken to prevent future repetition. This paper contains a proposal for the future, as well as an example of the 'silent emendation' of Chrestian into Christian by the four first and foremost translations: Schenke, Till, Wilson, and Layton

________________________________________________________________________________
+++Version Management+++
Includes Discussion content (30 pages) - see https://www.academia.edu/57161277/Publication_List_and_Discussion_Content_access

The article was written at the University of Oslo, Faculty of Theology, under the aegis of project NEWCONT (New Contexts for Old Texts: Unorthodox Texts and Monastic Manuscript Culture in 4th- and 5th-Cent. Egypt), funded by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Community’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013) / ERC Grant agreement no 283741.

Jesus concludes his famous conversation with Nathanael at John 1:51 by saying: "...ou will see the skies/heavens opened, and God's messengers ascending and descending on the son of the (first) human." This essay examines the meaning of this declaration through refence to contextual texts, especially in the Tanakh, the Talmud, and the Gospel of Philip.

Renumbers into 650 verses, in 26 chapter sub-divisions. Hints that the Philippians were carrying the ark of the covenant (also the ark of testimony) during the generation of Clement, AD 64-99. 

A text from the first years of the reformed religious order of the Essene monks, the Gnostics. A general letter to the inner circles of the churches, of relatively advanced doctrine published during the leadership of Clement of Rome, AD 64-99.

The language of the first lines is reminiscent of the documents of the Essene religious order, the literature of the so-called Dead Sea scrolls, wherein a new member is given indoctrination in the expectations of the religious order. The name Philip is thought to be a used here for a code name of Clement.

Philippi was a large city and Roman province of noble Greek Romans, of some very ancient Greek allies (i.e Apollo).

The document is noted for some corruptions in the text, that have been given clarification with suggestions.  Any suggestions?

This book offers fresh readings of the Gospel of Philip (NHC II.3) and the Exegesis on the Soul (NHC II.6) from new theoretical and historical perspectives. Eschewing the category of “Gnosticism” and challenging common categorisations, the book analyses the preserved Coptic texts as coherent Christian compositions contemporary with the production and use of the Nag Hammadi Codices. A methodological framework based on Cognitive Poetics is outlined and applied to illuminate how the texts present a soteriology of transformation through religious rituals and practices using complex conceptual and intertextual blends with important polemical and paraenetic functions. The analysis highlights the use of metaphors and allusions in (re-)interpretations of authoritative Scripture, ritual and dogma. Complete Coptic texts and translations are included.

From the Nag Hammadi library of 1945, a early Gnostic document from circa AD 76. 

Wrote in the style of the gospels of Philip and Thomas, the text is a companion to the Wisdom of Jesus.

From the series of posthumous books about the teachings of the Lord Jesus to the Apostles, using a literary device in order to preach the divine philosophies of the Lord Jesus some 40 years after the cross.

Many words are unavailable in the text. 

Can you guess what they might be?  A real fill-in-the-blank opportunity for everybody!

This chapter focuses on the Script of the Lord’s Infancy (LI), whose nucleus, an early apocryphal text about the birth and the infancy of Jesus, was introduced into Armenia in 588 by missionaries of the Syriac Church of the East. Although after the Œcumenical Council of Ephesus (431) the Armenian Church had officially condemned the strict dyophysite doctrine of the Church of the East and later even embraced strict Cyrilline Christology, this new theological orientation could not be implemented overnight across the entire territory of  Armenia. The reception and translation of that early apocryphon in Armenia  witness to the enduring influence that East-Syriac tradition could still exercise there a century and a half after the schism occasioned by the Council of Ephesus. The complex history of its transmission reflects the great popularity that a Syriac apocryphon about the birth and the childhood of Christ enjoyed in  Armenia over centuries.
Echoes of various religious traditions that had coexisted in the Near East during the first centuries of Christianity reached Armenia through the LI. Some accounts of this apocryphon have parallels in the eighth-century Syriac Chronicle of Zuqnın and in the Arabic Gospel of Infancy, which also derives from Syriac originals. In its actual recensions the LI  bears traces of original theological reflection outside a formal ecclesiastical framework; no details survive of the circumstances or the process of its composition. It was never officially accepted by the Armenian Church, yet its esoteric motives may be found in hymnography, book illumination and hagiography. This text, which contains carefully elaborated narratives with numerous learned references, represents a junction between ancient Christological ideas – rejected, abandoned or overlooked by official Churches – and the actual forms of Christian devotion in the Syriac world and, subsequently, in Armenia, first under Zoroastrian and, later, Islamic rule.

A Christian text from AD 100 about Adam and the Creation, incompletely translated from Slavonic and partly corrupted by some ancient scribe(s).
Clearly a metaphoric esoteric Gnostic document from the middle Gnostic years at the end of the first century of Clement's enlightenment. Appearing to be a memorial to the turn of the century, and to Clement's martyrdom in AD 99, akin to the Gospel of Philip.

Abstract for its application of Jesus in the place of God the Creator, possibly throwing doubt on the doctrine of the deification of Jesus. Noted for advanced doctrines.

Table of Contents for Aries: Journal for the Study of Western Esotericism
Editor-in-chief: Peter J. Forshaw
Guest Editor: Dylan M. Burns
Issue 15.1 containing articles by Joshua Ezra Burns, Matthew Twigg, Dylan M. Burns, Christian H. Bull, and Gregory Shaw
Roundtable: Kelley Coblentz Bautch, Ra'anan Boustan, and Kocku von Stuckrad

Pages 253–75 in Gospels and Gospel Traditions in the Second Century: Experiments in Reception. Edited by Jens Schröter, Tobias Nicklas, and Joseph Verheyden. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 235. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2019.

The research and writing of this article were conducted within the context of the NEWCONT-project (New Contexts for Old Texts: Unorthodox Texts and Monastic Manuscript Culture in Fourth- and Fifth-Century Egypt) at the University of Oslo, Faculty of Theology. The project was financed by a ‘Starting Grant’ from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Community’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013) / ERC Grant agreement no 283741.

In questo scritto mi sono proposta di esaminare il ruolo rivestito dai dispositivi di Legge e Grazia all’interno di due Vangeli gnostici, il Vangelo di Verità e il Vangelo di Filippo. Attraverso un’analisi svolta su due livelli, uno filosofico ed uno esegetico, ho voluto evidenziare la dinamica che Legge e Grazia esibiscono operando congiuntamente, e non separatamente, nel processo della conversione.

Dan Brown attrae tramite la sua scrittura le menti più curiose, riuscendo a trattenere e cogliere l'attenzione oltre che suscitare quell'affascinante senso di mistero tipico del thriller archeologico. Quel che sfugge è, tuttavia, la completa e totale mancanza di morale nell'atto di riportare informazioni storicamente e scientificamente sbagliate tacciandole di vero, estrapolando frasi e versi decontestualizzati cercando di sfruttarli a supporto delle proprie teorie. L'obbiettivo di questo elaborato è fornire una, per quanto non esaustiva, spiegazione di ciò che si annida dietro il suo lavoro, svelandone le incorrettezze e dando voce a ciò che non viene detto.

The Gospel of Philip is a non-canonical Gnostic Gospel dated to around the 3rd century but lost in medieval times until rediscovered by accident, buried with other texts near Nag Hammadi in Egypt, in 1945. A single manuscript of the Gospel of Philip, in Coptic (CG II), was found in the Nag Hammadi library, a cache of documents that was secreted in a jar and buried in the Egyptian desert at the end of the 4th century.

Public-facing article that discusses ancient theories of sight in relation to concerns about conception and the impact on the resulting child.--  https://jewishstudies.washington.edu/jewish-history-and-thought/ancient-world-theory-of-vision-ugly-babies/

Even though many scholars have embraced the bridal chamber in the Gospel of Philip as a reference to a type of ritual, there has been little research regarding the material nature or physicality of this ritual. Nevertheless, although a discussion of materiality has largely been absent from scholarship regarding the bridal chamber ritual, the question of materiality is not entirely out of our reach. On the contrary, the text’s reference to a “mirrored” bridal chamber suggests that a mirror or mirrors played a role in the bridal chamber ritual. Previous scholarship has treated the author’s usage of the term mirrored as a simple metaphorical description of the bridal chamber. However, the question regarding the realness of the mirror in the mirrored bridal chamber has never been legitimately explored as a historical possibility, and the research presented in this presentation attempts to rectify that situation. By comparing the textual context and purpose of the mirrored bridal chamber in the Gospel of Philip with other rituals in Greco-Roman society which utilized the mirror as a power-filled ritual tool, including its use in marriage ceremonies, we discover that there is historical precedence to suggest that the mirror was used as a powerful ritual tool in the mirrored bridal chamber. The findings of my research suggest that the community of the Gospel of Philip would likely have been drawn to the mirror due to the mirror’s ability to act as a gateway to the gods, affect transformation, evoke light, dispel evil spirits, and enable a process of unification between God and initiate, or in the case of the Gospel of Philip, between husband and wife.

The Gospel of Philip has been labeled as a Valentinian Christian text within most scholarship. However, this identification of the Gospel of Philip as a Valentinian Christian text has obscured the Jewish background of a number of features of the text and the community that speaks in it. That community explicitly identifies with Jewish roots when the author declares early on, “When we were Hebrews, we were orphans and had only our mother, but when we became Christians, we had both father and mother.” If we understand the author’s use of the labels “Hebrews” and “Christians” to more be more than metaphorical, and instead understand them as meaningful self-designations used by a community of Jewish converts to Christianity, then how does this transform our understanding of the content of the text and the nature of the religious competition in which it is engaging? We can discern continuity of Jewish thought and practice being utilized not only to compete against other Christianities, but also as a means to compete against ‘pagan’ practices such as theurgy. Lastly, what is at stake in our own ‘competition’ over the labeling of texts such as the Gospel of Philip?