Drug Use and Prohibition (Anthropology)

Beginning with his arrest for possession of marijuana December 24, 1965, Dr. Timothy Leary became embroiled in a very public series of court cases that sought initially to utilize the Free Exercise Clause of the United States Constitution to challenge established United States drug laws regarding marijuana. Though Leary’s attempts at using the Free Exercise Clause were unsuccessful, his case was eventually heard by the United States Supreme Court, who, in 1969, found major elements of the 1937 Marihuana Tax Law unconstitutional and overturned Leary’s conviction. This chapter will trace evolution of Leary’s defense argument from one based on religious freedom to one based on due process and the Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination. Leary’s initial freedom of religion defense was based on the success of the Native American Church’s 1964 California State Supreme Court ruling that protected that group’s sacramental use of peyote within its religious ceremonies. This chapter will also describe how the success of Native American Church case led Leary to popularize and speak out in favor of small groups of psychedelic users establishing their own “official” religions. Leary followed his own advice by creating the League for Spiritual Discovery in 1966 and was seen as a religious leader by the founder of the Neo-American Church (another psychedelic quasireligion) as well. Seeing themselves as a persecuted people under legal attack for their spiritual and experimental practices, both the NeoAmerican Church and the League for Spiritual Discovery sought to emulate the Native American Church and establish legal protections for the use of illegal substances.

In this review, I explore some of the lines of inquiry that have emerged in anthropology and closely related disciplines around the theme of drugs and gender. The critical research on drugs over the past few decades has tended to focus on how prohibition policies are racialized, which has been important for revealing the injustice and racism found in drug policies and in com-monsense notions about drugs and drug use. Drawing from intersectional theorists who have long argued that racial categories are never experienced or imposed as singular identities separate from gender, language, class, and sexuality, I argue in this article that the literature on gender and drugs has struggled with two main interrelated problems: determining (a) how to understand gender and race together and (b) how to theorize gender in relation to power when these two factors are often conflated with each other in both popular discourse and theoretical dispositions about the war on drugs.

Here I take up calls to engage in developing an “ethnobiology of us,” in which Western biota-cultural relations are centered. When Western-influenced scholars study extinct and extant cultures of cannabis cultivation, trade, and consumption in celebratory, reverential, or mundane contexts, it is crucial for appropriate self-reflective positionality to appreciate the power, persistence, and remarkable idiosyncrasy of the western socioecological worldview of cannabis. In human-cannabis relations, I argue this is essential, as the Western worldview carries profound hegemonic weight, influencing preconceptions of scholars and global societies. A prevailing Western notion is that close contact with cannabis is socially legitimate only for a privileged few and otherwise harshly criminalized and stigmatized. Constructed scarcity and inequitable accessibility of this traditional and widely cultivated species and its products are ubiquitous, including near-total invisibility of wild and cultivated plots.

Drawing upon my own memories and reflections navigating multiple cannabis-related cultural frames, spanning from disgust to fear and curiosity to reverence, I will chronicle the cannabis and the various cultural frames in which it was embedded, which I have passively or actively encountered throughout my life, including in my training and practice as a geographer and medical doctor. The thematic arc has been shifting from alienating to allying with cannabis, yet, at the same time, being ever-vigilant of the official marginality of that alliance and related structural violence. To adapt to that social marginalization, I have come to accept various logics that connect cannabis with the body, stretching from spiritual and cosmological, cultural-traditional, and pharmacological-biochemical.

Keywords: autobiology, human–cannabis relationship, prohibition, structural violence, embodiment

The Mexican government's "war on drugs," carried out with full support from the United States, has gained a visible media presence in the past few years, particularly because of extremely high levels of violence. This violence, however, has been largely represented in the media as a masculinized battle between cartels and military forces. Official discourses often insist that most victims are men directly involved in narco-trafficking, oversimplifying the nature of the violence (which is often created by military forces) and missing women's presence among the victims as well in activist circles. This essay problematizes these misconceptions by examining the recent emergence of activism among Mexican women affected by the violence of the " war on drugs. " In particular, I analyze, first, how women who lost family members to this violence became active protestors of government policies and, second, the affective and political relations they forge as part of this activism. Based on fieldwork in Mexico City and the United States, I examine the trajectories and experiences of women involved in the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity (Movimiento por la Paz con Justicia y Dignidad) and The Mothers' Network (La red de las madres). Specifically, I analyze the way that gender roles, kinship ties, and motherhood informs the experience of many activists but also the ways in which some of them make sense of their agency in their roles as sisters, daughters or indeed through their experiences of violence not expressed through an affiliation with kin.

Successful ‘recovery’ from long-term problem drug use has depended largely upon understanding and tackling the physiological and psychological nature of drug dependence; however, drawing upon research and practice in Liverpool, England, the author questions whether this discourse is sufficient given the changing nature, context and attitudes towards drug consumption in the twenty-first century. This article emphasises the importance of incorporating structural and social factors. Drawing upon qualitative data from three separate studies, the author illustrates how stigmatisation, marginalisation, and social exclusion are significant debilitating components that have tended to be overlooked. This paper contributes new insights into the damaging impact of political rhetoric and structural discrimination that has placed many long-term drug users vulnerable to relapse. In response to these findings the author offers a new conceptual framework for practice that incorporates and pro-motes an understanding of the social nature and context of long-term drug dependence.

This article provides a rationale for understanding the United States' war on drugs as a biopolitical enterprise that restricts the states of consciousness humans can avail themselves to. Given the intimate relationship between psychoactive drugs and human cognition, perception, and behavior, the tactics of illegalization, persecution, and misinformation mobilized by the war on drugs have inherently delimited the conscious states available to the population. Drug regulations and prohibitions in contemporary US society have resulted in a biopolitical normalization of consciousness that reinvokes colonial refrains of domination historically mobilized against traditional ritual, healing, and spiritual practices and pharmacopeias. From a decolonial perspective, the biopolitical delimitation of consciousness ensuing from the war on drugs can be understood as a form of epistemic hegemony insofar as the alternate states brought about by certain drugs, in this case psychedelic substances, are delegitimized despite an array of evidence attesting to their epistemological, therapeutic, and philosophical import. By examining contemporary research on classic psychedelics, this article illustrates how psychedelics temporarily suppress the top-down structures which maintain normal waking consciousness, including the perceptual and conceptual boundaries that influence behavior. As such, this article examines how classic psychedelic drugs and experiences can be understood as anarchic agents that can assist in decolonizing the spaces of consciousness wherein unyielding colonial patterns of thought have become concretized.

Amid changing state laws to legalize the growing, selling, and use of cannabis for medical and recreational purposes in the United States, activists and advocates continue to help legitimize cannabis through museum-like practices and heritage work. They recognize the importance of destigmatizing the plant and its users, and effectively use exhibits to educate the public as one means of spreading their message. Given the rapid commodification of legal cannabis, some are also documenting its prohibition in order to protect members of cannabis subcultures whose livelihoods are now threatened. Through engaged scholarship, I examine efforts of two museums and two groups of advocates to represent and make visible the heritage of cannabis in the United States.

Artigo qualitativo fundado em metodologia zetética empírica para análise das consequências da política pública de "guerra às drogas" a partir da interdisciplinaridade científica, sobretudo das ciências sociais. A argumentação objetivou promover uma crítica progressista de adoção de medidas alternativas à atual política sobre drogas no Brasil, trazendo ao debate argumentos não proibicionistas. Assim, fez-se uma abordagem histórica do homem e das experiências proibitivas, partindo da Lei Seca de 1930 nos Estados Unidos da América até a criação da "Guerra às Drogas" em 1970, vista sob seu contexto político-social, e comparando os resultados obtidos com aqueles desejados. Por fim, fez-se o estudo de casos sobre recentes experiências regulatórias internacionais como abordagens alternativas à questão enquanto políticas pautadas nos direitos humanos e voltadas à saúde. Para tanto foi utilizado material bibliográfico e documental como técnicas de pesquisa. A execução realizou-se através do raciocínio dialético e indutivo somado ao método monográfico, visando inferir tendências dos caminhos da guerra às drogas no Brasil e suas consequências sociais, em especial quanto os direitos humanos. A conclusão aponta que a guerra está perdida, sendo urgente promover medidas alternativas através do debate sério, pautado na educação, voltado para a saúde e embasado em argumentos éticos e científicos. Palavras chave: Proibicionismo, Maconha, Legalização, Direitos humanos, Criminalização.

Thomsen (2015) argues that people with disabilities should be granted an exception to a general prohibition on paying for sex. In this paper, I argue that Thomsen’s definition of disability is too vague to be useful in identifying who should be granted an exception to an overall ban, and that Thomsen’s case for a ban also fails to withstand scrutiny. A more reasonable argument, in my view, is that mature individuals should be allowed to decide for themselves (a) what kind of consensual sex they wish to engage in, and (b) in exchange for what.

Deals with implementation of prohibition policy in India. Brings out diverse aspects of this policy across state governments and the real motives behind those policies. Revenue mobilization and bribes are paramount and regulation of production and restriction of consumption of liquor are incidental.

Le mezcal est la boisson identitaire des Mexicains. Issu de la distillation de l'agave, ce spiritueux est encore très mal connu en dehors de son pays d'origine. Ignoré du grand public, le véritable mezcal exerce une fascination transculturelle auprès des connaisseurs du monde entier. Cette eau-de-vie est aujourd'hui l'un des spiritueux les plus en vogue. L'histoire du mezcal c'est aussi celle du Mexique. Cette boisson symbolise la quintessence de la culture mexicaine. La fabrication artisanale, la large palette aromatique et la production biologique font la spécificité de cet « enfant terrible du Mexique ». Le renouveau du mezcal prend sa source au Mexique et aux États-Unis. Son passage par les circuits culturels internationaux participe à sa découverte et sa légitimation. Distillé et consommé principalement par les populations indigènes d'origine rurale, il a longtemps été ignoré, voire méprisé par les élites qui aujourd'hui en sont particulièrement friandes. Ce livre analyse le processus de réhabilitation du mezcal. Il donne à voir la manière dont se construit son nouveau statut symbolique, révèle les contradictions liées au développement économique du Mexique. Par là même, il mesure l'évolution des rapports économiques et sociaux qui sous-tendent ce processus. Combinant une analyse sociologique et historique, cet ouvrage propose au lecteur un véritable voyage au « pays du mezcal ».

This chapter examines empirical data on contraventions of the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971. In particular we examine why Scotland prosecutes twice as many people for drug dealing than England and Wales. We explore cultural, procedural and political differences in Scotland that may help explain the differences in the number of prosecutions for dealing. Firstly we examine the addiction concept which is underpinned by several cultural beliefs which can be traced to temperance ideology; we then address procedural changes in Scottish policing, and finally examine the impact of Scotland’s political decision to increase its commitment to prohibition by deciding to emulate the USA Drugs Enforcement Administration.

"The Crack Smokers Theater. Staging Emotions and Self Exposure

Based on an ethnographic fieldwork in the neighborhood of la Goutte-d'Or in Paris, this article examines the social uses of emotions of drug addicts in crack houses. Behind the appearance of an irrational discourse, emotions give meaning to social interaction in everyday life and allow the re-articulation of heterogeneous experiences in the continuity of life courses.
Keywords
Drug Addiction, Crack, Poverty, Emotions, Social Inequality

Le théâtre des fumeurs de « crack ». Mise en scène émotionnelle et voilement/dévoilement de soi

À partir d'une enquête ethnographique dans le quartier de la Goutte-d'Or à Paris, cet article interroge le jeu des émotions durant les scènes collectives de consommation de crack. Derrière les apparences du discours irrationnel, la mise en scène des émotions et le voilement/dévoilement de soi participent à construire du sens à ces interactions « sous influence » à l'intérieur des squats précaires, réarticulant des expériences hétérogènes dans la continuité de parcours de vie.
Mots clés
Toxicomanie, Crack, Pauvreté, Émotions, Inégalités sociales

Das Theater der Crack-Raucher - Emotionale Inszenierung und Verschleierung/Enthüllung des eigenen Selbst

Auf Grundlage einer ethnographischen Untersuchung im Pariser Viertel Goutte-d'Or hinterfragt der vorliegende Beitrag die Emotionalität des gemeinsamen Crackrauchens. Denn hinter den scheinbar irrationalen Diskursen, hinter der Inszenierung von Emotionen sowie hinter der Verschleierung und Enthüllung des eigenen Selbst, die man in den besetzten Häuser des sozialschwachen Stadtviertels findet, verbirgt sich die Konstruktion von Sinnhaftigkeit, von Interaktionen, von gleichartigen Erfahrungen und somit von Kontinuität.

Schlagwörter
Rauschgiftsucht, Crack, Armut, Emotionen, Soziale Ungleichheiten"

In recent decades, the growing interest of Westerners in the psychotropic brew ayahuasca and the participation in exotic rituals has led to the multiplication of “shamanic centers” in the Peruvian Amazon. Among these, Takiwasi is a therapeutic community that welcomes hundreds of national and foreign clients every year. This institution, created by a French physician in 1992, was originally intended to propose a therapeutic alternative for the treatment of addiction, characterized by the use of tools of Peruvian mestizo shamanism, biomedicine and clinical psychology. The diachronic evolution of the institution is however marked by the growing use of elements of the Catholic tradition. In this article, I will examine the hypothesis that these transformations can be interpreted as the effects of the globalization of the use of ayahuasca and its legal and political consequences. Thus, the case of Takiwasi underlines the role played by religious traditions and the medical field in the construction, legitimization and maintenance of new and hybrid practices that are multiplying around the use of ayahuasca.

Liebster Sascha,

hier ein Text mit dem Inhalt einer Msil an Anne Fröhlich als mir viele Jahre bekannte, sozial sehr engagiertes  Mitglied vom Hanfverband Tübingen, das gerade den Partner mit Namen durch Lungenkrebs verloren hat (Kleinzeller: Durchschnittliche Lebenserwartung ab Diagnose 6 Monate). Es ist gut möglich, dass ich Dhan vom Computerpool der UB bei der Infotheke kannte. Vor einer Woche wurde er zu Grabe getragen. Hier die Teile des Dokuments: Dhan [2 Seiten] / Rahel: Alkoholismus, Theologie, Indologie, Freimaurer und faschistische Theo- und Anthroposophie [8 Seiten] / Legalisieren von Hanf und anderen
Pflanzen und Substanzen einschließlich Wirkung von Verboten [1 Seite]/ mein
persönliches Befinden: Ereignisse seit 2015 [9 Seiten]

DIR sendet vratlichst
LOVE

Your
Ravi

Und hier eine kleine Ergänzung:: Aus den mehr als 3h Telefongespräch am späten Samstag Abend mit mit meiner feminostisch-courag(e)-ierten alten Bekannten Anne Fröhlich erinnere ich mich an Folgendes von allgemeinem Interesse: Für soziale (Geschlechter)Gerechtigkeit ist für Anne ein [finanzielles] Aufwerten von Care-Arbeiten notwendig: Putzen, Küchenarbeit, Wäschepflege, Betreuen von alten und sonstigen Menschen, die Betreuung benötigen wie Menschen mit körperlich-phsischen, seelisch-psychischen und geistig-intellektuellen Einschränkungen sowie Kinder, aber auch Erziehung, bei der sich die Formen der psychologischen Verhaltensformung sehr bewährt haben wie Chaining,cShaping und Verstärkungslernen/operant conditioning [s. wikipedia.de: Behaviorismus], sei es zu Hause oder im Kindergarten. Hierzu meine alte Bekannte Moni(ka) Schneider ((Hauptschülerin mit sehr großer Allgemeinbildung) aus Ofterdingen als alleinerziehende Mutter mit von ihr gesuchter Unterstützung durch die sehr kompetente Sozialpädagpgin Frau Späth vom Jugendamt Tübingen "Das habe ich als Hartz-IV-lerin im Rahmen der allgemeinen Teilhabe bei der Familienbildungsstätte (Villa Metz) gelernt. Klang zwar erst einmal ein bissle wie Hundedressur, aber bei meinem Michi hat's funktioniert. Wenn er wieder mal Scheiße gebaut hat, dann gab's eben mal keinen Sponge Bob. Nur konsequent muss man sein m, als sich auf keinen Fall breit schlagen lassen mit jammern. Da half auch kein Diskutieren. Und wenn er mich mal wieder kreuznarrisch gemacht gemacht hat, dann bin ich zuerst in den Keller gegabgen und habe Holz gehackt und habe danach die Konsequenz gezogen. Geschlagen habe ich ihn kein einziges Mal, dass Maximum war ein Knuff auf den Oberarm mit 14, aber da hat er es auch drauf angelegt." (Sein Erzeuger Rosskopp hingegen hatte, als Michi 4 Jahre alt war, eine aufblasbare Sexpuppe von Beate Uhse ohne Arme, Beine und Kopf, nur mit riesigen Eutern und dem Loch ebenbim Zimmer liegen und stahl ihr Geld aus dem Geldbeutel, wenn er wieder mal erst um 17h zu ihr kam, in die Küche verschwand und nach 5h immer noch nichts zu kochen zu Stande gebracht hatte, wenn sie sich mit Michi längst Pizza bestellt und gegessen hatte, weil Michi und sie um 22h ins Bett gehen mussten, weil Michi und sie morgens um halb sieben aufstehen mussten, damit Michi pünktlich zur Schule kam. Hierüber führte er exakt mit Angabe der gestohlenen Beträge, Datum und Uhrzeit Buch und war so dumm, den Zettel offen in seinem Zimmer liegen zu lassen, den Michi fand und zu Moni brachte. Das Alles ließ sie sich von Michi in meiner Gegenwart bestätigen. Anscheinend war Risskopp so dumm, dass er nicht einmal bemerkte, dass der Zettel fehlte - verständlich, dass Moni das alleinige Sorgerecht beantragte, da sie Michi alleine zur Welt bringen musste, während sich draußen vor der Frauenklinik volllaufen ließ, immer ml wieder reinwankte, fragte "Und, ist er schon da" und ihn dann sturzbetrunken  kaum noch stehen könnend begrüßte. Seine Zimmer waren ein einziger Saustall mit überall wochenlang gelagertem Müll, seit ich ihn in meiner Funktion als für den Außenkontakt verantwortliches, die Publikums-Infotexte verfassendes mitgründendes Vorstandsmitglied der Deutsch-Indischen Kulturgesellschaft Tübingen als unseren ehrenamtlichen Grafiker und gescheiterten Indologiestudenten und später gleichsam gescheiterten Teilhaber eines Computerhandels kennenlernte. ) Im Sinn vom Modelllernen( Albert Bandura), dem Lernen am Vorbild, kann man von Glück sagen, dass MichisvKontakt zu ROSSKOPP  nur beschränkt war. So viel zu Erziehung als Teil der Care-Arbeit. Anne ist zum Thema Care-Arbeit ist Anne auf örtlicher Ebene eine wertvolle Gesprächspartneri, auf örtlicher Ebene erarbeutete Gesellschaftsmodelle lassen sich sicher gut mit den queer-feministisch wissenschaftlich Forschenden Sabine Hark und Mike Laufenberg durchsprechen.

Zum Thema Verteilen der hohen Atbeitslast bei vielen Arbeitslosen auf viele Schultern sagte Anne: "Da bringen die Arbeitgebenden immer das Gegenargument, dass sie die Sozialabgaben nicht finanzieren könnten", also die zu jeweils 50% von Arbeitgebenden und Arbeitnehmenden getragenen Kranken- und Rentenversicherung, die bei Arbeitslosen vom Staat finanziert, vertreten durch die Landratsämter am Wohnsitz der Betroffenen. Das lässt sich dadurch lösen, dass die Landratsämter am (meldepflichtigen realen)  Wohnsitz der Betroffenen für die Mehrausgaben der Arbeitgebenden aufkommen (eventuell begrenzt auf das Maximum der ALG2-Beiträge). Wo eine positive Absicht ist, findet sich immer ein Weg, sie zu verwirklichen.

This essay will evaluate to what extent the opinions in favor of drug prohibition to reduce violence are valid. We will argue that, even if drugs are to be considered harmful per se, the extent of the violence imposed on the inhabitants of the countries involved in the production and commercialization of illegal drugs are by far more harmful than the damage done by the consumers. Besides, drug consumers decide to harm themselves while drug related violence is imposed on victims.

A PhD studentship is available for UK and EU citizens only. The studentship will attract an annual tax-free stipend of £14,777 for up to 3 years, subject to satisfactory progress and will cover the UK/EU tuition fees. You should hold a first degree equivalent to at least a UK upper second class honours degree in a relevant subject. This project would suit a student with a strong background in international health policy and systems. Candidate whose first language is not English must provide evidence that their English language is sufficient to meet the specific demands of their study, the Faculty minimum requirements are: • British Council IELTS-score of 6.5 overall, with no element less than 6.0 • TOEFL iBT-overall score of 92 with the listening and reading element no less than 21, writing element no less than 22 and the speaking element no less than 23.

En la presente comunicación me gustaría reflexionar sobre cómo el prohibicionismo aún pervive en nuestra sociedad. Y, especialmente centrarnos en los que podemos llamar el micro-prohibicionismo, es decir, en aquellas prácticas y discursos cuotidianos que hacen que el prohibicionismo se reproduzca y continúe operando en nuestra sociedad (reificación, naturalización, resistencia al cambio). Es decir, presentar un mirada más próxima, cotidiana e incluso mundana, porque quiero presentar la idea que el prohibicionismo, no es solo los tratados de fiscalización de las Naciones Unidas, la JIFE, los artículos 369 y siguiente del Código Penal, la Ley Mordaza. Esto solo representa la carcasa jurídica y burocrática que poco importarían si se reprodujese diariamente por cada uno de los ciudadanos. Para terminar vamos a reflexionar como podemos subvertir la el micro-prohibicionismo.

U radu se, putem promatranja konstrukcije pijenja kao društvenog problema iz socio-konstruktivističke perspektive, nude objašnjenja koncepcija alkoholizma kao bolesti zavisnosti, pijenja i opijanja kao društveno poželjnog/nepoželjnog obrasca ponašanja, kao i korelacija ovih fenomena sa drugim društvenim procesima koji su se odvijali u konvergenciji sa sazdavanjem pijenja kao društvenog problema, poput stvaranja države-nacije, koncepta odgovornog građanina/građanke, podele na privatnu i javnu sferu, invencijom koncepta zavisnosti i koncepta adiktivne ličnosti. Pomenuti proces smešten je u okvire konstrukcije društvenog problema prema Spektoru i Kicusu, ali takođe predstavlja i krnji konstrukt. Osnovna teza u radu jeste da je iz prepoznavanja pijenja kao štetnog, i samim time društvenog problema, te, sledstveno, poželjne ili nepoželjne društvene prakse, proistekao i ambivalentni odnos prema pijenju i alkoholnim pićima, globalno prisutan i implementiran u „društveni moral” posredstvom javnih politika.

This paper explores a series of theoretical approaches to the government of contemporary subjects by drawing on conversational interview data collected as part of a project on the non-medical use of painkillers. I argue that non-medical use exists at the intersection of the structure of medical authority and the agency of individual choice. The operation of medical authority is first explored through the Foucaultian concept of power/knowledge and Ulrich Beck’s ‘risk society’ theory. Liberal philosophies about healthy life choices are then explored as an important counter-discourse. The paper draws on two distinct non-medical practices to demonstrate the tension engendered by these opposing social discourses: the use of painkillers to preempt a headache; and the use of painkillers to manage an opiate dependence. A large portion of the participants in this study discussed using painkillers before they had a headache, in order to avoid a headache. Others discussed the injection of painkillers to regulate an established opiate dependence. It is argued that the narratives of non-medical users stretch the governmentality literature’s emphasis on ‘governing at a distance’, by incorporating notions of resistance. This produces what I term ‘quasi-medical’ references that improvise medical discourse to creatively resist it.

Traditional understandings of extraterritoriality have overlooked
human consciousness as an intimate province of territorial
governance. Whereas traditional approaches to extraterritoriality
often adopt a modernist understanding of territory, this article
expands on the concept by referring to extraterritoriality as the
process and practice of discovering, reifying and intervening in
new domains of territorial governance. Insofar as territorial
practices adapt in accordance with emergent knowledges and
technologies, the realm of human consciousness appeared as an
object of governmental interest during the mid-twentieth century
alongside advances in neuroscience and psychopharmacology.
Through the subsequent illegalisation of psychedelic plants and
fungi, in combination with the hegemonic norms established
through disciplinary institutions, the full spectrum of human
consciousness has since become territorialised as a new domain
of governmental intervention and management. As such, this
article argues that the regulation of cognition enforced through
drug prohibitions and sanctions enfold human consciousness as
an extended domain of extraterritoriality.

This book is the first to examine how female drug user's identities, and hence their experiences, are shaped by drug policies. It analyses how the subjectivities ascribed to women users within drug policy sustain them in their problematic use and reinforce their social exclusion. Challenging popular misconceptions of female users, the book calls for the formulation of drug policies to be based on gender equity and social justice. It will appeal to academics in the social sciences, practitioners and policy makers.

Resumo : Nesse artigo busca-se problematizar uma visão que reduz o proibicionismo à uma política repressiva visando a interdição absoluta das drogas. Propomos, por meio de uma abordagem “positiva”, restituir as diversas funções de controle, de regulação e de repressão que constituem o sistema proibicionista de drogas nos focalizando no caso do Brasil no período de 1930 a 1970. Salientamos, particularmente, a atividade de fiscalização de entorpecentes que nós descrevemos a partir de suas três dimensões principais: controle estatístico, tributação e regulamentação profissional e regulação dos costumes. Examinamos, em fim, como a formalização de um mercado legítimo de drogas vem acompanhado do desenvolvimento de um conjunto de ilegalismos às margens do lícito e do ilícito. 

Résumé : Cet article propose de complexifier une analyse qui tend à réduire le prohibitionnisme à une politique répressive visant à l’interdiction absolue des drogues. Nous nous efforçons, à travers une perspective plus « positive », de rendre compte des diverses fonctions de contrôle, de régulation et de répression qui constituent le système prohibitionniste des drogues, en nous focalisant sur le cas du Brésil entre 1930 et 1970. Nous nous concentrons tout particulièrement sur l’activité de « fiscalização » des stupéfiants, dont nous décrivons les trois dimensions principales : contrôle statistique, prélèvement et réglementation des professions, et régulation des mœurs. Nous examinons enfin comment la formalisation d’un marché légitime des drogues est allé de pair avec le développement de tout un ensemble d’illégalismes, aux marges du licite et de l’illicite.

Abstract: In this article, we want to quality the common view that tends to reduce prohibition to repressive policies aiming at a total interdiction of drugs. We promote a more “positive” analytical framework to describe the different functions of drugs control, regulation and repression that define the drug prohibition regime, focusing our analysis on the case of Brazil between 1930 and 1970. We insist specifically on the activities of drugs “fiscalização”, of which we detail the three main components: statistical control, taxation and regulation of professions, reformation of manners. Eventually we study how the formalization of a legitimate drugs market has been associated with the appearance of various forms of illegalisms, at the margins between licit and illicit practices.

"Purpose – This paper aims to critically explore the consequences of how Scotland interprets the UK Misuse of Drugs Act (1971). Scotland prosecutes 24 per cent of people found in possession of illegal drugs for drug ‘‘dealing’’ compared to less than 15 per cent in England and Wales and less than
16 per cent in Northern Ireland.

Design/methodology/approach – The paper provides a narrative review in the context of the background of the economic and social costs of illegal drugs in Scotland and compares this with the UK and Northern Ireland.

Findings – The explanation for such a wide disparity in numbers of dealers between these countries proposed is that the Scottish Police force is comparatively more successful at persuading courts that small quantities of drugs rather than for personal use are in fact for onward sale or supply to others.

Practical implications – The police in Scotland have a network of specialist drug units in which officers make decisions in the absence of benchmarks against which to judge quantities of repossessed drugs. Taking this approach, a devolved Scotland’s commitment to drug prohibition has resulted in some very curious differences in classifications of prosecutions compared to other countries.

Originality/value – The paper explores the consequences of how Scotland deals with the use of illegal drugs and the economic and social costs.
Keywords Dealing, Drugs, Police, Prosecution, Scotland, Trafficking, Drug controls, Laws and legislation"

Resumo: Este artigo propõem uma reflexão sobre a genealogia da proibição da maconha no Brasil. Procurando identificar a contribuição da antropologia – através das teorias evolucionistas – na construção do discurso proibicionista que se articula tanto com o saber médico quanto com o saber jurídico. E os reflexos dessa genealogia na atual política de drogas conduzida pelo Sistema de Justiça Criminal (SJC). Abstract: This article proposes a reflection on the genealogy of marijuana prohibition in Brazil. It seeks to identify the contribution of anthropology-through evolutionary theories-in the construction of prohibitionist discourse that articulates with both medical knowledge and legal knowledge. And the reflexes of this genealogy in the current drug policy conducted by the Criminal Justice System (SJC). Resumen: Este artículo propone una reflexión sobre la genealogía de la prohibición de la marihuana en Brasil. Buscando identificar la contribución de la antropología – a través de las teorías evolucionistas-en la construcción del discurso prohibicionista que se articula tanto con el saber médico como con el saber jurídico. Y los reflejos de esa genealogía en la actual política de drogas conducida por el Sistema de Justicia Criminal (SJC).

Resumen El presente texto pretende resumir brevemente las principales corrientes teóricas de la antropología médica aplicada al fenómeno de uso de drogas. Se expone sintetizadamente el paradigma de los sistemas médicos a partir de la construcción del modelo salud/enfermedad/atención-prevención y las concepciones críticas sobre la génesis y desarrollo del modelo médico hegemónico (Biomedicina).Los conceptos de autoatención y automedicación se articularan como principales conceptos para enmarcar el consumo de drogas ilegales y legales desde una perspectiva desestigmatizante. Por último las propuestas desde la fenomenología y la significación de la experiencia vivida como objeto de estudio propondrán superar el concepto clásico de uso de drogas para sustituirlo por una concepción biocultural o biotécnica del sí (practices of the self) o del cuerpo como concepto neutro y paradigmático hacia un modelo de normalización del uso de drogas. Abstract This article attempts to briefly summarize the main theoretical trends in medical anthropology applied to the phenomenon of drug use. It depicts the paradigm of medical systems from the angle of health / disease / care-prevention, as well as critical conceptions about the genesis and development of the dominant medical model (Biomedicine). The concept of self-care and self-medication are articulated as main concepts to frame the use of illegal and legal drugs from a de-stigmatizing perspective. Finally, the proposals from phenomenology and the significance of the experience as an object of study suggested as a way to overcome the classical concept of drug use to replace it with a bio-cultural or bio-technical conception of (practices of the self) or the body as a neutral and paradigmatic concept towards a model of normalization of drug use.

Interestingly, the legalisation of cannabis might actually bolster prohibition. The global and united drug reform movement could be undermined by an unintended consequence of privileging cannabis to join the elite drugs and subsequently ‘divide and rule’ to maintain the bifurcation process. No doubt, and understandably, after the decades of oppression suffered by cannabis users, legalisation of their drug of choice will be met with a celebration of the new found freedoms and privileges, but possibly also by a lack of interest to fight to end the prohibition of all drugs. Indeed, further, it could give rise to a new momentum against ‘drugs’ or ‘hard drugs’ – as recently liberated cannabis users redefining themselves as herbalists or sensible recreational users of ‘soft’ drugs.

This paper was originally submitted as an undergraduate assignment at Leiden University College, and was later published by The Contemporary Law Forum in a shortened form (https://tclf.in/2020/08/21/bihar-liquor-prohibition-and-excise-act-2016-the-strategic-use-of-law-as-a-tool-for-battered-women/). The Indian state Bihar in 2016 introduced the “Bihar Prohibition and Excise Act”, an Act that prohibits not only the consumption of alcohol within the state, but also its production and sale. This article approaches the aforementioned ban from a socio-legal perspective and asks whose norms are being represented in the legislation, and what the actors aim to achieve in demanding a prohibition. After a discussion of the position of alcohol within the Indian society, this article argues that on the one hand, several Bihari women called for prohibition of alcohol as they consider law a tool to be wielded to negotiate with their violent husbands. On the other hand, the state of Bihar responded to the demands for prohibition in order to promote public health and productivity.

The present essay deals with the history of regimes for the prohibition of psychotropic substances in Spanish territory from remote antiquity to the present day. Just as it happened in the rest of the world, due to pressure from the international community since the Franco regime and during the democratic period that has followed the fall of Francoism, increasingly severe regulations have been adopted against the trade or consumption of prohibited substances. Despite the traditional tolerance of Spanish society against the consumption of psychotropic substances and despite the more benevolent attitude shown by the judiciary towards consumption or minor trafficking, when interpreting the ambiguous and severe prohibitionist regulations.

The use of pharmaceuticals in Australia is tied to a range of cultural narratives about consumption that have become increasing casualised. This paper will discuss the medicalised, normalised and marketised approach of the use of painkillers among a sample of non-medical drug users, collected as part of the author's PhD research. In line with much of the rest of the Western world, Australia has seen, what is termed, the medicalisation of everyday life, in which everything from diet to exercise, mood to pain now commonly fall under the domain of medical concerns. Participants who used painkillers to pre-empt a headache or avoid symptoms of stress actively drew on the medicalisation of everyday life in their narratives. Close comparisons to narratives about the normalisation of  alcohol and illicit drug use was also common among the participants. Narratives of normalisation were especially common among those who mixed painkillers with alcohol to 'get more drunk.' Lastly the use of consumer language when describing painkillers will be explored. It is argued that the integration of a medicalised, normalised and marketised approaches constitute a casual context under which a slippage between medical and non-medical ways of using painkillers becomes likely.

It appears to be a time of turbulence within the global drug policy landscape. The historically dominant model of drug prohibition endures, yet a number of alternative models of legalization, decriminalization and regulation are emerging across the world. While critics have asserted that prohibition and the ensuing ‘war on drugs’ lack both an evidence base and legitimacy, reformers are embracing these alternatives as indicators of progressive change. This article, however, argues that such reforms adhere to the same arbitrary notions, moral dogma and fallacious evidence base as their predecessor. As such they represent the ‘metamorphosis of prohibition’, whereby the structure of drug policy changes, yet the underpinning principles remain unchanged. Consequentially, these reforms should not be considered ‘progressive’ as they risk further consolidating the underlying inconsistencies and contradictions that have formed the basis of drug prohibition.

This paper was originally submitted as an undergraduate assignment at Leiden University College, and was later published by The Contemporary Law Forum in a shortened form (https://tclf.in/2020/08/21/bihar-liquor-prohibition-and-excise-act-2016-the-strategic-use-of-law-as-a-tool-for-battered-women/). The Indian state Bihar in 2016 introduced the “Bihar Prohibition and Excise Act”, an Act that prohibits not only the consumption of alcohol within the state, but also its production and sale. This article approaches the aforementioned ban from a socio-legal perspective and asks whose norms are being represented in the legislation, and what the actors aim to achieve in demanding a prohibition. After a discussion of the position of alcohol within the Indian society, this article argues that on the one hand, several Bihari women called for prohibition of alcohol as they consider law a tool to be wielded to negotiate with their violent husbands. On the other hand, the state of Bihar responded to the demands for prohibition in order to promote public health and productivity.

Although recent years have witnessed an increasingly honest and sophisticated discourse on the measurement of illicit drug markets, metrics relating to drug policy outcomes remain dominated by the activities of law enforcement agencies. This owes much to the underlying philosophy of the extant UN based international drug control system and an approach that has delivered few sustained and geographically widespread successes. Current metrics are resilient in part because they provide politically useful certainty within a complex , fluid and ultimately problematic policy domain. This is the case even though traditional indicators are increasingly at odds with policy shifts seeking to reduce the overall harm of illicit drug markets. While alert to the need for national, even local, specificity, more appropriate and holistic indicators at the multilateral level could be developed around the core purpose and principles of the UN itself and the security and health of citizens and the social and economic development of communities.

This chapter reviews a range of definitions of the term ‘well-being’, the indicators used to measure it, and its relevance to drug policy analysis.  It then explores how drug policy impacts upon well-being and, finally, discusses the issues raised with some real-world examples.  The chapter argues that  the well-being paradigm is useful in drug policy because it provides a fresh and comprehensive perspective from which to critically analyse and compare different approaches to managing drug use in society.  It will suggest that the current policy of international drug prohibition has largely negative impacts upon well-being globally.  The unregulated nature of illegal drugs undermines well-being and where well-being is already low, it lowers it further.