Critical Criminology

Violence against lesbians and gay men has increasingly captured media and scholarly attention. But these reports tend to focus on one segment of the LGBT community—white, middle class men—and largely ignore that part of the community that arguably suffers a larger share of the violence—racial minorities, the poor, and women. In Violence against Queer People, sociologist Doug Meyer offers the first investigation of anti-queer violence that focuses on the role played by race, class, and gender. Drawing on interviews with forty-seven victims of violence, Meyer shows that LGBT people encounter significantly different forms of violence—and perceive that violence quite differently—based on their race, class, and gender. His research highlights the extent to which other forms of discrimination—including racism and sexism—shape LGBT people's experience of abuse. He reports, for instance, that lesbian and transgender women often described violent incidents in which a sexual or a misogynistic component was introduced, and that LGBT people of color sometimes weren't sure if anti-queer violence was based solely on their sexuality or whether racism or sexism had also played a role. Meyer observes that given the many differences in how anti-queer violence is experienced, the present media focus on white, middle-class victims greatly oversimplifies and distorts the nature of anti-queer violence. In fact, attempts to reduce anti-queer violence that ignore race, class, and gender run the risk of helping only the most privileged gay subjects. Many feel that the struggle for gay rights has largely been accomplished and the tide of history has swung in favor of LGBT equality. Violence against Queer People, on the contrary, argues that the lives of many LGBT people—particularly the most vulnerable—have improved very little, if at all, over the past thirty years.

There are many histories of the police as a law-enforcement institution, but no genealogy of the police as a form of power. This book provides a genealogy of the modern police by tracing the evolution of ‘police science’ and of police institutions in Europe, from the ancien régime to the early 19th century. Drawing on the theoretical path outlined by Michel Foucault at the crossroads between historical sociology, critical legal theory and critical criminology, it shows how the development of police power was an integral part of the birth of the modern state’s governmental rationalities and how police institutions were conceived as political technologies for the government and social disciplining of populations. Understanding modern police not as an institution at the service of the judiciary and the law, but as a complex political technology for governing the economic and social processes typical of modern capitalist societies, this book shows how the police have played an active role in actually shaping order, rather than merely preserving it.

O presente estudo sobre criminologia mediática e direitos humanos pretende analisar a evolução da relação entre estes objetos, com o objetivo de compreender como os discursos mediáticos foram capazes de influenciar tantas pessoas, particularmente em dois momentos da história, durante o caso Dreyfus, na França; e o nazismo, na Alemanha. Para tanto, será utilizado a metodologia indutiva, com emprego da técnica de análise documental e bibliográfica. Através de revisão bibliográfica, busca-se compreender os discursos da criminologia mediática, notadamente aqueles introduzidos nos fait divers e nas propagandas.

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

As ciências criminais - criminologia, direito penal e política criminal - têm assumido distintas configurações desde a proposta de Franz von Liszt no início do séc. XX. O direito penal já foi a principal ciência que contava com o auxílio de ciências assessórias. Mais adiante, transformou-se no instrumento jurídico da política-criminal. Atualmente, existe a tendência a ver as disciplinas numa condição de igualdade com autonomia científica. As qualidades científicas próprias da criminologia e do direito penal constam insuficientemente sublinhadas, impedindo o melhor funcionamento complementar no entendimento e no tratamento do fenômeno desviante. O presente estudo busca descrever quatro diferenças essenciais entre a criminologia e o direito penal.

Acknowledging the complexity and fragmentation of the migration phenomenon, the aim of this contribution is to delve into a set of highly problematic aspects of the situation that can potentially pinpoint to the pre-existence of other 'crises', the combination of which manifests now as 'refugee crisis'.  If migration is not a novel phenomenon but Europe's reactions to it are gradually becoming harsher, can these last two years be perceived as such a threatening 'crisis' or should we carefully trace other, latent and deeper, dynamics at play before placing the ‘crisis’ label? In other words, which are the components of the current crisis in Greece and, consequently, how could these crisis components affect the symbiosis between the host society and the migrants in the near future?
The article’s structure aims to utilize a retrospective analysis of the predominantly negative attitudes towards migration in Greece – when the incoming influx was not, at least logistically, such a ‘’crisis’’ - and combine it with present policy and legal challenges which potentially legitimize and provide an excuse for pre-existing hostilities to manifest. Connecting the legal and societal status quo, albeit appearing as conceptually distinct aspects of analysis, is one of the main objectives of this contribution, since the proclaimed refugee crisis poses as a unique opportunity to showcase the interactions between the macro- and micro-level and, most notably, the effect of the former to the latter.

El FBI ha publicado el informe sobre más de 5,4 millones de incidentes y 6,290,042 de ilícitos que se presentaron al Sistema de Informes Nacionales de Incidentes (NIBRS) del Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) en 2016, y por primera vez, desde el 2016, el informe anual ha incluido datos sobre maltrato hacia los animales. El FBI actualizó sus políticas del Programa NIBRS de UCR, a partir del 1 de enero de 2016, para incluir específicamente la crueldad hacia los animales como una categoría delictiva específica de modo que las agencias de policía deberían incluirla al presentar las estadísticas delictivas al FBI. La crueldad hacia los animales es un crimen grave no solo contra los animales, sino también contra la sociedad en general. La Dra Querol afirma: “como decimos en el grupo de trabajo de la NSA/FBI protegiendo a las personas protegemos a los animales y, protegiendo a los animales protegemos a las personas”. Gracias al esfuerzo de la NSA y el FBI, el maltrato a animales se incluye desde el 2016 en el Grupo A de delitos graves, contra la sociedad. Al saber dónde están ocurriendo estos crímenes y la demografía de quién está cometiendo estos crímenes, las agencias de policía y las protectoras pueden tomar medidas proactivas para abordar los problemas en áreas con altas tasas de maltrato hacia los animales. Informar al FBI no es obligatorio, pero mientras más información se proporcione al FBI, mejor será capaz de medir la cantidad de delitos en un área específica y permitir una revisión más exhaustiva de la relación entre la crueldad hacia los animales y otros crímenes en la comunidad.

Las principales conclusiones del informe de este año:

En la comparativa de datos sobre incidentes de maltrato animal en 2016 y 2017, vemos que se ha obtenido una mejora notable pasando de 1126 incidentes en 2016 a 3228 en 2017.
Según la tipología delictiva, el 61% de los incidentes son relacionados contra la propiedad, el 23% contra las personas y el 16% contra la sociedad (categoría que incluye el maltrato hacia los animales). Durante el 2017 se han recogido 3228 incidentes de maltrato hacia los animales.
Respecto a la edad de los autores de los incidentes de maltrato animal se detectaron 2620 adultos (84%), 116 menores de 18 años (4%) y 379 individuos cuya edad era desconocida (12%).
Cuando se ha analizado el maltrato hacia los animales por sexo, destaca un 56% de hombres, un 36% de mujeres y un 8% se desconocía. Cabe señalar que la cifra de mujeres que perpetran maltrato hacia los animales es mayor de la que recogen habitualmente los estudios o los atestados policiales. Aunque aún estamos trabajando en la tipología de maltrato por sexo, los resultados abren nuevas vías de investigación.
En lo que se refiere a la autoría del maltrato animal, la mayoría de casos son perpetrados por personas de raza blanca en un (65%) de los casos, las personas de raza negra/afroamericanos un 21%, los nativos americanos un 1% , los asiáticos en un 21%, los nativos de Hawaiï o islas del Pacífico en un 1% y en un 12% de los casos se desconoce la raza. Cuando contrastamos los datos de prevalencia de otros delitos (como violencia de pareja) en reservas o en poblaciones nativas, las cifras son extremadamente altas, lo que nos hace pensar que, seguramente, las cifras de maltrato animal están infraestimadas.
Respecto a las franjas de edad en que se produce el maltrato, si observamos la franja de los 21 a los 40 años, supone el 56% de todos los casos de maltrato animal. También conviene resaltar que hemos detectado maltrato en todas las franjas de edad, desde menores de 10 años (8 casos)a mayores de 66. Del mismo modo que sucede con el análisis por edad, estamos en proceso de analizar el tipo de malrato por franja de edad.
Respecto a la geolocalización del maltrato animal destaca que la mayoría se producen en residencias o domicilios, constituyendo el 73% de todas las áreas analizadas. El hecho de que se produzca mayoritariamente en residencia o domicilio, dificulta su detección y obliga a los agentes implicados no sólo en la detección de maltrato animal, sino a otros profesionales, así como a la comunidad, a involucrarse en la detección de dicho ilícito.
Al analizar las franjas horarias en que se reportan más incidentes, llama la atención de que aumenta desde las 8 de la mañana hasta las 6 de la tarde. A pesar de que estamos analizando las causas, podría deberse a la reducción de los efectivos policiales y los agentes de control animal durante las horas nocturnas.

La importancia de mantener la penalización del maltrato a los animales en el Código Penal Ecuatoriano Noviembre de 2013 El presente es un trabajo de recopilación y análisis de un grupo de organizaciones y ciudadanos ecuatorianos preocupados por la decisión de la Asamblea Nacional de retirar del Código Penal el texto relacionado al maltrato a los animales, y sus posibles consecuencias. Mediante este documento buscamos argumentar con bases técnicas, científicas y morales la importancia de mantener la penalización del maltrato animal en procura no sólo de prevenir el sufrimiento a estos seres sino también de precautelar actos violencia hacia humanos vulnerables como niños y adultos mayores. Este trabajo cuenta con las siguientes secciones: 1. Antecedentes. 2. Estudios científicos sobre la relación entre maltrato animal y violencia interpersonal. 3. Situación de los códigos penales en otros países. 4. Algunos casos de crueldad de humanos hacia animales 5. Conclusiones 6. Bibliografía ANTECEDENTES Por Soledad Vela Abogada Máster en Derecho Ambiental La protección de los animales ya es un asunto de interés público, de ética y de responsabilidad social y está vinculado a los objetivos que persigue el Plan del Buen Vivir y a los preceptos constitucionales que promueven los Derechos de la Naturaleza donde se incluyen a los animales. Esta situación debe reflejarse en la legislación ecuatoriana de manera urgente y prioritaria, ya que además conlleva implícita la base de un tema de violencia social, misma que debe ser regulada por el Estado de manera inmediata tipificando por ejemplo el maltrato a los animales como un delito grave dentro del Código Integral Penal. La integralidad de dicho cuerpo legal implica que se regularán todos aquellos aspectos emergentes para la sociedad, penando aquellas conductas que constituyen un delito y conllevan una pena privativa de libertad. Resulta incomprensible que pese a todos los avances que se han obtenido en la legislación ecuatoriana en cuanto a respeto a la naturaleza y a la vida, se siga tomando el tema de protección animal tan a la ligera.

Terrorism is mostly recognised as being a "method", which generally is conceptualised as a guerrilla or otherwise non-legitimised act of violent force by non-recognised armed combatants, generally groups (Bosi, 2006; Bosi, 2012; Shanahan, 2016). This is a useful definition for the study of this phenomenon, because it leaves wide space for a deeper analysis of various groups, while at the same time it clearly states the necessary attributes for a terrorist group to be called as such. As the study on terrorism grew more and more from the Cold War, and after 9/11 with a striking escalation, attributes and adjectives were added to the word "terrorist group", mostly to specify the ideals behind the group. The two main sets of groups are widely accepted as "secular" and "religious" terrorist groups (Hoffman, 1988). Of course, then, each of these groups is divided into the different categories that universally form the political spectrum (right wing and left wing) and into the various religions (lately mainly on radical Islamism, but work exists on Catholicism as well) (Hoffman, 1988). This essay is going to analyse specifically left wing terrorism groups that developed and acted in Europe and South America between the 1950s and the 1990s. It will draw the analysis on two case studies: The Italian Brigate Rosse (Red Brigades) and the Nicaraguans Sandinistas, in order to highlight similarities and differences between them. The aim of this essay is to highlight how, to study the different terrorist methods of the two groups as part of the same phenomenon only on the basis of the ideology of the writings they are based upon (such as Che Guevara and Marighella), is problematic in many ways. Firstly, from an academic level, it could lead to the overlook of important differences and perspectives, as shown by the lack of historical perspectives on them (Bosi and Della Porta, 2016). Secondly, it leads to think that the main motive of their actions must be found in radical leftism, making it easy for wider discourses among the public to demonise an idea, being that of communism or that of Islamism, more common in the current climate. These points will be shown through a discussion on the two phenomena on different levels.

Recreational trespass or 'urban exploration' (UE) is the practice of researching, gaining access to and documenting forbidden, forgotten or otherwise off-limits places, including abandoned buildings , construction sites and infrastructure systems. Over the past two decades, a global subculture has coalesced around this activity. More recently, however, the practice has begun to transform along divergent lines. The aims of the present article are threefold: first, to bring UE and its emergent variants to the attention of a criminological audience; second, to interrogate increasingly spectacular visual representations of UE and attendant processes of commodification; and third, to introduce the rhizome as a way of thinking about urban social formations, their development and appropriation.

RESUMO

O presente estudo trata um tema muito relevante no mundo atual. Por meio de um olhar crítico, busca-se estudar o direito penal e sua relação com a modernidade. Observa-se que hoje se vive uma era de transformações nos modos de relacionamento entre pessoas, e que existem grandes desafios trazidos pelas novas tecnologias a serem tratados pelo Direito. Dentro da problemática levantada, procura-se mostrar a existência de tipificação para determinadas condutas que ocorrem na era digital, não sendo necessária, assim, a criação de novos tipos penais. Ainda, são analisados alguns dos crimes já existentes no ordenamento jurídico pátrio, bem como seu modo de execução na internet. Objetiva-se, mediante este artigo, portanto, a correta utilização dos tipos penais que já existem, e não a criação de novos. Para atingir essa finalidade, o trabalho está delimitado seguindo os métodos hipotético-dedutivo e dialético, além de meios de pesquisa documental, eletrônico e bibliográficos.

ABSTRACT

The present study addresses with a very relevant topic in today's world. Through a critical eye, seek to study the criminal law and its relationship with modernity. It is observed that today is lived in an era of transformation in the ways of relationships with people, and there are major challenges brought by new technologies to be addressed by law. Inside the issue raised seek to show the existence of classification for certain conduct occurring in the digital age, not the creation of new crimes being required thereby. Still, can be analyzed some existing crimes, as well as their mode of execution on the Internet. The objective is, through this paper, therefore, the correct use of criminal types that already exist, rather than creating new ones. To achieve this purpose, the work is defined following the hypothetical-deductive and dialectical methods, and means of documentary, electronic and bibliographic research. INTRODUÇÃO É notável o avanço das novas tecnologias e de sua globalização. A internet tornou-se uma ferramenta indispensável às relações humanas. O que antes necessitava de cartas, bilhetes ou escritos para tomar forma agora pode ser realizado por meio de poucos cliques em um computador. Esse novo formato dos vínculos tomados pela internet pode levar os indivíduos a pensarem estar livres de uma jurisdição, fora do alcance da Lei. Contudo, primeiramente, é preciso ter cautela. Os crimes ainda são os mesmos e suas punições também, apenas o local é diferente, ao invés do mundo real, utiliza-se o virtual.

This article addresses the implications of a new resistance to hate crime legislation that has yet to be addressed in the mainstream legal debate in Canada or the United States. It comes mainly from groups in the US that represent lgbtq communities who are poor and/or of color. These communities are particularly vulnerable to victimization by hate crime yet the groups have repeatedly opposed the inclusion of sexual orientation and gender identity/expression in hate crime legislation. This article addresses the underlying rationale of the new resistance and its implications for the mainstream debate. It begins by undertaking a comparative analysis of hate crime legislation in Canada and the US. It then considers the mainstream legal debate in both countries as well as some statistical data on hate crime. The third section turns to the new resistance as well as emerging data on the connection between victimization and the criminal legal system itself. It then draws on the legal theory of Walter Benjamin to reveal limits in the way that the mainstream legal debate conceptualizes criminalization. The final section of the article considers the implications of Benjamin’s concept of law for both the mainstream debate and the new resistance.

Resumo Este trabalho é resultado de um esforço teórico preliminar que pretende proble-matizar a função da prisão dentro da organização social neoliberal. O objeto de estudo é como a pena tem servido ao projeto de governo dentro do neoliberalismo. Para isso busca-se um aprofundamento criminológico da definição de neoliberalismo enquanto construção teórica e sociopolítica para compreender o momento atual desde a perspectiva do capitalismo periférico e dependente brasileiro e latino-ame-ricano. Perpassa-se o caminho de um resgate teórico da economia política da pena tradicional, que se entende por insuficiente para responder a questão da finalidade da pena dentro do contexto atual; para então, chegar-se análise da pena no neoli-beralismo enquanto conceito e realidade punitiva, dentro do que se denominou de uma nova economia política da pena, abordando a penalidade dentro de uma perspectiva materialista do capitalismo dependente. Portanto este trabalho apre-senta-se como pesquisa bibliográfica desde um viés critico reflexivo, que tem como objetivo fundamental contribuir com elementos analíticos para a compreensão da problemática do encarceramento em massa na periferia do capitalismo e como essa política cambia a própria compreensão de finalidade da pena. Palavras-chave: encarceramento em massa; economia política da pena; neoli-beralismo; capitalismo periférico; criminologia crítica; Introdução O presente trabalho apresenta-se como estudo preliminar ou teórico de base para uma investigação empírica maior em torno das funções que de-sempenham a prisão na sociedade moderna neoliberal, sobretudo na periferia do capitalismo-especialmente do capitalismo dependente latino-americano. De início parte-se da provocação feita por Thomas Mathiesen na obra Juicio a la Prisión (2003) em que começa indagando-es defendible la carcel? Questionamento a que vai respondendo ao longo de seu livro e des-montando qualquer possibilidade de defesa que se possa fazer da instituição prisional; pelo menos a partir do viés de análise das suas funções declaradas. Thomas Mathiesen repassa ponto a ponto sua total incapacidade de dar con-ta das funções que lhe foram historicamente impingidas.

Al rescatar ideas sociológicas para el campo de la cuestión criminal a partir de la sociología de la desviación (referencial teórico), el estudio analiza los desdoblamientos actuales de la criminología brasileña. A partir de la premisa de que se trata de un saber importado de países centrales y traducido a periféricos, es posible percibir que a pesar de la acumulación teórica producida en las últimas décadas, notablemente marcada por la solidificación de herramientas de análisis críticas a la criminología oficial, la teoría problematizadora parece haber estancado su “imaginación inventiva” al permanecer constantemente haciendo “crítica a la dogmática”, como si ese fuera su límite. Como se cree, este inmovilismo constituye una traición al compromiso de transformación social asumido por los intelectuales críticos, sobre todo cuando se percibe cierta incapacidad de enfrentamiento a problemas reales, como es el caso de la crisis estructural del sistema penal que se ha dado a partir del encarcelamiento masivo, de la violación sistemática de derechos humanos básicos, de los masacres directamente producidos por las agencias policiales y penitenciarios, de la selectividad de clase, de género y de raza etc. De esta forma, al analizar la noción de control social (objeto de investigación) se sostiene que la criminología necesita reanudar su potencial empírico (hipótesis), objetivándose, así, desvelar caminos posibles para la realización de su autocrítica y, en consecuencia, pensar críticamente las condiciones de posibilidad de un proyecto que sea capaz de concretizar vivencias no (o menos) violentas y punitivas en el seno social.

Los constantes sucesos delictivos acontecidos en el pentagrama societario se sitúan en diferentes claves dependiendo de los actores que decidan interpretar dicha polifonía. Así, podremos ver como medios de comunicación, gabinetes de prensa policiales, agentes institucionales o particulares datan de forma muy distinta un acontecimiento determinado, derivando todo ello en una disputa poliédrica sobre la veracidad de la información inserta en un entorno de poder-control constante. Así pues, aceptando el guante lanzado en el artículo " Soñar azules alas: estudio sobre la construcción de la identidad policial española " (Pérez, 2016b), hemos pretendido postular, mediante un estudio de casos, la necesidad de realizar estudios sobre comunicación policial y elevar la demanda de un nuevo paradigma comunicativo que fomente la unión entre los diferentes agentes.

A thorough analysis of capital punishment from a political-geographical perspective is lacking in the discipline of geography. This is despite the fact that capital punishment overlaps with numerous geographic approaches, concepts, and areas of study. This study serves as a call to geographers to begin considering capital punishment's wide interaction and interrelation with developed areas of knowledge in the discipline. Specifically, political geographers stand to contribute in novel ways to wider discussions about capital punishment by analyzing executions relative to contemporary work in geography on violent, legal, and carceral spaces. I first introduce the need for geography's engagement with this pressing issue. Then, I clarify several terms needed to understand this violent practice. A third section highlights several pathways of development in the critical geographies of capital punishment. It is organized around four broad themes-critically mapping capital punishment, bodies in motion, politics of access, and executing the "other"-connecting capital punishment to developing concepts, literatures, and sub-disciplines in geography. The final two sections outline an epistemological approach to the geographies of capital punishment and how legal and carceral geographies might contribute.

The paper examines three central problems involving punitive social control in recent decades: first, the steady increase in the number of incarcerated people (the phenomenon of great confinement), with special emphasis on the Brazilian case; second, the way criminology interprets contemporary confinement (New Penology); and finally, the lack of a (dogmatic) criminal law theory on the reality of mass incarceration. Incarceration data are presented here as premises in order to inquire about the relations between the (normative-philosophical) theories regarding the justification of punishment and the (empirical) phenomena of mass incarceration. The questions behind the current reflection are therefore about what role criminal theories play in the expansion or contraction of the power to punish (potestas puniendi) and the explanations the justification models offer to the problem of hyper-punishment.

During the last twenty years, jurists vehemently debated about the 'criminal law of the enemy': Jakobs' paradigmisheavily criticized but, fromthe point of view of actuality, it becomes useful to explain many obscure folds of our legal system, for example preventive measuresasa whole.To avoid detached reasoning, it is very important to specify that the Feindstrafrecht is born from a determined and precise context. It is born from the adaptation of Luhmann'sfunctionalismto the context of criminal law.
In the essay there are referencesto philosophersof lawstarting fromKelsen toHegel, to show a sort of ideal line of continuity inGerman dogmatics.
Dante Valitutti analyses Jakobs?model placing it in a wider scenario: the evolution of German and Italian penal law through the second half of the twentieth century. About the Italian penal system, Valitutti starts from Bricola and from a constitutionally oriented interpretation.

The emergence of the zemiological movement during the late 1990s (Pemberton 2016) marked a crucial moment for scholars who sought to move beyond the boundaries of the mainstream criminological canon. Complete with a new vocabulary and the discursive space to articulate a multiplicity of harms, which lay outside the conventional discourse of crime, of criminality and criminalisation, areas of harm generation became legitimate focal concerns (Tombs, Chapter 'For Pragmatism and Politics: Crime, Social Harm and Zemiology', this volume; Hillyard and Tombs 2017). Some years later, the landmark edited collection Beyond Criminology: Taking Harm Seriously (Hillyard et al. 2004) was published. Ostensibly grounded upon the Greek term zemia, Beyond Criminology became the basis upon which future zemiological scholarship would build. To further expand the field, this introduction

Although FASD is first and foremost a health issue, it is a consideration in the justice system because individuals with FASD have contact as victims, witnesses and offenders. This chapter will draw on research with justice professionals to argue that there is an ethical need, and indeed an obligation, for appropriate training to better prepare police to work with clients that have FASD. By illustrating the ways in which many frontline workers misunderstand FASD, coupled with the stigma associated to FASD, this chapter argues that individuals with FASD have unique needs and the stakes in the justice system are simply too high to not have appropriate training in place to meet those needs.

Despite the important role which the police play in the reproduction of social order, there is a lacuna in critical criminological literature on the policing of democratic societies. As a consequence, the mistaken impression is fostered that policing in Canada is not problematic.
This paper challenges this view, documenting the extent of police malpractice and raising the question of the need for police accountability. Within this context the authors discuss three forms which police accountability has historically taken : judicial inquiry, community police
monitoringgroups, and consultative liaison panels. One problem which the authors note is theway in which all three models depend upon the police for information about the nature of crime and policing, making them susceptible to dominant discourses about policing. Thus they
continue by discussing the left realist model as potentially a fourth model. This form of police accountability emerged in Britain during the 1980s and is characterized by the production of an alternative discourse on crime and police practices based on locally conducted and controlled victimization surveys. The extent to which this practice of police accountability
might be relevant to the Canadian context remains yet to be explored. The authors note in closing, however, that this is an empirical and not a theoretical question, meaning that Canadian criminologists must become more practical and less academic in their discourses of social control.