Cistercian Order

Referência: 2. SANTOS, Selene Candian dos. O Apologia ad Guillelmum abbatem de Bernardo de Claraval e a Espiritualidade no Século XII. In: JORNADA DE ESTUDOS ANTIGOS E MEDIEVAIS E CICLO DE ESTUDOS ANTIGOS E MEDIEVAIS DO PARANÁ E SANTA CATARINA, 11. e  9., 2012, Maringá. Anais da Jornada de Estudos Antigos e Medievais. Maringá: [s.n.], 2012. Disponível em: CD-ROM.

Na década de 1120, Bernardo de Claraval escreveu o Apologia ad Guillelmum abbatem, no qual se posiciona contra monges da Ordem Cisterciense que alegadamente eram detratores da Ordem de Cluny e admoesta os cluniacenses no que diz respeito à sua superfluidade e imoderação. A análise dos argumentos agenciados por Bernardo de Claraval nesse documento, levando em consideração seu gênero discursivo, possibilita a identificação de como seu posicionamento se articula com as transformações no campo da espiritualidade na época. Assim, pretende-se com este artigo analisar de que forma Bernardo de Claraval não só é informado pela valorização de novos aspectos da vida cristã, mas também contribui para essa valorização.
Após a análise do documento, verifica-se que existem ao menos três práticas cristãs que Bernardo destaca em sua importância e que parecem ser características da espiritualidade no século XII: a preeminência da humildade como virtude, das atitudes interiores em comparação às exteriores e da personalização da vida religiosa; a identificação da Igreja primitiva, da vida dos apóstolos e, em específico, dos primeiros monges, como a perfeição de vida cristã e de obediência à Regra; e a valorização crescente da pobreza material ascética em contraposição ao luxo e à riqueza.

Magister Emanuel Sescalco, archdeacon and then bishop of Cremona in Italy, was buried in 1298 in the Frisian Cistercian abbey of St Bernard in Aduard, where he came to be venerated as a saint. After he had been listed in 1491 among the sancti and beati of the Cistercian order, he was regarded as a holy Cistercian until, at the beginning of the twentieth century, awkward questions were raised about his history and memory. In the 1960s the Dutch Trappist Amadeus Alma did all that he could to preserve Emanuel as a beatus for the Cistercian order. In this present study Emanuel’s life and cult are reviewed and a number of new facts presented. The author argues that archival evidence hardly suggests that Emanuel’s life bore the marks of saintliness, and that he most probably did not die a Cistercian. An appendix provides a much enlarged list of collective indulgences granted by Bishop Emanuel and others in Rome in March-May 1295.

L’article analyse les rapports entre la pensée d’Étienne Harding (abbé de Cîteaux, 1108-1133/1134), telle qu’elle se reflète dans les miniatures des manuscrits enluminés sous son abbatiat, et celle de Bernard de Clairvaux. Les deux abbés partagent une conception de l’Église militante, activement engagée dans la lutte contre ses ennemis. Ils portent une attention particulière au culte marial. Étienne exprime sa conception ecclésiologique dans les miniatures de la Bible qu’il fait réaliser avant l’entrée de Bernard à Cîteaux : le noviciat dans le Nouveau Monastère semble donc avoir été d’une grande importance dans la formation de Bernard. En revanche, les contacts entre les deux abbés sont rares et d’importantes divergences de pensées sont à remarquer, sur le monachisme féminin et la représentation des monstres. Après la mort d’Étienne, les idées de Bernard s’imposent dans l’Ordre, y compris à Cîteaux, où Rainard de Bar, moine de Clairvaux et disciple de Bernard, succède à Étienne.

The article analyzes the relationship between the thought of Stephen Harding (abbot of Cîteaux, 1108-1133/34), as reflected in the miniatures of manuscripts illuminated during his abbacy, and that of Bernard of Clairvaux. The two abbots shared a conception of the Church militant, actively engaged in the fight against her enemies, and in both of them we see an especial devotion to the Virgin. The miniatures from Cîteaux, which express Stephen’s ecclesiological ideas, predate Bernard’s entry into Cîteaux: his novitiate in the New Monastery appears to have been of great importance in his monastic formation. There are, however, few documented contacts between the two abbots, and there were significant differences in their thinking on female monasticism and the iconography of monsters in manuscript illumination. After the death of Stephen, Bernard’s ideas spread throughout the Order, including Cîteaux, where Rainard de Bar, a monk of Clairvaux and disciple of Bernard, succeeded Stephen.

The objective of this paper is the revision of the ways for those the Order of Císter in the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon was spread. With this purpose, a study of its promoters, and how the more important related with the Traba’s group are found, has been made. From this analysis it is deduced that the devotion to
the new order was transmitted fundamentally through the aristocratic family nets. In adition, a new perspective to approach
the knowledge of the medieval monasteries as conservatives of the family memoirs and the paper carried out by the noble
women from Castile and Leon in this complex manorial net is proposed.

Abstract (ITA):

Viene qui proposto un excursus attraverso il quale si cerca di sottolineare la bontà e l’assoluta attualità del messaggio monastico proprio nei riguardi di una società e di un’economia in crisi quali sono quelle in cui il monachesimo muove i suoi primi passi e si sviluppa fino ad affermarsi. È un dato storiograficamente assodato che proprio l’Italia e l’Europa tra IV e IX secolo vivano un periodo di profonda crisi politica, sociale, culturale ed economica: ed è proprio in un contesto simile che il primo monachesimo “attecchisce” e si sviluppa, dando vita a quello che è trasversalmente identificato dalla storiografia come un vero e proprio “fenomeno” di rinascita culturale ed economica. Sono queste le basi del particolare approccio dei Cistercensi all’economia, le basi dell’assestamento e della rinascita economica e sociale dell’“Europa” medievale avvenuto anche grazie all’operato silenzioso dei monaci.

Parole chiave: Monachesimo, economia, lavoro, bene comune, comunità

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Abstract (ENG):

We suggest here an excursus aiming at underlining the goodness and absolute actuality of the monastic message and particularly in relations to a society and an economy in crisis, crisis that characterized also the background in which the monasticism had to make its first steps and grew until it became apparent. It is a historiographically established facts that the Italy and Europe between the 4th and 9th century were going through a period of deep political, social, cultural and economic crisis: and it is just in a similar background that the first monasticism “took root” and grew, giving birth to what is crosswise identified by the historiography as a real “phenomenon” of cultural and economic rebirth. These are the basis of the specific Cistercian approach of the economy, the basis of the economic and social arrangement and rebirth of the Mediaeval “Europa” which was also made possible thanks to the work of the monks.

Parole chiave: Monasticism, economy, work, common goods, community

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Reviews: Literaturkritik https://literaturkritik.de/public/rezension.php?rez_id=26377 (29.01.2020, Jörg Füllgrabe) --- Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 100 (2020), 683f. (Jörg Voigt) --- Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 143/2 (2021), 299-307 (Antje Willing) --- Journal of English and Germanic Philology 120/2 (2021), 265-267 (Marianne Kalinke).

"La grille d’analyse mise au point par José Ángel García de Cortázar pour étudier le domaine de San Millán de la Cogolla a été utilisée dès la fin des années 1970 pour contribuer à la réflexion initiée par les historiens français sur l’économie cistercienne. Javier Pérez-Embid a ainsi pu démontrer que, les prescriptions théoriques de l’ordre en la matière n’étant pas strictement observées, il ne pouvait être question, en Castille, que d’une économie des cisterciens aux XIIe et XIIIe siècle. Ces conclusions ne peuvent cependant s’appliquer automatiquement aux abbayes féminines, qui étaient soumises à des contraintes différentes de celles de leurs confrères. L’influence des aristocrates fondateurs et de leurs descendants, par le biais du patronage, y était plus marquée, et, de par leur sexe, elles demeurèrent longtemps à l’écart de l’ordre cistercien et de ses institutions de gouvernement. Ces spécificités n’ont pas été jusqu’à présent suffisamment prises en compte. Le présent article s’attache donc à mettre en évidence l’existence d’une économie des cisterciennes, et à la caractériser. Pour ce faire, il examine le cas de trois institutions de taille moyenne situées dans le nord-est du royaume, Cañas, Vileña et Herce. Fondées en 1169, 1222 et 1246, elles représentent les trois générations successives d’abbayes de ce type en Castille.
Le rôle joué par leurs fondateurs et patrons communs, les Haro, s’avère central dans le mécanisme de constitution des domaines, qui s’articulait de manière presque exclusive autour des donations initiales. Les principales modifications ultérieures se durent à de nouvelles interventions des ricoshombres. Les domaines prirent ainsi l’aspect de patrimoines aristocratiques dans lequel les revenus générés par l’exercice du pouvoir seigneurial occupaient une place essentielle. Les spécialisations agricoles locales constituaient un déterminant secondaire. Les cisterciennes ne déployèrent donc pas de stratégie économique propre, ni pour l’expansion de leur domaine, ni pour le choix de ses composantes, ni pour son administration. Le patronage les poussait à se plier aux volontés de leurs protecteurs, et leur grande autonomie vis-à-vis de Cîteaux leur permettait d’ignorer complètement les règlements de l’Ordre. La stabilité du patrimoine ainsi constitué les distinguait cependant des biens de leurs patrons. Aussi l’économie des cisterciennes doit-elle être considérée avant tout comme une forme originale d’économie seigneuriale, l’économie du patronage aristocratique.

An economy of aristocratic patronage
The property of the Cistercian nuns in Castile (12th-13th centuries)

The analysis grid devised by José Ángel García de Cortázar in his thesis about the estate of San Millán de la Cogolla has been used as early as the 1970s to study the Cistercian economy, a new field discovered by several French historians. Javier Pérez-Embid has thus been able to prove that, because the theoretical commands of the Order in that matter were not entirely obeyed, one could only speak of an economy of the Cistercians in 12th- and 13th-century Castile. However, these conclusions could not be automatically applied to women abbeys, since they were subject to different constraints. The influence of the aristocratic founders and of their heirs, through the link of patronage, were much more important. Because of their gender, they also remained for long at a distance from the Cistercian Order and its institutions. So far, these features have not been sufficiently taken into account. The present article thus seeks to put emphasis upon the existence of an economy of the Cistercian nuns, and to specify its features. Therefore, it analyzes the case of three institutions, average in size, located in the northeastern part of the realm, Cañas, Vileña and Herce. Founded in 1169, 1222 and 1246, they represent the three successive generations of such abbeys in Castile.
The part played by their common founders and patrons, the Haros, proves to be the key in the process of the making of the estate, which almost exclusively relied on initial donations. The main modifications made afterwards were due to other interventions from the ricoshombres. The estates then looked much like aristocratic properties, in which the incomes coming from the seigneurial rights were most important. Local agricultural specializations were a secondary determiner. Thus the Cistercian nuns did not display an economic strategy of their own, either for the expansion of their estate, or for the type of the property, or for the management methods. Because of the patronage, they complied to the demands of their protectors. Their large autonomy in their relationship with Cîteaux allowed them to ignore thoroughly the rules edicted by the Order. However, the stability of the estate thus created made them different from the property of their patrons. Therefore, the economy of the Cistercian nuns must be considered first and foremost as an original form of seigneurial economy, the economy of aristocratic patronage."

Paper presented at 'Colloquium on the Charter of Charity', at Cistercian Abbey Our Lady of Dallas, USA, July 2019. Published in special issue of Cistercian Studies Quarterly 55: 4 (2020), in commemoration of the Ninth Centenary of the Charter of Charity.

A partir do modelo definido pela Ordem de Cister relativamente às funções dos claustros nos conjuntos edificados pela Ordem, será analisado o caso concreto do claustro do mosteiro cisterciense feminino de S. Bento de Cástris no que respeita à aplicação desse modelo

Abstract: The sixteenth century was marked by intense reforms in the Catholic Church which, after the Ecumenical Council of Trent (1545-1563), were also reflected in women's religious communities. The daily life of these communities was marked, also at the level of musical practice (instrumental and vocal), by the intervention of local prelates or religious from the male monasteries. Despite the attempt of the Council to standardize religious life also in the field of music, the communities end up demonstrating identity practices that can be better understood from their documentary collection, as is the case of the Cistercian monastery of S. Bento de Cástris.

Resumo: O século XVI ficou marcado por intensas reformas na Igreja Católica, que, após o Concílio Ecuménico de Trento (1545-1563) se refletiram também nas comunidades religiosas femininas. A vida quotidiana destas comunidades ficou marcada, também ao nível da prática musical (instrumental e vocal), pela intervenção de prelados locais ou de religiosos oriundos dos cenóbios masculinos. Apesar da tentativa de uniformização da vida religiosa pelo Concílio também no domínio da música, as comunidades acabam por demonstrar práticas identitárias que podem ser melhor entendidas a partir do seu acervo documental, como é o caso particular do mosteiro cisterciense de S. Bento de Cástris.

Death, consubstantial to mankind, has been a constant in man's thinking and has fostered rivers of ink over the centuries. This article, from sources and specialized literature, explains how the mentality of man throughout the middle Ages has been decisive in the evolution and shaping of the concept of Purgatory.

Thus, starting from a distressing conception around the idea of the Last Judgment, engendered in the Upper Middle Ages, we move on to the idea of Prepurgatory in the time of Saint Augustine of Hippo and Saint Gregory the Great.
It will not, however, be until the end of the 11th and early 12th century when the Cistercian Bernard of Clairvaux concisely defines in his sermons the location of the Purgatory and the importance of human intercession to save the souls trapped in it.

La muerte, consustancial al género humano, ha sido una constante en el pensamiento del hombre y ha propiciado ríos de tinta a lo largo de los siglos. En este artículo, a partir de fuentes y bibliografía especializada, se expone cómo la mentalidad del hombre a lo largo de la Edad Media ha sido determinante en la evolución y conformación del concepto de El Purgatorio.

De este modo, y partiendo de una concepción angustiante en torno a la idea del Juicio Final, engendrada en el Alto Medioevo, se pasa a la idea de Prepurgatorio en tiempos de San Agustín de Hipona y San Gregorio Magno.

No será, sin embargo, hasta finales del siglo XI y principios del siglo XII, cuando el cisterciense, Bernardo de Claraval defina de una manera concisa en sus sermones la ubicación de El Purgatorio y la importancia de la intercesión humana para salvar las almas atrapadas en el mismo.

Le colloque pluridisciplinaire tenu à Langres et à Chaumont en 2017 a réuni vingt-quatre spécialistes du monachisme cistercien pour se pencher sur les réalités du réseau tissé par Morimond à l'échelle de l'Europe.
Fondée vers 1117, à la limite des diocèses de Langres, de Toul et de Besançon, cette fille de Cîteaux essaima à travers toute la chrétienté grâce au dynamisme incessant de ses abbés dont le message trouva un écho auprès des institutions et des fidèles. Prolongeant les travaux de Michel Parisse sur les origines de l'abbaye et l'analyse des vestiges archéologiques trouvés sur le site, l’ouvrage illustre l’importance des sources écrites médiévales et modernes et la fécondité de les croiser avec les données matérielles en variant les angles d’approche. La connaissance des bâtiments abbatiaux, du cloître et de la nécropole en sort précisée et renouvelée.
Une attention particulière est portée au rôle des abbés comme Henri de Carinthie au XIIe siècle, Antoine de Bosredon au XVe siècle, ou Jean Coquey au XVIe siècle qui continua à jouer un rôle international malgré les soubresauts de la Réforme. Précisant et complétant les listes d’abbés de la fin du Moyen Âge, l’enquête souligne l’activité de ces hommes en perpétuel mouvement entre les filles de l’Ordre. Que se soit en Lorraine, en Auvergne ou dans la Péninsule ibérique, des monastères de la filiation de l’abbaye et leurs aménagements hydrauliques sont mis en lumière.
Touché par les troubles qui secouèrent le continent au XIVe et XVe siècle, le monastère trouva des refuges dans ses pôles urbains de Dijon et Langres. Il manifesta sa vitalité retrouvée en pratiquant une gestion efficace de son temporel au XVIe siècle et en menant à bien la reconstruction de nombreux établissements de son temporel à partir de la fin du XVIIe siècle.
Des résumés en trois langues et un index des noms de lieux et de personnes complètent cet ouvrage et en font une référence et un outil de travail indispensable à tout chercheur tourné vers la compréhension de la nébuleuse cistercienne.

El Real Monasterio Cisterciense de Santa María de Piedra fue fundado en 1195. Tiene importantes restos medievales algunos de los cuales deben ser estudiados dentro de la arquitectura militar. Combinando el uso de documentos y restos materiales podemos reconocer cuatro fases constructivas. La primera es el castillo Malavella, anterior a la fundación de la abadía, obra interesante de la arquitectura militar de mediados del siglo XII, que el rey Alfonso II donó a los monjes que lo usaran como punto de partida a la hora de construir la abadía. Del castillo Malavella quedan evidencias de haber tenido una torre puerta, apenas reconocible, a la altura del mandatum y restos con abovedamientos de cañón en la cillería y el pasadizo de conversos. La segunda fase es contemporánea de la fundación de la abadía y debe datarse en el primer tercio del siglo XIII. A esta segunda fase debe corresponder el trazado del recinto amurallado externo y la monumental torre puerta. La muralla y las torres mantienen un uso plenamente militar y estratégico. La tercera fase corresponde a inicios del siglo XV y es la adaptación de la torre puerta a diversos usos litúrgicos al serle añadido un balcón manifestatorio para exhibir el Sacro Dubio de Cimballa, la más importante reliquia que tuvo el monasterio en la Edad Media. La cuarta fase es la consolidación y reconstrucción de la cerca murada en el primer tercio del siglo XVII, época en que fueron sustituidos los pendones de tela con los emblemas por escudos labrados en piedra, asumiendo, una serie de valores políticos y simbólicos nuevos. Palabras clave: Castillo Malavella, Monasterio de Piedra, picota, torre puerta, muralla, balcón manifestatorio, pasillo de conversos, escudos de Piedra.

O presente artigo pretende esclarecer como a festa da Purificação da Virgem se comemorou no Mosteiro de Alcobaça, em articulação com a questão da uniformidade litúrgica cisterciense. Esta problematização será feita a partir da análise a um corpus de manuscritos litúrgicos e de apoio à liturgia produzidos no scriptorium alcobacense entre os séculos XII e XVI.

Resumen: Esta investigación sobre la abadía cisterciense femenina de Otero (León) demuestra que el supuesto documento fundacional de 1240 es una falsificación de mediados del siglo XV destinada a arraigar en el siglo XIII el patronazgo tardío de los Guzmán de León. En consecuencia, tenemos que rechazar las informaciones que contiene en cuanto a su temprana historia institucional, en particular su vínculo de filiación con la abadía femenina de Gradefes que no se reivindicó antes de finales del siglo XV. Una nueva lectura del proceso fundacional muestra que la poderosa noble fundadora María Núñez había ofrecido todas sus propiedades al monasterio cisterciense masculino de Sandoval en 1230, antes de concebir el proyecto. Cambió de idea en los años siguientes y retuvo para su futura institución la mayor parte de estos bienes pese a la demanda de los monjes ante la justicia eclesiástica. En los años 1240 la ricahembra introdujo en Otero la vida monástica con la ayuda de un monje cisterciense de Rioseco, nombró abadesa a una joven pariente suya y en 1252 obtuvo del rey el reconocimiento oficial de la existencia de su monasterio. En estas circunstancias y pese a que había prescindido del procedimiento centralizado que imponía Cîteaux desde 1213, Otero fue reconocido por la Orden como miembro pleno jure en los años 1250.

Palabras claves: Monjas cistercienses, patronazgo nobiliario, ricashembras, historia de las mujeres, historia de género, falso diplomático, orden cisterciense, filiaciones entre abadías.


Abstract: This research about the Cistercian abbey of nuns in Otero (León) proves that the assumed 1240 foundational charter is a forgery made up in the mid-15th c. in order to root back in the 13th c. the late patronage of the Guzmán of León family. We must therefore turn down the information it gives about its early institutional history, especially the fact that Otero was a daughter house of Gradefes – a link that was in fact created only later in the 15th c. The revisited foundational process starts in 1230 when the future founder, the powerful noblewoman María Núñez, gave all her lands to the Cistercian abbey of monks in Sandoval, before conceiving her project. She changed her mind in the following years and kept for her project most of these properties although the monks sued her in ecclesiastical court. In the 1240s, she introduced monastic life in Otero with the help of a Cistercian monk from Rioseco, appointed a young relative as abbess and in 1252 had the king’s authority officially approve the existence of the monastery. In this context and although the abbey had not complied with the centralized procedure imposed by Cîteaux from 1213 on, the Order considered Otero a full member in the 1250s.

Keywords: Cistercian nuns, noble patronage, noblewomen, women’s history, gender history, diplomatic forgery, Cistercian Order, filiations between abbeys.

We will analyse the relations between the different members of the secular power – monarchy, nobility and urban oligarchies – with the Cistercian monasteries of the Crown of Castile during the late Middle Ages. We will review the few foundations made in this period, the privileges granted by members of the royal family and the donations
made by the nobility and the urban patriciate to their monasteries and religious communities. We will address the support or rejection of the secular power to the Cistercian reform undertaken by Martín de Vargas from the monastery of Montesión. Finally, despite a decline in devotions to traditional orders during the late Middle Ages, many powerful people continued to choose to be buried in Cistercian monasteries, where they commissioned liturgical services to perpetuate their memory.