Cicero's philosophical works

"Few people would disagree with Cicero's graceful insight that: 'They seem to take the sun out of the world who take friendship out of life; for we have nothing better from the immortal gods, nothing more pleasant than friendship'. And who has ever boasted of being friendless or of knowing nothing of friendship? Yet although friendship is treasured everywhere, the extent to which people write about it and analyze it varies from age to age; for different times set different priorities, even in the human relationships that they value. In recent decades friendship has often taken back seat to romance or careerism. Happily, the situation in the Middle Ages, particularly in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, differed. Friendship preoccupied intellectuals, to judge by the many treatises, poems, and letters in which amicitia and its vernacular equivalents are discussed and practiced.

The high esteem that this personal bond commanded has caught the attention of historians, from those who study monastic culture and spirituality to those who investigate the development of attitudes toward homosexuality..."

In this paper we consider how the influence of the meanings of Greek concept of “ἀρετὴ” on the meanings of Latin concept of “virtus” could cause the arising of such meanings of the concept of “virtual” as “being something in essence, really” (and not formally); “factual, real”.
One of the Greek words, translated into Latin as “virtus” in antiquity and the Middle Ages, was the word “ἀρετὴ”. As a result of such a translation, the meanings of the word “ἀρετὴ” and the philosophical (first of all, Platonic) meanings of the concept of “ἀρετὴ” have enriched the meanings of the concept of “virtus”. It is most likely that the first meaning of the concept of “virtual”, that is, “being something in essence, really” (and not formally), comes from the meaning “in essence” of the English word “virtually”, connected with one of the aspects of Plato’s interpretations of “ἀρετὴ” – ἀρετὴ as the essence of a thing (Greek “ούσία”, Latin “essentia”).
Probably, the concept of “virtual” has acquired the meaning “factual, real”, through the mediation of the word “virtually” (in its meaning “in fact, factually”), from the word “actually”, which, on the one hand, means “in fact, indeed, really”, and on the other, is used as a synonym for “virtually”. It is possible that the arising of the meanings “factual, real” of the concept of “virtual” has been reinforced by the connection of the word “virtus” and its derivatives with the abovementioned “Platonic” meaning of the concept of “virtual”, that is the meaning “being something in essence”, which is in some respects close to the meaning “factual, real”.
Key words: virtual, virtus, ἀρετὴ, virtue, courage, power, semantics.

Voor mijn bachelorscriptie heb ik onderzoek gedaan naar de filosofische dimensie van Cicero's geschriften, met name door analyse van zijn "De officiis" ("Over de plichten"). Dit is de uiteindelijke literatuurlijst die ik gemaakt hebt. Wellicht kan deze iemand nog van dienst zijn.
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For my Bachelor's Thesis in Philosophy, I investigated the philosophical dimension of Cicero's works, focusing on his "De Officiis" ("On Duties"). This is the bibliography I compiled during my research. Perhaps someone may find it of use.

This paper presents a list and loose taxonomy of arguments for the immortality of the human soul found in Cicero's philosophical works; especially considered is Book 1 of Tusculan Disputations, where immortality of the soul is the main topic. An atomistic approach is taken, such that multiple arguments with a common theme are counted as separate; besides promoting conceptual clarity, this will facilitate tracing Cicero's arguments as they are adopted by later writers. At least 28 separate arguments for the human soul's immortality can be found in his works. None are fully persuasive in a logical sense. However some are potentially intended to function more at a performative level. That is, some of his discussions may be intended as art, with the aim of transforming our experience: by stimulating introspective investigation of the issues he raises, we may gain awareness of our higher intelligence, potentially glimpsing its nature and immortality. A similar approach has previously been taken with Plato's arguments for immortality (Uebersax, 2015). A continuation is proposed by studying arguments for immortality found in later writers like St. Augustine, Plotinus, Marsilio Ficino, and later English writers like John Davies, Ralph Cudworth and Edward Young.

PENULTIMATE PROOFS: please do not quote.
To quote or cite, please see to http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/hop0000105
History of Psychology, Vol 22(2), May 2019, 113-129

A common view among ancient historians about Roman attentiveness to children's psychological development needs reconsideration. The view holds that Romans ignored children's cognitive ontogeny, perceiving early childhood as a largely undifferentiated life stage. A separate but related issue is the problematic claim that Roman childhood was entirely a matter of social construction. I present evidence from over four hundred years of Roman writing to make three points against Roman neglect of children and radical social construction. First, a consensus (granted our limited number of sources) about "developmental psychology" prevailed from the late republic to late antiquity. Second, this consensus is consistent with modern findings and theories. In particular, the Roman material maps onto a developmental timeline featuring a "2-month revolution," when the infant engages in dyadic protoconversations with adults, and a "9-month revolution," when the infant shares attention triadically with adults toward third objects. In the Roman consensus, both dyadic protoconversations and triadic joint attention were central to cultural learning. Third, when the Roman consensus about children's minds did change, it was because of the Christian doctrine of original sin, according to which even newborns were psychologically corrupt. Nonetheless , I argue, this rupture in the Roman consensus does not entail that we should suppose childhood to have been entirely a social construction or merely a projection of a religious or other ideology. Rather, any construction of childhood-even the late-antique Christian one-will necessarily rest upon a foundation of, and thus be constrained by, certain inescapable biological and psychological "givens."

Daha önce Cicero’dan Devlet Üzerine çevirisini yayımladığımız C. Cengiz Çevik, bu çalışmada Roma’nın cumhuriyet döneminde (İÖ 509-İÖ 27) siyaset ve felsefe ilişkisinin şekillenişini inceliyor. Alanında Türkçede bir ilk olan ve birincil kaynaklara dayanan bu inceleme Pythagorasçı öğretinin Roma’daki etkilerine dair rivayetler ile felsefeye karşı siyasi nitelikli ilk olumsuz tepkilerden başlayıp, özellikle de Scipio Çevresi’nde felsefenin siyasî açıdan kabulüne ve Cicero bağlamında siyaset ile felsefenin uzlaştırılmasına dek uzanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede cumhuriyet döneminde ilkin yabancı ve tehlikeli bir unsur olarak görülen felsefenin zamanla Roma’nın siyasi şartlarıyla nasıl uyumlu hale geldiği, siyasî ideallerle birlikte nasıl dönüştüğü, siyasi figürleri nasıl dönüştürdüğü ve en azından bu tür dönüşümlerin nasıl yorumlandığı üzerinde durulmaktadır. Tarihin en güçlü ve en uzun ömürlü devlet yapılarından birinin felsefi gelenekle ilişkisini değerlendiren Roma’da Siyaset ve Felsefe’nin geniş bir okur kitlesine hitap edeceğini düşünüyoruz.

Dr. C. Cengiz Çevik (1983) İstanbul Üniversitesi, Eskiçağ Dilleri ve Kültürleri Bölümü, Latin Dili ve Edebiyatı Anabilim Dalı’ndan 2007 yılında mezun oldu. 2011 yılında aynı bölümden “Seneca’nın Naturales Quaestiones Adlı Eserinde Doğa ve Ahlak Anlayışı” başlıklı yüksek lisans tezini tamamlayarak mezun oldu. 2018 yılında “Roma’nın Cumhuriyet Döneminde Siyaset ve Felsefe İlişkisi” başlıklı teziyle doktora derecesi kazandı. Temel çalışma alanı Roma düşünce tarihidir. Aynı zamanda antik düşünce ve felsefe geleneğini temel alarak farklı çağlarda siyaset, felsefe ve ikisi arasındaki ilişkiler üzerine yazılan metinlerle ilgili çalışmalarını sürdürmektedir. Cicero’nun Devleti: De Re Publica Yazıları başlıklı kitabın yazarıdır (YKY, 2017) ve Latinceden Türkçeye çeviriler yapmaktadır.

RESUMO: Na passagem traduzida, Antônio, um dos protagonistas do De oratore, refuta a posição de Crasso sobre oratória exposta ao longo do livro 1. Ele apresenta sua definição de orador, questiona a necessidade de este conhecer a fundo filosofia e direito civil e defende a prática assídua do discurso para que atinja seu objetivo.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Cícero, Do orador, retórica, oratória, filosofia, direito civil
ABSTRACT: In the passage selected, Antonius, one of the main characters of De oratore, refutes Crassus’s position on oratory, exposed in Book 1. He presents his definition of the orator, questions the need for him to have a deep knowledge of philosophy and civil law, and defends a continuous oratorical training in order to achieve his goal.
KEYWORDS: Cicero, On the Orator, rhetoric, oratory, philosophy, civil law

Dream of Scipio is organized around two systems of imagery: 'rings,' which extend ring composition in every sentence to human affection (complexus) and the body's encirclement of the soul, to the harmony of the spheres.  The second system is 'progress toward the divine,' which maps Aemilianus' moral progress and the statesman's merited return to the Milky Way onto the traditional Roman symbolism of the Triumphal procession to the Capitolium.

In meinem Vortrag zu Ciceros philosophischen Schriften im Lateinunterricht werde ich vor allem auf Textauswahl, sprachliche Schwierigkeiten und Ansätze zur Behandlung im Unterricht eingehen, insbesondere als Möglichkeit, einen philosophiegeschichtlichen Überblick aus Cicero zu gewinnen, sowie als Möglichkeit zum existentiellen Transfer durch die Anregung zum Selbstphilosophieren.

Cicero's self-consolation is, to use his own words, "like no other" (nullam .. talem, Att. 12.14.3). This paper aims to review the reconstruction of the work based on all surviving fragments of the work and sets out clarify what the phrase may mean (unparalleled? unequalled? both?).

L'A. étudie la manière dont Augustin comprend et utilise le concept "fin" (si important dans l'antiquité) dans le dernier livre de la Cité de Dieu, où il prend, selon lui, "des harmoniques variées, éthique, politique (et) mystique", quand l"évêque d'Hippone tente d'éclairer le mystère des fins de l'être humain (à travers la question de la résurrection de la chair, et de la vision de Dieu). L'article se conclut sur une réflexion à propos du statut de l'ultime livre de la Cité de Dieu, qui n'est pas tant une "fin" de l'ensemble de l'oeuvre, qu'une "mise en abyme de sa structure et de ses thématiques".

In his early work, De inventione rhetorica, Cicero casually defines religion as the part of justice “which offers care and ceremony to a certain superior nature, which they call divine" (De inventione rhetorica 2.53).  In Latin medieval philosophy, this Ciceronian definition of the virtue of ‘religion’ (religio) acquired monumental importance.  A few key authors, such as Albert the Great and Thomas Aquinas, cite this definition as an auctoritas, and get much philosophical and theological mileage out of it. 

Their intention with this auctoritas was to classify religious worship as a natural virtue, as opposed to a theological virtue, that is, as a virtue that naturally inclines man to give to the deity what is due to it on the basis of the natural law, without any dependence on Christian doctrine or revelation.  Despite being conscious that the source of this definition of religion was a pagan (Roman) philosopher, and that his religious background was very different from their own, they sought to ground their view on the nature of religion firmly on the classical understanding of the cardinal virtue of justice.  Thus, Cicero went down in history as the official source for the medieval conception of religious worship. What these medieval thinkers did not know—because they did not have access to Plato’s Euthyphro—is that Cicero’s own source for this doctrine was Plato.  Plato’s Euthyphro truly represents the first Western philosophical text to relate religion to justice, and in fact it is the first instance in the history of philosophy where religious worship is discussed as a thoroughly philosophical issue. The dialogue hinges on the nature of “piety” (eusebeia) or “the holy” (to hosion). After a few unsuccessful attempts at defining piety, Euthyphro, with Socrates’ help, formulates the hypothesis that piety can be defined as “the part of the just that is concerned with the ‘care’ (therapeia) of the gods” (Euthyphro 11e-12e). Although Socrates will question how it is possible for mere mortal men to give “care” or “service” to the gods—for the gods are assumed to be self-sufficient—nevertheless, the claim that piety is a part or species of justice will remain unchallenged throughout the dialogue.  The dialogue, therefore, approaches a definition of piety: it strongly suggests that the genus of piety is justice and, in the second place, that its specific difference has to do with the “care” or “service” of the gods, a definition that almost perfectly resembles that offered by Cicero centuries later. The discussion on piety in the Euthyphro is undoubtedly inconclusive, and this has led most modern interpreters to focus on the aporetic nature of the dialogue, emphasizing its lack of a definitive doctrine on piety.  A few Plato scholars, however, such as McPherran and Vlastos, have proposed what they call a constructivist reading of the Euthyphro, noting that, while the dialogue is inconclusive, this is only partially so: after an aporetic interlude, a somewhat constructive discussion on the nature of piety is offered. 

The aim of this paper is to show through internal evidence, by means of a constructivist reading of the Euthyphro, that with such a reading Cicero was able to draw out and synthesize a positive doctrine on piety, or in Cicero’s language, religio.  The conclusion emerges, then, that Cicero is only the second-hand source of this important medieval idea, and that Cicero himself was heavily influenced by Plato on this issue, probably through the Academy.  Hence, although the text of the Euthyphro was not available to the medieval philosophers, it nevertheless exercised a great deal of indirect influence on them by way of Cicero.  It was really Plato, then, and only secondarily Cicero, whose religious thought the medieval philosophers inherited.

In this paper I recap first briefly the status quaestionis in the research field of Cicero’s philosophical stance during the last twenty years and using as a starting point the momentous Cicero Academicus written by Carlos Lévy in 1992. After that, I deal with two particular problems in this area: 1. The exact relationships in Cicero’s thought between his own academic relativism and the moral and political necessity of truth-values according to the Roman tradition. 2. Cicero’s political stance during the composition of the Academici libri and the Tusculanae (spring-summer 45 BC): the contemporary efforts at writing political messages for Caesar (above all the so-called Symbuleutikón) prove in my opinion that Cicero was neither acting in this period as a covert opponent of the new régime nor showing himself as a weak opportunist; on the contrary, his principle has always been to serve his (ideal of) Roman Republic, adjusting his actions to the different circumstances (temporibus adsentiendum).

Cicero ölümünden bir yıl önce kaleme aldığı Yaşlı Cato Veya Yaşlılık Üzerine’yi yazdığında 62 yaşındaydı. Eserini Platon’u örnek alarak diyalog biçiminde kurgulamış, esas konuşmacı olarak da Latin edebiyatında Büyük Bilge olarak anılan Marcus Porcius Cato’yu seçmiştir. Cicero, Cato’nun şahsında yaşlılığın da çocukluk, gençlik, olgunluk gibi insan ömrünün doğal bir aşaması olduğuna, bu çağı bir yük gibi görmemek gerektiğine dair görüşlerini dile getirir.

https://www.odakitap.com/yasli-cato-veya-yaslilik-uzerine-ciltli-marcus-tullius-cicero/9786053329855

Alberti's aims with De pictura/Della pittura are closely mirrored by the tripartite division of the text, as well as the compressed ideas within each section. He sought to elevate the status of painting that of a liberal art, which entailed addressing both painters and the circle to which Alberti himself belonged: the humanist scholar,  so as to establish painting as an intellectual activity worthy of academic discussion. The end result is a text whereby painters and scholars are addressed simultaneously and seamlessly, with the aims of elevating the painter to the rank of a liberal artist, and the profession of painting to a liberal art.

《图斯库路姆论辩集》包含的五场论辩是西塞罗给出的一连串哲学教育，以死亡教育开头而指向对幸福生活而言自足的德性。这一文教的接受者是各卷中以一位罗马青年为代表的现在和将来的罗马政治人，施行文教的地点图斯库路姆庄园则兼为西塞罗本人的哲学园、罗马政治家族聚集区和罗马传统的象征。《图斯库路姆论辩集》这一书名本身已然暗示，西塞罗以反驳性哲学论辩为文教来应对罗马的政制巨变。（The five debates in Cicero’s Tusculanae Disputationes was a series of philosophical education, which began with the death education and was aimed at the virtue sufficient for a happy life. The recipients of this paideia were the contemporary and future Roman politicians represented by a young interlocutor in each books. And the estate in Tusculum, in which Cicero’s academy was located, was where the paideia happened, the gathering place of Roman political families as well as the symbol of Roman tradition. Cicero’s paideia through refutative philosophical debates to respond to the constitutional upheavals in Rome was implied in the title of Tusculanae Disputationes per se.）

Cicero (MÖ 106 – MÖ 43): Romalı büyük devlet adamı, hatip ve düşünür. Gençliğinde felsefe ve hukuk eğitimi aldı. Hitabet sanatındaki ustalığıyla consul’lüğe dek yükseldi. Roma’yı birey, geleneksel toplum düzeni ve devlet üçgeninde ele alan konuşmaları, felsefi ve teknik eserleriyle her çağın insanını etkilemeyi başarmıştır.

Cicero, Platon’tan esinlenerek diyalog biçiminde yazdığı Dostluk Üzerine’de, Quintus Mucius Scaevola, Gaius Fannius ve bu ikisinin kayınpederi Gaius Laelius’u konuşturur. Başkonuşmacı Gaius Laelius, Scipio ile dostluğundan söz eder ve dostluğun mahiyeti, nasıl insanlara bahşedildiği, faydaları, sınırları hakkında bilgece yanıtlar ve öğütler verir.

C. Cengiz Çevik (1983): İ.Ü. Edebiyat Fakültesi Latin Dili ve Edebiyatı bölümünden mezun oldu. Antik Roma’nın klasik Latincesi, Roma kültürü ve tarihi konularında çalışmalarını sürdürüyor. Horatius, Seneca, Copernicus, Sextus Empiricus, Martin Luther ve Francis Bacon’ın eserlerini çevirdi. Cicero’nun Yükümlülükler Üzerine, Yasalar Üzerine ve Yaşlı Cato veya Yaşlılık Üzerine isimli eserlerini de Türkçeye kazandırdı. Cicero çevirileri Hasan Âli Yücel Klasikler Dizisi’nde yayımlandı.

From the forthcoming collection: *Revisiting Aristotle's Fragments. New Essays on the Fragments of Aristotle's Lost Works*, ed. A-P. Mesquita, Brill, 2020.
In this paper I argue that several passages containing arguments from design that have been collected as fragments of Aristotle's lost dialogue *De Philosophia* are spurious. In the process, I highlight many of the common features and non-Aristotelian influences present in these passages.

Resumen: En este trabajo procuramos dar una explicación a la caracterización final del protagonista en el Lazarillo de Tormes. Es un problema que ha merecido la atención de la crítica y al que se le han dado diversas soluciones, como la del componente estruc-tural, humorístico, etc. En este caso, se aporta la hipótesis de que el autor del Lazarillo haya tenido como modelo la dicotomía entre lo honorable y lo útil del De officiis de Cicerón para representar el dilema que vive el propio Lázaro. Esta idea nos permite deslindar la faceta estoica del autor frente a la del narrador ficticio, y contribuye a enri-quecer la interpretación de la obra. Palabras clave: Lazarillo de Tormes, Cicerón, caracterización, estoicismo, erasmismo. Abstract: In this paper we try to give an explanation to the last protagonist's characterization in Lazarillo de Tormes. It is a problem that has deserved critical attention and various solutions, such as the structural, humorous component, etc. In this case, we affirm that the author of the Lazarillo has had as a model the dichotomy between the moral right and the expediency from Cicero's De officiis to represent the dilemma which Lazaro lives in. This idea allows us to distinguish the stoic facet of the author from that of the fictional narrator, and contributes to improve the interpretation of the novel.

Marcus Tullius Cicero, yaklaşık iki bin yıl önce kaleme aldığı bu ufuk açıcı felsefi metniyle okurları kader üzerine düşünmeye davet ediyor. Kader ve özgür irade sorunuyla ilgili Yunan felsefe okullarının birbiriyle çatışan, farklı görüşlerini aktarıp yorumlarken sadece yaşadığı dönemin Romalılarına değil, bugünün okurlarına da bu çetin sorunu çözebilmelerinde yardımcı oluyor ve bir yandan da kader hakkındaki farklı düşünürlerin yaklaşımlarına dikkat çekiyor. Batı düşünce tarihini, Ortaçağ'ı ve Rönesans'ı derinden etkileyen bu düşünürün bu yapıtını okurlarımıza sunmaktan gurur duyuyoruz
(Tanıtım Bülteninden)

Ngay từ xa xưa, khi con người biết dùng ngôn ngữ để giao tiếp và biểu đạt suy nghĩ thì vấn đề hùng biện đã được các nhà tư tưởng quan tâm tìm hiểu, và chủ đề về hùng biện thường được đặt ra trong tương quan tới khía cạnh đạo đức học và tri thức luận. Thứ nhất, các nhà tư tưởng hay phê phán các nhà hùng biện bởi họ lèo lái đám đông ngang qua những lời lẽ bay bướm vốn chỉ mang lại sự hài lòng hay khoái lạc (Plato, Gorgias 462c-e). Nhà hùng biện không giúp người ta biết phân biệt thị phi, nhưng chỉ cho họ tới những gì tốt nước sơn thay vì tốt gỗ, bởi nó thiếu “những suy tư hữu lý (logos) vốn cần được áp dụng vào những minh giải về thực tại... bởi thế, nó không thể nói được gì về sự vật” (Plato, Gorgias 465a). Hay nói khác đi, nhà hùng biện dễ sa vào tranh biện cho những gì sai lệch nhắm riêng mục đích thuyết phục thay vì tìm đến tri thức về thực tại. Bởi vậy, vấn đề tri thức luận luôn là vấn đề nóng bỏng được đặt ra trong địa hạt hùng biện.
Thứ đến, có nhiều chính trị gia thường sử dụng hùng biện như phương tiện nhằm hướng người dân ủng hộ cho những chính sách mang lại nhiều lợi ích trước mắt, nhưng kỳ thực những chính sách ấy hầu chắc nghịch lại xác tín được đặt trên nền tảng đạo đức họ đang ôm ấp, chẳng hạn việc hợp pháp hóa cần sa, xây tường biên giới thay vì xây những cầu nối,  đầu tư nhiều cho lĩnh vực quân đội thay vì giáo dục và y tế, truy lùng và hành quyết trực tiếp những kẻ buôn bán ma túy mà không thông qua phán quyết của tòa án. Hay trong thời của Cicero, các bè phái chính trị nảy sinh đối chọi gay gắt, các cuộc đảo chính bằng vũ lực lần lượt xảy ra, các chế độ mới như chế độ Tam hùng đệ nhất và đệ nhị xuất hiện chi phối, kiểm soát và chia cắt đất nước; và hùng biện hầu chắc đóng vai trò quan trọng trong hầu hết những sự kiện nhiễu loạn chính trị này.  Bởi vậy, hùng biện vẫn luôn mang nơi mình một mối khúc mắc mang tính đạo đức.
Trong tác phẩm De Oratore, Cicero cho rằng chân dung nhà hùng biện lý tưởng cần được đặt nền trên tri thức và đạo đức, bởi lẽ tri thức mang tới giá trị chân lý cho những phát biểu của nhà hùng biện, và đạo đức, vốn được thể hiện ra trong đời sống của nhà hùng biện và chính hoạt động hùng biện, mang lại giá trị niềm tin và sức nặng cho những phát biểu ấy. Cụ thể, tác phẩm De Oratore, được Cicero hoàn thành vào năm 55BC, là một khảo cứu, vốn mang hình thức đối thoại, về chân dung nhà hùng biện lý tưởng. Tác phẩm không chỉ xây dựng một triết thuyết về hùng biện (I), nhưng còn bàn thảo về bản chất và tương quan của hùng biện với tri thức, đặc biệt lề luật và triết học (Chương II). Hơn nữa, cũng trong tác phẩm này, tác giả còn cho rằng nhà hùng biện ắt phải là một mẫu mực sống động, tức phải ôm ấp đặc tính tri hành hợp nhất ngõ hầu khả dĩ đảm nhiệm vai trò lãnh đạo và biết hướng dẫn tha nhân ngang qua đời sống mẫu mực, vốn được đào sâu hơn và minh giải trong tác phẩm De Officiis (Chương III).

By attacking Epicurean philosophy repeatedly in his public writings, Cicero established himself as one of Epicurus’ most fervent critics. The remarks that he makes about Epicureanism in his letters further suggest a genuine conviction that such a philosophy had no place in Roman society. This consistency in Cicero’s statements has led most scholars to assume that Cicero could not have embraced any of the principles of the Epicurean school. This book challenges the conventional view of Cicero as someone who completely rejected Epicurean philosophy-even in his private life-because of its utilitarian character. It argues that his relationship with Pompey, Caesar, Atticus, Quintus, Terentia, and Tullia encompassed several aspects of Aristotle’s account of φιλία (love and friendship) but was, nonetheless, ultimately based on expediency, in accord with Epicurus’ conception of φιλία.

While Cicero’s statements in his public speeches and his letters to men with an active public life have been scrutinised for his lack of candour or for his tendency to exaggerate his achievements, the claims found in his letters to Atticus and to his family have not been treated with equal caution, as they tend be taken at face value. The book highlights the large number of discrepancies in his remarks and argues that, despite his anti-Epicurean statements, personal benefit played a vital role in all of his relationships.

Cicero Latin edebiyatının ve felsefesinin belki de kendisinden sonraki çağları en çok etkilemiş yazarıdır. Roma'nın geleneksel değerlerinin ve devletinin sadık bir bekçisi olmuş, bu uğurda yaşamını yitirmiştir. Consul'luğa ve vatanın babası unvanına (pater patriae) uzanan siyasi kariyeri boyunca verdiği eserler sadece yaşadığı dönemin değil, sonraki çağların entelektüel zihinleri için de yol gösterici olmuştur: Deneyimlediklerini yazmış, yazdıklarını deneyimlemiştir. Burada çevirisini sunduğumuz De Re Publica da Roma'nın kuruluşu ile krallık devrinden cumhuriyetin son yüzyılına uzanan deneyime dayanan kolektif bir bilincin tarihsel ve teorik bir öyküsüdür. Cicero biçim bakımından Platon ve Aristoteles'in siyasi metinlerini örnek almışsa da, bu öyküyü bir Romalı gibi, görev duygusuyla kaleme almış ve her zaman olduğu gibi devletin esenliğini her şeyin önüne koymuştur. Ona göre erdem (virtus) iyi bir şeyse, uygulamaya dökülmelidir, o halde en yüce erdem de toplumun malı sayılan devlete hizmettir.

Erken dönemde Kilise tarafından "erdemli pagan" olarak değerlendirilen ve birçok eseri değerli görüldüğü için korunup çoğaltılan Cicero her şeyiyle klasik dönemden çok farklı bir iklimi yaşayan Ortaçağ'da Kilise Babaları'yla birlikte Lactantius, Augustinus, Ambrosius ve Hieronymus gibi önemli isimleri görüşleriyle etkilemiştir. Rönesans döneminin de gözde yazarıdır şüphesiz: başta Petrarca ve Erasmus olmak üzere Eskiçağ'ı hayranlıkla öğrenip inceleyen hümanistlerin ve Machiavelli ve Thomas Hobbes'un da.

Ciceroniana on line I.1 (2017) 41-66.

After the death of Tullia, Cicero wrote repeatedly in his letters to Atticus that he intended to build a shrine (fanum) to divinize his daughter, but he never carried out his plans. I argue that by comparing Cicero’s comments in the Letters to Atticus to passages in the Consolatio and Tusculan Disputations we learn why Cicero did not build the fanum.  After announcing a monument for Tullia in the Consolatio and discussing it in his letters, in the Tusculan Disputations Cicero shows that he changed his mind about the fanum. Endorsing Stoic arguments about the nature of grief, he argued that building a monument to the dead, as Artemisia had done with the famous Mausoleum, would be counterproductive and prolong grief needlessly. The article ends by showing how passages about losing a loved one in the De Senectute and De Amicitia are consistent with Cicero’s view in the Tusculan Disputations.