Abraham Lincoln

In the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, many of the overseas American Cultural Centers or binational centers sponsored or supported by the U.S. Information Service (USIS) organized annual Gettysburg Address speech contests.  The contests helped local students develop speaking and oratorical skills while they learned about the U.S. war over slavery and "government of the people, by the people, for the people."  "A speech or essay contest . . . may encourage hundreds of students to strive for the prize.  Win or lose, every contestant benefits from the effort."  Includes recollections from Bangladesh, Nigeria, Taiwan, and China.

Invited by Auburn University to give a public lecture soon after 911, the talk traced the history of the word “equality” from the time of slave-owner Jefferson drafting the Declaration of Independence to Lincoln’s Gettysburg address, "Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" arguing for the equality of all Americans irrespective of colour.

The Quran advocates equality; only piety distinguishes one from the other: "O humanity! Indeed, We created you from a male and a female, and made you into peoples and tribes so that you may ˹get to˺ know one another. Surely the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous among you. Allah is truly All-Knowing, All-Aware" [Quran 49:13].

Hence, the talk argued that after 911, in a unipolar world with the United States' defence spending almost half of global military expenditures,, “equality” ought to encompass Americans and non-Americans; i.e. the equality of all humankind. In other words, the mission of The U.S. Department of State that “leads America’s foreign policy through diplomacy, advocacy, and assistance by advancing the interests of the American people, their safety and economic prosperity” ought to take into account the interests of Non-Americans, their safety and economic prosperity. If not, Foreign Affairs decisions flowing from 911 were in the danger of succumbing to hubris.

Note: The text in the the poster, other than Title & Abstract, was provided by Auburn University, Alabama.

In retrospect, the talk, sponsored by the Breeden Eminent Scholar Fund and the College of Liberal Arts,  is dedicated to the memory of my host Dr. David Edwin Harrell, Jr., Daniel Breeden Eminent Scholar at Auburn University February 22, 1930 – March 15, 2021. I will always treasure his endorsement.

Whatever Jefferson Davis’s reputation as a slave-holder and proponent of states’ rights, McPherson has done a service in resurrecting Davis’s reputation as commander-in-chief from overly critical historians, even if McPherson himself overinflates Davis by ignoring some of his arguably more severe errors, including the deficiencies in leadership Davis displayed in economic matters. Davis’s brand of centrally planned, wartime socialism grossly exacerbated the problems in feeding, clothing, and supplying the military the commander in chief faced by preventing the maintenance of a market price system, whereby desperately needed goods could be efficiently allocated to where they were most urgently needed. The learned reader expecting the same level of academic work on display in Tried by War will be disappointed by the lack of novelty, but Embattled Rebel will function well for any student looking for a polished introduction to Jefferson Davis and the problems facing the Confederacy during the war. What we can garner from McPherson’s work is that Davis was handed the reins to a Confederate military that suffered from woeful inadequacies in supplies and manpower, was handicapped by disobedient or overly tame generals, and faced with an un-navigable political situation, but still managed to hold at bay the largest, most powerful army the world had yet seen for over 4 years—no small feat, indeed.

The Confederacy whispers across the psyche of America like a corpse that refuses to die. Its ghosts hamper our forward movement and prevent our culture from truly embracing the science and new thinking needed to address present-day complexity. The offspring of this benighted era of open white supremacy despises the idea of an American society where the longstanding divisions its power depends upon are finally and thoroughly vanquished. They resist the continuing maturation and even the survival of our democracy. I call the embodiment of these longings for a reinstallation of the sad system of domination, heartlessness, and cruelty that was the Confederacy “The Zombie Named Dixie”

The ways in which the profound prejudices of the Confederate slave system continue to pollute the American landscape are at the heart of this essay. Some personal reminiscences about being a native son of the South are combined with a reading of history that focuses on the consequences of Abraham Lincoln’s death for our current national condition. Specifically, I am concerned with how America’s untreated pathology of white primacy persists and the growing threat it poses.

Il pdf caricato contiene la copertina e l'indice del volume.
Scheda del libro:
Autore: Matteo Nanni
Presentazione: Raffaele Di Virgilio
Città e anno di pubblicazione: Lanciano, giugno 2021
Genere: storico filosofico
Casa editrice: Rivista Abruzzese
Pagine: 77
Abstract:
Un viaggio nel tempo ripercorrendo la storia delle istituzioni democratiche, dalla teoria classica delle tre forme di governo elaborata da Erodoto, nell’Atene del V secolo a.C., alle rivoluzioni borghesi; dal successo della democrazia rappresentativa alla crisi contemporanea nel mondo occidentale; riflessioni sul futuro di un’idea. Presentazione del professor Raffaele Di Virgilio. Editore: Rivista Abruzzese.

This research observes the religious background of Abraham Lincoln, the religious transitions he experienced during his presidency, and then synthesizes his religious views in regards to how they influenced his decision to press towards emancipating slaves. While historians of Lincoln have adequately explored the president's understanding religion, it is suggested that this research advances previous views of Lincoln, as seen in the writings of Wayne C. Temple and Nicholas Parrillo, that a much more focused analysis on the variations of Calvinism provides a fuller picture to the story.

Does the infamous 3/5ths Clause of the U.S. Constitution prove that the Founding Fathers were “racists”?  There is ample historical evidence to not only dispute this charge of “racism”, but to expose just how misguided this contention truly is. The opinion of legal and political minds of Abraham Lincoln and Karl Marx document the “covert language” used by the Founding Fathers in order to insure that the institution of slavery “perished from this earth.”

200+ pages of text intelligently condensed into 17 pages – save your precious time!
For smart lazy students with love from Angel Versetti
Spark Notes style summary of the essentials for your preparation
The American Revolution by Gordon S. Wood summary

La literatura de la imaginación, al contrario de lo que creería el crítico literario Harold Bloom, comprendía la unidad inseparable, como en el caso de la personalidad de Lincoln, de la conciencia estética y moral, permitiendo que la ética literaria y la experiencia estética de las 'Perspectivas democráticas' resultaran afines. Las 'Perspectivas democráticas' de Whitman representan a la perfección el significado de la escritura como un acto de independencia que refleja indistintamente tanto al individuo como a la sociedad, en una clara muestra de fe en la democracia. El valor democrático de las páginas de Whitman es emancipador para el lector. Se trata, en conclusión, de una experiencia estética afín a la ética literaria que ha fundado una nación, los Estados Unidos de América.

We would like to think all of our presidents of the United States were truly great men and to be sure, just handling the awesome responsibility of the presidency takes a special kind of individual. One of the unique and great things about the system of government in America is the concept of citizen leadership. This is the idea of an ordinary citizen rising up and becoming president for a while and then returning to private life. But of the handful of men who have held that office, a few have stood out for their great achievements and leadership in a time that changed the country for ever. And one of these truly great presidents was Abraham Lincoln. Probably more than any other president, Lincoln had to handle an internal civil war that was far more than shouting and name calling. This was a dispute that could have torn the country in half and starting a rupturing that could have resulted in dozens of small weak independent states instead of the powerful nation we know as America today. It was Lincoln's leadership, his commitment to values and his strong moral fiber that made it possible for America to find its way through that war and then to begin the healing process that would eventually lead the nation back to unity once again. Lincoln's term of service

Leadership is a highly valued product. It is a process in which a person impacts a group of people to achieve a shared goal. People want to know who the real leaders are and what they do. They are interested in finding out how to become a successful leader, and many books and movies telling about cases of leadership help them in it. The movie Lincoln represents timeless lessons in character, leadership, and communication of the outstanding historical figure of Abraham Lincoln.

William Wilberforce entered the British anti-slavery scene in 1789 with a stirring speech in the House of Commons. Abraham Lincoln entered the American anti-slavery discussion in 1858 with a stirring nomination speech. Both Wilberforce and Lincoln were rhetorical geniuses whose words defined national movements and framed the slavery debate for years to come. Despite the extensive literature on Lincoln and the recent upswing of literature on Wilberforce, the rhetorical work of these two men on the issue of slavery has yet to be studied side-by-side. Issues become public, as Hauser argues, when people see the applicability of that issue in day-to-day life. Individuals need to feel “where the shoe pinches” in order for an issue to mature from private to public. Despite rhetorical prowess, both Lincoln and Wilberforce needed time and significant outside events to ultimately find success in their rhetorical endeavors. This paper uses a rhetorical lens to compare Wilberforce’s House of Commons speech and Lincoln’s “House Divided” speech. These two artifacts exhibit striking similarities in a number of areas: speakers (both leaders of the anti-slavery movement), relative lack of immediate success (Lincoln lost the election, Wilberforce’s bill didn’t pass for close to two decades), audience (body of government/body of voters), rhetorical goal (gradual abolition), and rhetorical strategies (to be covered in this presentation). The rhetorical similarities between Lincoln and Wilberforce are not coincidental. Both men were pushing for social change when it was not popular, and did so in a manner that Hauser would approve: both used rhetoric to show the public how the issue of slavery affected their daily lives. By analyzing the rhetoric of these two men, we can better understand what makes rhetoric “successful” and what differentiates an eloquent speaker and a master rhetor.

http://rmmla.wsu.edu/conferences/conf09Snowbird/getabstract1ec6.html?session_id=237&present_id=5341

Wallace Bruce of Brooklyn (NY) and DeFuniak Springs (FL) became interested in honoring Abraham Lincoln and the Scottish Union veterans of the Civil War.  He singlehandedly raised funds and with permission of Robert Todd Lincoln erected a statue honoring Abraham Lincoln in Old Carlton Burying Ground, Edinburgh, the first statue honoring an American President outside of the United States.  This is that story!

Tendo em vista o desenvolvimento do constitucionalismo inglês e o surgimento de sua vertente norte-americana, o objetivo do presente artigo é demonstrar a força dos preceitos constitucionais durante a Guerra Civil Americana. Diante de uma nação dividida, o então presidente Abraham Lincoln levara a cabo um projeto de emancipação dos escravos. Uma vez libertos, era preciso pensar a respeito da integração - ou não - dos negros ex-escravos na sociedade americana. Para tanto, uma definição do seu status social era extremamente necessária e o presidente precisava ter uma postura firme para evitar que o restante da federação se desmantelasse. A partir disso, buscaremos identificar a influência dos preceitos constitucionais no posicionamento de Lincoln acerca da controvérsia da emergência dos negros como indivíduos e/ou cidadãos, atentando para as releituras da Constituição feitas pelo presidente e seus adversários, procurando compreender como conceitos basilares do constitucionalismo - tais como indivíduo e cidadão - foram rearranjados no cenário de guerra.

El propósito de este artículo es analizar los efectos emocionales que trajeron consigo dos de los discursos pronunciados por Abraham Lincoln durante la época de la guerra civil estadounidense. El primero será aquel dictado en julio de 1863 en memoria de los caídos durante la Batalla de Gettysburg  y el segundo el pronunciado a propósito de la segunda envestidura presidencial de Lincoln. Finalmente se analizaran tres tipos de propaganda difundida durante la guerra: sobres, posters y almanaques; esto con el objetivo de demostrar que este tipo de publicidad fue tanto un refuerzo para las palabras del presidente, como un medio de canalización ante los acontecimientos que estaban ocurriendo en el país norteamericano.

In this essay I analyze the debate over Abraham Lincoln’s role in the emancipation of African American slaves. Speaking both to contemporary public memory and the evidence of history, I contend that when Lincoln discussed or wrote about emancipation between 1860 and 1863, his rhetoric exhibited a dialogic form that shifted responsibility from the president to congressional leaders and common citizens. I conclude that Lincoln’s dialogic rhetoric does not signal his opposition to emancipation but rather his deep belief that emancipation would become meaningful only afer the considered deliberation and action of the American people.

In this chapter, part of the book US Public Memory, Rhetoric, and the National Mall, I argue for the Lincoln Memorial as a representative anecdote, “sufficiently demarcated in character to make analysis possible,” possessing both scope and simplicity, wherein “human relations grandly converge.”  From this, I deduce two specific rhetorical conclusions that function as connective threads throughout—requiem and dream. Put differently, I contend that we ascertain aspects of the soul in the cherished memory of Lincoln (Memorial) by attending to the rhetorical presence and interrelation of requiem and dream, literally the “heart and soul.”

The new designs for the US Paper Money between 1914 and 1918: Federal Reserve Notes and Federal Reserve Bank Notes during the Word War I. Contents:
BEFORE THE FED, THE FED, THE NEW NOTES, 12 BANK SEALS, THE NEW TRADITION, 2 TREASURY SEALS, DATES, FIVE-DOLLAR BILL, TEN-DOLLAR BILL, TWENTY-DOLLAR BILL, FIFTY-DOLLAR BILL, ONE HUNDRED-DOLLAR BILL, ONE-DOLLAR BILL, TWO-DOLLAR BILL, $500 BILL, $1,000 BILL, $5,000 BILL, $10,000 BILL, 4 AUTHORIZATIONS ON THE “FED” PAPER MONEY (1914-1918), FINAL WORDS.

This paper will conduct a detail analyze on Freemasonry's symbolism codified to The Great Seal of the United States obverse and reverse sides, The Apotheosis of George Washington, The Centennial Great Seal of 1882, The Capitol Building and the mapping out of Washington DC.

Here I analyze Freemasonry ongoing enterprise of codifying esoteric symbols into the streets and monuments of Washington DC.  Most of the symbols I discuss have never been videoed or written about by previous authors or film makers.

The paper deals with the influence of the discussion about restoration of the Union and Reconstruction on the presidential campaign of 1864. Particular feature of the problem is the lack of researches in Russian. Because of that, author deals with the foreign bibliography. Such sources as personal works of Abraham Lincoln and Union
pamphlets of the Civil War were used during the work on the article. Author considers the Abraham Lincoln’s and George McClellan’s points of view on this question. Specific attention is paid to the role of question of restoration of the Union in the pre-election rhetoric of the candidates. It seems very important that McClellan’s activity during the
campaign was lower than that of his opponent, which gives a reason to characterize the McClellan’s position as hesitating and temporizing. While Lincoln was insisting on profound changes in Southern life, McClellan agitated for preserving the old order in the South. Nevertheless, McClellan was a supporter of conducting war until the
full victory. This position confronted with that of Democratic Party. The result of comparison of candidates’ positions is that although being frequently mentioned during the presidential campaign, the problem of Reconstruction has not affected the overall results of elections directly because potential voter’s preferences were connected with the successes of the Union army.

The Sphinx and the Giza Plateau's Pyramid Complex has had numerous unsolved mysteries for thousands of years. Both Robert Bauval (1994) and Andrew Collins (1999) put forth their individual theories on how to solve those mysteries; however, neither had any idea that it would take the unanimity of their theories to aid in explaining those ancient Egyptian mysteries.

To understand the unanimity of these theories there are two other major factors that have to be understood: the MATRIX OF WISDOM (10²) and the TRINITARIAN PARADIGM: Trinity to understand the esoteric dynamics of the Giza Plateau's Pyramid Complex mysteries.

Four decades of esoteric and symbolic researches has given me a unique perspective of the MATRIX OF WISDOM and the TRITARIAN PARADIGM: Trinity in the world's religions and mystery schools, which enabled me to tackle and solve these awesome mysteries.

The Sphinx is the key to solving these mysteries. When modernity first observed the Egyptian Sphinx it was just a skull lying on the sands of the desert. Life is lived between the ears. The Giza Plateau's Pyramid Complex's spiritual paradigm takes place between the ears.

Solving the Sphinx and Giza Plateau's Pyramid Complex mysteries opens up all the mystical doors of esotericism and symbolism in all the major religions around the world.

This is a 99% complete long book manuscript. It defends the thesis that democracy in a robust (deliberative democratic) sense is a basic human right. In the process, it defends a theory of human rights in general that seeks to bridge the moral - political divide, which has been a key issue in recent years. The book draws together sources from analytic moral philosophy along with Habermasian critical theory / discourse ethics. It also features a chapter on democratic theory, and discussions of revolution and secession (with thinkers such as Allan Buchanan, Michael Walzer, and Abraham Lincoln). One unusual feature of this work is the detailed chapter on the nature of culture and the contrast between two basic cultural paradigms. This involves a new version of the Axial transition idea, different than either Jaspers' or Habermas's versions.

Isaac Nelson's response to the civil war represented the fruit of twenty years' reflection on the issues of slavery and emancipation. Perhaps surprisingly, he did not support the Federal government's efforts to restore the Union, even after the Emancipation Proclamation was issued. Nelson's analysis of the struggle helpfully illuminates the complexity of radical abolitionist responses to the civil war, while it also serves to correct hasty generalizations concerning British and Irish evangelical support for the Federal government. Thus, by means of a biographical case study of Ulster Presbyterianism's most zealous abolitionist, a wide number of thematic issues can be freshly examined.

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