HISTORIA I ŚWIAT 11/2022 (ISSN 2299-2464)

HISTORIA I ŚWIAT nr 11/2022 Czasopismo naukowe Instytutu Historii Wydział Nauk Humanistycznych Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Humanistyczny w Siedlcach Siedlce 2022 HISTORY AND THE WORLD No 11/2022 Research Journal of Institute of History Faculty of Humanities Siedlce University of Natural Sciences and Humanities Siedlce 2022 Institute of History, Faculty of Humanities, Siedlce University of Natural Sciences and Humanities. ul. Żytnia 39, 08-110 Siedlce The Scientific Council: Gabriela BELOVA (Neofit Rilski South-West University, Bulgaria), Oleh DUCH (Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, Ukraine), Wasyl FUTAŁA (Drohobych State Pedagogical University of name Ivan Franko, Ukraine), Leonardo GREGORATTI (University of Durham, United Kingdom), Michael Richard JACKSON BONNER (Toronto, Canada), Eduard KHURSHUDIAN (National Academy of Sciences of Armenia, Armenia), Jerzy LINDERSKI (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, USA), Vlada V. SOKYRSKA (Pavlo Tychyna Uman State Pedagogical University, Ukraine), Władysław STRUTYŃSKI (Chernivtsi National University, Ukraine) Editorial Board: Katarzyna Maksymiuk (Editor in Chief), Anita Smyk (Editorial Assistant), Dorota Wereda, Dariusz Magier, Józef Piłatowicz, Rafał Roguski, Adam Kubik, Beata Spieralska-Kasprzyk (Editor – French), Iwona Czyżak (Editor – English), Sergiusz Leończyk (Editor – Russian) Web page: https://czasopisma.uph.edu.pl/index.php/historiaswiat/about © Copyright by Siedlce University of Natural Sciences and Humanities, Siedlce 2022 All the illustrations and figures included in this volume are particular authors’ responsibility ISSN 2299-2464 Typesetting and text makeup: Katarzyna Maksymiuk, Ed. I Size B-5 The seal from Cabinet des Médailles in Paris (drawing by Eleonora Skupniewicz) cover design: Adam Lech Kubik Print: ELPIL, Siedlce TABLE OF CONTENS ARTICLES ACTA MILITARIA IRANICA Ali NOURALLAHI (Iran) An Archaeological landscape of Sharif Abad (Solgi) settlement area in the Gamasi-Ab River Basin in Central Zagros ………....…….. 15-40 Elnaz RASHIDIAN (University of Konstanz, Germany) Alireaza ASKARI CHAVERDI (Shiraz University, Iran) The circular pond of Dehbarm in the Firuzabad Plain (Fars, Iran) ………..…….. 41-48 Parsa GHASEMI (University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France) Two Sasanian Rock Reliefs of The King Combatting A Lion ……...………..….. 49-70 Siavash SORAGHI (Isfahan of Art University, Iran) Mohsen ZEYNIVAND (University of Tehran, Iran) The Susa salvage project in 2019, southwestern Iran ………………….……..….. 71-79 Mohammad Amin MIRGHADERI (University of Tehran, Iran) Kamal Aldin NIKNAMI (University of Tehran, Iran) The Chronology of the Archaeological surface remains of Tepe Pa-Chogha, Central Zagros (Kermanshah, Iran) ………..……….....….. 81-114 Patryk SKUPNIEWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Archers from Rag-i Bibi. Notes on the equipment depicted on Rag-i Bibi relief (Northern Afghanistan) ……...………………………..….. 115-124 Kaveh FARROKH (Langara College, Vancouver, Canada) Katarzyna MAKSYMIUK (Siedlce University, Poland) Patryk SKUPNIEWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Salam FATHI (Azad University, Tehran, Iran) An Overview of Military Confrontations between of the Assyrian Army against the Medes in the 7th centuries BCE ………..…….………..…....…….. 125-144 Katarzyna MAKSYMIUK (Siedlce University, Poland) Parviz HOSSEIN TALAEE (Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Iran) Consequences of the Battle of Satala (298) ………..…………………....…….. 145-154 Henrik KHACHATRYAN (NAS RA, Yerevan, Armenia) The Northern kʻustak administrative units of the Sasanian Iran in 6th century CE ……...……………………………………………….…..….. 155-163 Nika KHOPERIA (GIPA / Ilia State University, Tbilisi, Georgia) The Daylamite Involvement in the Lazic War (541-562) ……...…………..….. 165-172 Page | 5 ACTA HISTORICA Pedro David CONESA NAVARRO (University of Murcia / University of Oviedo, Spain) Anita SMYK (Siedlce University, Poland) Goddess Venus on Julia Domna’s coins. The Political Use of the Coinage of an Augusta of the Severan Dynasty …...... 175-200 Agnieszka WITKOWSKA (AMU, Poznań, Poland) Sources of the history of the Jewish community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą (1507-1939) …………………………....…..………….. 201-218 Liudmyla POSOKHOVA (Kharkiv National University, Ukraine) Joanna KOWALIK-BYLICKA (Siedlce University, Poland) The Library of Varlaam Shyshatsky in the Context of a ‘Reading Revolution’ in the Ukrainian Lands (Second Half of the 18th – Early 19th Centuries) …………........................….. 219-236 Veli KRYEZIU (University of Prishtina, Republic of Kosovo) Bujar DUGOLLI (University of Prishtina, Republic of Kosovo) The Armed Resistance Movement in Kosovo 1918-1928 according to the Albanian press …………....................................................….. 237-250 Gabriela BELOVA (SWU “Neofit Rilski”, Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria) Gergana GEORGIEVA (SWU “Neofit Rilski”, Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria) Sergiusz LEOŃCZYK (Siedlce University, Poland) International Health Cooperation between the World Wars – Lessons from History in Controlling Epidemics ………...........................….. 251-272 Madi Tursynbekovich SHOTAYEV (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) Kairat Shakarimovich ALIMGAZINOV (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) Gulbanu ZHUGENBAYEVA (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) The attitude of the soviet authorities to the first wave of ‘nomaders’ according to the documents of the ‘special folders’ of the CC CP(B)K …….... 273-290 Dariusz MAGIER (Siedlce University, Poland) Sergiy POSOKHOV (Kharkiv National University, Ukraine) Crossing the Rubicon in archival sciences. Redefining the scope of state archivists in the 21st century Poland (with Ukrainian reflection) ….…………………………………………..…….. 291-309 Akmaral YSKAK (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) Gabit ZHUMATAY (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) The Impact of Digital Technologies on Kazakh archivists in the Age of Globalization ……………..…………………..………...……….. 311-327 Page | 6 Tomasz STĘPNIEWSKI (KUL, Lublin, Poland) Russia’s war with Ukraine and Russia’s revisionism on the international stage ……………………………………….…….……….. 329-336 REVIEWS AND POLEMICS Erich KETTENHOFEN (University of Trier, Germany) Heinz Fähnrich, Die Könige der Parnawasiden. Georgien in der Weltgeschichte, Wiesbaden: Reichert-Verlag, 2020, ISBN: 978-3-9549-0525-6 …….............................................................…...….. 339-346 Erich KETTENHOFEN (University of Trier, Germany) Heinz Fähnrich, Gestalten der Geschichte Georgiens vom 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. bis zu den Mongolen, Wiesbaden: Reichert-Verlag, 2021, ISBN: 978-3-7520-0591-2 ……...…...….. 347-354 Joanna SZKLARZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Fiona K. Haarer, Justinian: Empire and Society in the Sixth Century, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2022, ISBN: 978-0-7486-3678-5 ……...…….…………………...…,,…………...….. 355-357 SOURCES Leszek OPYRCHAŁ (MUT, Warsaw, Poland) The plan of Kamianets-Podilskyi from 1773 ………….………...……….…..... 361-371 WITNESSES OF THE PAST OF SIEDLCE REGION (BIOGRAPHIES) Günther Wacław, Günther Mieczysław Karol ……………………......…......… 375-382 MESSAGES Artur GOSZCZYŃSKI (Siedlce University / Janusz Kurtyka Foundation, Warsaw, Poland) The Magnates of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 16th-18th century: towards Sejmiks, Ciechanowiec May 24-27, 2022 …………………………..….............……….. 385-389 Page | 7 Page | 8 SPIS TREŚCI ARTYKUŁY ACTA MILITARIA IRANICA Ali NOURALLAHI (Iran) An Archaeological landscape of Sharif Abad (Solgi) settlement area in the Gamasi-Ab River Basin in Central Zagros ………....…….. 15-40 Elnaz RASHIDIAN (University of Konstanz, Germany) Alireaza ASKARI CHAVERDI (Shiraz University, Iran) The circular pond of Dehbarm in the Firuzabad Plain (Fars, Iran) ………..…….. 41-48 Parsa GHASEMI (University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France) Two Sasanian Rock Reliefs of The King Combatting A Lion ……...………..….. 49-70 Siavash SORAGHI (Isfahan of Art University, Iran) Mohsen ZEYNIVAND (University of Tehran, Iran) The Susa salvage project in 2019, southwestern Iran ………………….……..….. 71-79 Mohammad Amin MIRGHADERI (University of Tehran, Iran) Kamal Aldin NIKNAMI (University of Tehran, Iran) The Chronology of the Archaeological surface remains of Tepe Pa-Chogha, Central Zagros (Kermanshah, Iran) ………..……….....….. 81-114 Patryk SKUPNIEWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Archers from Rag-i Bibi. Notes on the equipment depicted on Rag-i Bibi relief (Northern Afghanistan) ……...………………………..….. 115-124 Kaveh FARROKH (Langara College, Vancouver, Canada) Katarzyna MAKSYMIUK (Siedlce University, Poland) Patryk SKUPNIEWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Salam FATHI (Azad University, Tehran, Iran) An Overview of Military Confrontations between of the Assyrian Army against the Medes in the 7th centuries BCE ………..…….………..…....…….. 125-144 Katarzyna MAKSYMIUK (Siedlce University, Poland) Parviz HOSSEIN TALAEE (Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Iran) Consequences of the Battle of Satala (298) ………..…………………....…….. 145-154 Henrik KHACHATRYAN (NAS RA, Yerevan, Armenia) The Northern kʻustak administrative units of the Sasanian Iran in 6th century CE ……...……………………………………………….…..….. 155-163 Nika KHOPERIA (GIPA / Ilia State University, Tbilisi, Georgia) The Daylamite Involvement in the Lazic War (541-562) ……...…………..….. 165-172 Page | 9 ACTA HISTORICA Pedro David CONESA NAVARRO (University of Murcia / University of Oviedo, Spain) Anita SMYK (Siedlce University, Poland) Goddess Venus on Julia Domna’s coins. The Political Use of the Coinage of an Augusta of the Severan Dynasty …...... 175-200 Agnieszka WITKOWSKA (AMU, Poznań, Poland) Sources of the history of the Jewish community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą (1507-1939) …………………………....…..………….. 201-218 Liudmyla POSOKHOVA (Kharkiv National University, Ukraine) Joanna KOWALIK-BYLICKA (Siedlce University, Poland) The Library of Varlaam Shyshatsky in the Context of a ‘Reading Revolution’ in the Ukrainian Lands (Second Half of the 18th – Early 19th Centuries) …………........................….. 219-236 Veli KRYEZIU (University of Prishtina, Republic of Kosovo) Bujar DUGOLLI (University of Prishtina, Republic of Kosovo) The Armed Resistance Movement in Kosovo 1918-1928 according to the Albanian press …………....................................................….. 237-250 Gabriela BELOVA (SWU “Neofit Rilski”, Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria) Gergana GEORGIEVA (SWU “Neofit Rilski”, Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria) Sergiusz LEOŃCZYK (Siedlce University, Poland) Международное сотрудничество в области здравоохранения между Первой и Второй мировыми войнами – уроки истории в борьбе с эпидемиями ………......................................….. 251-272 Madi Tursynbekovich SHOTAYEV (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) Kairat Shakarimovich ALIMGAZINOV (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) Gulbanu ZHUGENBAYEVA (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) The attitude of the soviet authorities to the first wave of ‘nomaders’ according to the documents of the ‘special folders’ of the CC CP(B)K …….... 273-290 Dariusz MAGIER (Siedlce University, Poland) Sergiy POSOKHOV (Kharkiv National University, Ukraine) Crossing the Rubicon in archival sciences. Redefining the scope of state archivists in the 21st century Poland (with Ukrainian reflection) ….…………………………………………..…….. 291-309 Akmaral YSKAK (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) Gabit ZHUMATAY (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) The Impact of Digital Technologies on Kazakh archivists in the Age of Globalization ……………..…………………..………...……….. 311-327 Page | 10 Tomasz STĘPNIEWSKI (KUL, Lublin, Poland) Russia’s war with Ukraine and Russia’s revisionism on the international stage ……………………………………….…….……….. 329-336 RECENZJE I POLEMIKI Erich KETTENHOFEN (University of Trier, Germany) Heinz Fähnrich, Die Könige der Parnawasiden. Georgien in der Weltgeschichte, Wiesbaden: Reichert-Verlag, 2020, ISBN: 978-3-9549-0525-6 …….............................................................…...….. 339-346 Erich KETTENHOFEN (University of Trier, Germany) Heinz Fähnrich, Gestalten der Geschichte Georgiens vom 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. bis zu den Mongolen, Wiesbaden: Reichert-Verlag, 2021, ISBN: 978-3-7520-0591-2 ……...…...….. 347-354 Joanna SZKLARZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Fiona K. Haarer, Justinian: Empire and Society in the Sixth Century, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2022, ISBN: 978-0-7486-3678-5 ……...…….…………………...…,,…………...….. 355-357 ŹRÓDŁA Leszek OPYRCHAŁ (MUT, Warsaw, Poland) The plan of Kamianets-Podilskyi from 1773 ………….………...……….…..... 361-371 ŚWIADKOWIE PRZESZŁOŚCI ZIEMI SIEDLECKIEJ (BIOGRAMY) Günther Wacław, Günther Mieczysław Karol ……………………......…......… 375-382 KOMUNIKATY Artur GOSZCZYŃSKI (Siedlce University / Janusz Kurtyka Foundation, Warsaw, Poland) The Magnates of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 16th-18th century: towards Sejmiks, Ciechanowiec May 24-27, 2022 …………………………..….............……….. 385-389 Page | 11 Page | 12 ACTA MILITARIA IRANICA HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Ali NOURALLAHI (Iran) An Archaeological landscape of Sharif Abad (Solgi) settlement area in the Gamasi-Ab River Basin in Central Zagros https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.01 Abstract: Solgi or Sharif Abad tepe (A&B) is one of the larger settlement sites of the Gamasi-Ab river basin in Nahavand plain. This site lies at the intersection of old ancient roads that go from Sahne, Harsin and Kangavar to Nihavand and the other eastern regions. In the study of this area, pottery from the Early Bronze Age (Godin IV-Yanik, Kura-Araxes), pottery related to Godin III, II and pottery of the historical period were obtained. The examination of these pottery artefacts reveals extensive cultural exchanges of the inhabitants of the region with the northwestern and neighboring areas in the Bronze and Iron Ages. In addition, a closer examination of the lifestyle in this settlement area gives us a complete view of these people’s use of biological resources and their interaction with the environment. Among the reasons for the location and development of this settlement in the Bronze and Iron Age the main one was easy access to water resources and fertile agricultural lands. This article provides a brief overview of the geographical situation of the region and the history of archaeological research conducted in Nihavand and then focuses on the natural landscape of Sharif Abad. The next part of it describes the archaeological data from this location and analyzes its chronology. The article is concluded by a succinct summary. Key words: Central Zagros, Bronze Age, Iron Age, Nihavand Plain, Solgi (Sharif Abad) tepe Introduction Nihavand County is one of the districts in Hamedan province which is located 125 km south of Hamedan. Nihavand city lies on the northern slope of Green Mountain and the Gamasi-Ab River1 passes 2 km south and 1 km west of it.2 In the north, there are Kuh-e-Sefid, Molusan, Borjak, Ardisho, Gheitel Barudab, Ashvand and Kaleh-eKho, and in the south, there is Garou (a sequence of Shahoo, Paveh, and Ravansar  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6737-8628. [email protected] 1 Green Mountain – in the part overlooking the source of Gamasi-Ab – with a height of 3188 meters and the lowest point of Nihavand, which is also the lowest point of the province, is the exit of the GamasiAb River from Hamedan province with an altitude of 1420 meters above sea level. 2 Geographical culture…, 2001/1380: 455. Page | 15 Biston mountains, which are parallel to Kabir kuh).3 The fertile Nihavand plain stretches between these mountains, its width varying from 4 to 12 km.4 This plain is delimited by Malayer and Tuyserkan in the north, Kangavar valley in the west and Lorestan province in the south. Along this plain, there are many permanent and seasonal springs, the most important of which are sarab e Gamasi-Ab and Sarab-e Giyan, which constitute the main source of the Gamasi-Ab River waters. After leaving the Nihavand plain, the river flows west and enters Kangavar. Then other streams such as Qarasu and Razavar join it near Ilam province, and later the Kashkan and the Sehzar rivers with other streams flow into it. Most of the villages in this area are located in the river basin as the river plays an important role in the drainage of the Nihavand plain, having always been the cause of prosperity in agriculture and horticulture. It is also abundant in a variety of freshwater fish and oysters, which even today constitute staple food for local villagers. Understandably, therefore, this river played an important role in the formation of prehistoric and historical cultures of the Central Zagros.5 Additionally, the river has a great impact on the climate of Nihavand and moderates the winter cold and the summer heat of this plain to a large extent. For this reason, the climate of this area is considered as a mountainous temperate. For the same reason among the cities of Hamadan province, the shortest glacial period occurred in this region. Archaeological excavations and research in this area date back to more than a century ago. The first excavations were carried out by Naser al-Din Shah Qajar on Baba Qasim hill in the east of Nihavand and caused irreparable damage to this area. In 1928 some pottery and bronze objects of the tepe Giyans, smuggled from excavations sites whose exact location was unknown at the time, attracted the attention of Hertzfeld who wanted to discover the origin of these artefacts. He managed to identify it as tepe Giyan.6 A few years later, from the fall of 1931 to early 1932, the site was excavated in two seasons by Georges Contenau and Roman Ghirshman, French archaeologists commissioned by the Louvre Museum in Paris, whose final reports were published in 1935.7 Tepe Giyan is 350 meters long and 150 meters wide and its height is 19 meters above the ground. The excavation of this area was done by metric method, during which 122 tombs, five cultural floors, four architectural stages, all kinds of intact and broken pottery, all kinds of metal tools and objects, various ornaments, etc. were discovered. The explorers created five trenches in this area and named each 3 Seydan, 2000/1379. Afrasiabpour, 2002/1381. 5 Nourallahi, 2015a/1394a; Oberlander, 1965. 6 Herzfeld, 1929. 7 Contenau & Ghirshman, 1935. 4 Page | 16 of them in Latin letters. The pristine soil was identified at a depth of 19 meters from the surface of the area.8 In 1938-1940 Sir Aurel Stein identified two sites of Chegha Sifal and Jamshidi in this area.9 Ms. Clare Goff surveyed the area and introduced the pottery of the region.10 Judith Pullar also limitedly surveyed the region and neighboring plains to identify Neolithic settlements11 and excavated tepe Abdul Hussein.12 In 2000 Mahmoud Irandoost studied this area to identify the site of the Sasanid period.13 Due to the problems of the Giyan stratification, this was done by metric method. Its layers were not clear. In the summer and autumn of 2003, it was excavated by Mehrdad Malekzadeh. During it, the Giyan range was determined, its scope measured, sounding for stratigraphy in the center of the site was carried out and the chronology of the site was established. Remains belonging to the Iron Age III (Assyrian-material pavilion from 900 to 600 BC) were identified.14 Then, this area (Khezzel and Firoozan section) was re-examined by Yaghoub Mohammadifar and Abbas Motarajem in 2003, during which 44 sites related to prehistoric to Islamic periods were surveyed and introduced.15 Mohammad Reza Saeedi Harsini surveyed Nihavand plain in 2005, during which 36 sites were visited, the traces of which ranged from the Stone Age to the Islamic period. Among them, 16 sites contained the works of the Bronze Age in the region.16 In the same year (2005), the Laodicean Temple and Do khaharan were excavated by Mehdi Rahbar.17 In 2005, Ali Nourallahi (as a colleague) and Nematullah Soraghi surveyed the entire Nihavand plain. The results of their study identified 124 sites related to prehistoric, historical and Islamic periods.18 Also in 2012 Ali Khaksar carried out a project to determine the area and propose the tepe Giyan area, during which 27 experimental soundings were excavated19 and a Middle Bronze Age burial (Giyan IV and Giyan III was obtained in excavations).20 This site is very wide and consists of two parts, southwest and northeast. The southwestern part (A) is 5 meters higher than the other part (B). Therefore, 8 Contenau & Ghirshman, 1935: 4-7. Stein, 1940. 10 Goff, 1971. 11 Pullar, 1975. 12 Pullar, 1990. 13 Irandoost, 2000/1379. 14 Malekzadeh, 2004/1383. 15 Mohammadifar & Motarjem, 2003/1382. 16 Saeedi Harsini, 2005/1384; Talaei et al., 2006/1385. 17 Rahbar & Alibaigi, 2011/1390. 18 Soraghi, 2006/1385. 19 Khaksar, 2012/1391. 20 Hemati Azandaryani & Khaksar, 2013; Khaksar, 2013/1392. 9 Page | 17 these two parts of the site were studied separately in this article. However, in terms of pottery and surface data, these two parts belong to the same period and various examples of pottery finds from both sections are similar and indicate simultaneous settlements in different periods. In this article, while presenting a brief geographical and natural situation of Nihavand and the history of studies and excavations in this area, I have studied the Sharif Abad settlement area and its landscape in the north basin of the Gamasi-Ab River, and then introduced the collection of pottery obtained from the field study in 2005 and during my visit in the winter of 2014. Then the pottery is analyzed and its chronology established. Finally, the paper presents a summary of all the studied material. Sharif Abad tepe (Solgi) Fig. 1. Topography of Nihavand and the location of Sharif Abad tepe (A. Nourallahi) Geographical Location: 34 ° 18'26.83 "N, 48 ° 5'55.52" E Altitude: 1470 meters Sharif Abad village is located 28 km west of Nihavand, in Khazal section [Fig. 1]. The inhabitants of this village are of Khezzel tribe called Solgi and Khazaei and its people have agricultural (irrigated and rainfed) and livestock livelihood. This village has changed a lot during the past one hundred years, so that the old village Page | 18 on Sharif Abad hill has been abandoned and a new village has been created and developed on the eastern slopes of the hill. Tepe Sharif Abad or Solgi is located on the western side of the present-day village of Sharif Abad, 400 meters north of the Gamasi Ab. This area is located 20 km northwest of tepe Giyan and 22.5 km south of Godintepe Kangavar, and it lies almost at the beginning of a small corridor that connects Nihavand to Kangavar plain. This site has a length (east-west) of 400 meters and a width (north-south) of 390 meters and consists of two parts, southwest and northeast. The southwestern part (A) is conical in shape and 5 meters higher than part (B). In total, nowadays this site amounts to the area of about 4.2 to 4.5 hectares. The site was probably larger in the past but has now decreased due to human and natural factors [Figs. 2a; 2b; 2c]. Sharif Abad A Sharif Abad village, which is locally known as Sharif Abad or Solgi tepe and is located at an altitude of 1470 meters above sea level, leads to the surrounding lands in a conical shape with a relatively steep slope, which has an oval cross section with a length of 280 meters and width 190 meters. Its height, measured from the surface of the dirt road next to, is 17 meters and from the surface of the small tepe Sharif Abad (B) it is 5 meters. On the western side of this section, a lot of soil is harvested every year by farmers with tractors in order to level agricultural land for better irrigation. Remains of the harvested soil amount to tens of tons every year. They are seen as deep and wide trenches. In addition to enriching and fertilizing the land, the villagers use the soil to build houses and mud walls. In different places of the north and south sections of the site holes have been dug by unauthorized diggers [Figs. 3-9]. Access to this site is possible through an asphalt road, which stretches from Kahriz Jamal village to Sharif Abad village. In the summer, the Torkkashvand nomads, who return from the tropics, live among the farmland near the area with their livestock until mid-autumn. Sharif Abad is one of the settlements in the Gamasi-Ab River basin, with the river flowing in the south-north direction, 400 meters west of it. One of the reasons for the formation of this area is that the flow of the Gamasi-Ab River decreases at this point. In addition, the river changes its direction to the southwest with a curvature and the water flow at this point is very slow, making it easy for agriculture to separate the streams and canals from it. These streams and water canals which branch from the Gamasi-Ab supply the required water from 1.5 km southeast of the area to the village and arable lands, and these canals are dredged every year by the residents. These water supply canals are probably very old and are thought to have been created by the inhabitants of this site in the Bronze and Iron Ages and to have been later developed and expanded in historical periods. They are still exploited by the villagers Page | 19 today. About 350 meters southeast of the site, there is crescent-shaped alluvial sediment that belongs to the old bed of the Gamasi-Ab River. This shows that in the past, the river at this point changed its course many times during severe floods. It is believed that the early inhabitants of this site were aware of this issue and, therefore, they took into account the flood area of the river when locating the village. The distance between 300 and 400 meters was deemed suitable to be safe from sudden floods of this river [Figs. 2-5]. Pottery data analysis The Old Bronze Age pottery (Godin IV): The paste of this pottery is gray with soft sand tempera. These pottery items can withstand a high baking temperature and they were wheel made. These potteries are burnished and in thickness terms are fine and medium. They include a bowl with a protruding rim with an ovoid body [Figs. 10a: 8; 10a: 9; 10a: 10; 10a: 11], a flat cup [Fig. 10a: 5], and bowls with handles [Fig. 10a: 12]. These pottery items are comparable in form and shape to the pottery obtained from Yanik Tape,21 Goy Tepe,22 eastern Lorestan23 and the IV period of Godin Tepe Kangavar.24 In Nihavand plain, 16 sites with this type of pottery (YanikKura Araxes) have been identified, most of which are located in the western part of the plain.25 These potteries may indicate a presence of a nomadic community in this area in the period of Godin IV. Petrographic studies on this type of pottery have strengthened the hypothesis that people with this type of pottery had a nomadic life.26 Nowadays, Torkkashvand nomads after returning from the tropics (from northern regions of Khuzestan), stay west of Nihavand plain all the time. One of the reasons is the availability of abundant water in the fields and suitable vegetation, which is more favorable and richer than in other parts of Nihavand.27 The Middle and Late Bronze painted pottery (Godin III2-6) includes buff common ware with soft sand tempera. These pottery artefacts are wheel made and are resistant to baking temperature. In thickness terms these items are fine, medium and rough. The designs on them are drawn in black and brown on the buff background. The decorations include wide and narrow horizontal stripes on the inner and outer rim and the body of the vessels [Figs. 10a: 7; 10b: 13, 10b: 18, 10b: 19], concentric circles [Fig. 10b: 15], narrow and wide horizontal stripes with wavy lines [Fig. 10a: 4], narrow and wide stripes on the inner and outer rim with intersecting lines on the body 21 Burney, 1964. Burton Brown, 1951. 23 Young & Smith, 1966. 24 Rothman, 2011; Henrickson, 1989. 25 Talaei et al., 2006/1385. 26 Mason & Cooper, 1999. 27 see Nourallahi, 2012/1390 and Talaei et al., 2015/1393. 22 Page | 20 of the vessels [Fig. 10b: 14], circular embossed motifs [Fig. 10a: 6], and crescentshaped reliefs under the fine rim [Fig. 10a: 2]. The forms of these pottery sherds include simple bodies [Figs. 10a: 4; 10b: 15], an outward rim with an ovoid body [Figs. 10a: 2; 10a: 7; 10b: 14; 10b: 18; 10b: 19], a flat rim with an oblique body [Fig. 10b: 13] and a piece of handle containers [Fig. 10a: 6]. These pottery finds are comparable to Godin III,28 Babajan Lorestan,29 and Giyan tepe30 and pottery found from Mahidasht, Khuzestan, Mesopotamia. And Susa IVA and IVb,31 Noorabad tepe of Lorestan,32 Tuyserkan, Asadabad and Kangavar plain,33 and Malayer plain34 and tepe Bara faraq Nihavand35 and Bronze Age pottery of Eznahri tepe.36 A number of pottery sherds with a thick red clay slipped and burnished was also collected, which had sand tempera. Their cores had turned black due to the low firing temperature of the pottery, and signs of heat were seen on some of these items, which may indicate that the pottery was used for cooking in the open kiln. This pottery was found in Godin III4-6.37 Such pottery forms and bowls which were burnished and red slipped were also common in the Godin II period and continue to be made,38 but their rim shape is somewhat different from that of Godin III4-6 red burnished pottery, which in turn is different from that of a bowl known as Triangle Ware pottery.39 Such pottery ware was also common in the Achaemenid period until the early Parthian period.40 The Iron Age pottery sherds (Godin II)41 include pottery sherds of buff ware with soft sand tempera. The temperature heat they can withstand is sufficient for baking and they were wheel-made. In thickness terms they are medium. These pottery forms include open-mouthed bowls [Figs. 10a: 1; 10a: 3; 10b: 16; 20b: 17] and vertical 28 Young, 1969; Young & Levine, 1974; Henrickson, 1984, 1985, 1986. Goff, 1971. 30 Contenau & Ghirshman, 1935. 31 Henrickson, 1987. 32 Seyed Sajjadi & Samani, 1999/1378. 33 Mohammadifar & Motarjem, 2003/1382. 34 Stronach et al., 1979: 156-157. 35 Henrickson,1986. 36 Mirghaderi & Hozhabri, 2013/1392. 37 Henrickson 1987. 38 Gopnik, 2011. 39 see Khatchadourian, 2018. 40 Dyson, 1999. 41 Later, studies by Dyson’s students and a review of the data from Hasanlu’s Layer V excavations, which was reviewed by Michael Danti. As a result of Dyson’s carbon-14 (C-14) Chronology at Hasanlu, previous histories have changed. According to the revision, the Hasanlu V period is no longer considered the Iron Age I and is related to the Late Bronze Age. Therefore, the start date of this course in Hasanlu area is 1250 BC. It was found to be the basis for Iron Age chronology throughout the Iranian plateau (Danti & Cifarelli, 2015; Danti, 2013a; 2013b). 29 Page | 21 rims [Fig. 10a: 3].42 These pottery sherds are comparable to Goy tepe A,43 Hasanlu IV,44 Dinkha II,45 Haftavan IV,46 Babajan III,47 Noorabad, Mahidasht, Holeylan, Romeshkan and the neighboring areas. The pottery sherds of the Islamic period were collected from the surface of the site and included pottery with green glaze (base cups) and pottery with painting under glaze (painted by the horizontal lines formed in brown color under green glaze). Sharif Abad B Sharif Abad section (B) is a continuation of the southern part of Sharif Abad (A). It is known locally as the small site of Sharif Abad (B) forming, in fact, a continuation of it. It is located at an altitude of 1470 meters above sea level. In terms of topography, the site has a gentle slope in all directions and its base surface is almost oval, measuring from east to west 360 meters in length and from north to south 160 meters in width. Its height above the road amounts to 12 meters. Today, there are remnants of residential houses in the old village of Sharif Abad on this site, which were probably destroyed by the earthquake of 1958. These buildings are all made of clay and stratification can be seen in layers of pottery sherds in the mud bricks and mud walls. Since every year farmers harvest soil from various places of this site to fertilize and level their land, one of the reasons for the low height of this section, in comparison to section A, may be due to the effect of such soil displacement. The extent of the soil removal is easily discernible in the form of trenches left behind, whose depth amounts to about 4-5 meters and the width to more than 10 meters. The issue of soil extraction for the purpose of local agricultural and construction activities indicates the degree of the destruction of this site that occurs every year. In addition, traces of illegal excavations can be seen on this site, which has caused the destruction of well-preserved or less damaged parts of it [Figs. 5-9]. Moreover, during the survey, among the displaced soil, there were found some rocks that probably belonged to the foundations of residential houses destroyed by excavation. Access to the above site is possible through an asphalt road that leads from Kahriz Jamal village to Sharif Abad village. The road is stretched on the eastern side of the hill in a north-south direction. A rural dirt road also passes through this 42 see Gopnik, 2000; 2011: 285-311. Burton Brown, 1951. 44 Dyson & Muscarella, 1989. 45 Muscarella, 1974. 46 Burney, 1973. 47 Goff, 1971. 43 Page | 22 area. It is used by the villagers to access their lands in the west of the area. In the east, there is a low sedimentary hill with a length of 380 meters and a width of 95 meters (in the widest part) in a west-east direction. It is 3 to 4 meters higher than the surrounding lands. On the western part of this hill there is a residents’ cemetery. The study of the surface of the hill has revealed no indication of settlement. Its formation was probably due to the Gamasi Ab sediments during floods [Figs. 2; 5-9]. Pottery data analysis The Middle and Late Bronze Age painted pottery (Godin III2-6) includes buff everyday vessels with soft sand tempera. The heat temperature was enough to bake in this pottery and they were wheel-made. The sherds display some black and brown motifs on the buff background. These decorations include horizontal stripes on the body [Fig. 11a: 1], stripes painted on the rims [Fig. 11a: 2], crescent-shaped motifs below the rim [Fig. 11b: 6]; striped and wavy patterns with hatched triangles [Fig. 11b: 8], striped and wavy patterns with feathering motifs [Fig. 11b: 11], narrow striped patterns with feathering motifs and wavy lines, plant motifs on the body [Fig. 11b: 9], stylization of a goat with stripes and wavy motifs, stripe motifs and wavy lines with concentric circles, animal motifs (including birds with their heads to the left), wavy lines with stripe motifs, ladder motifs on the handle, wide stripe motifs and narrow horizontal and vertical wavy lines. The pottery sherds forms include simple bowls with vertical rims [Figs. 11b: 10-13], an outward turned s rim with an ovoid body [Fig. 11b: 7] and some, mostly broken, bodies with a horizontally placed relief [Fig. 11b: 6]. These sherds are comparable to Haftvan IV,48 Layer IV of Dinkha,49 Giyan tepe,50 Godin III,51 tepe Noorabad of Lorestan,52 the central site of Babajan Lorestan,53 and sherds found in survey of Assadabad and Tuyserkan, Kangavar,54 Malayer plain55 and neighboring areas.56 48 Hamlin, 1973. Hamlin, 1974. 50 Contenau & Ghirshman, 1935. 51 Young, 1969. 52 Seyed Sajjadi & Samani, 1999/1378. 53 Goff, 1976. 54 Mohammadifar & Motarjem, 2003/1382. 55 Stronach et al., 1979: 156-157. 56 Henrickson, 1985, 1986. 49 Page | 23 This pottery is in the form of burnished and red slipped buff ware with soft sand tempera. They may be insufficiently resistant to baking temperature. They were wheel-made, burnished and in thickness terms are fine. These pottery forms include protruding rims with an ovoid body, flat rims with a vertical body [Figs. 11b: 10; 11b: 12-13], flat rims with a vertical handle [Fig. 11b: 9], pottery sherds with a thick burnished red slips that include openings bowls with the rim turned inwards. They have turned black due to insufficient baking temperature. This group of finds is similar to the chigha Maran phase57 burnished red slipped pottery and Godin III6 in Tepe Godin. This well-made burnished red slipped pottery first appears in layer Godin III558 and continues until the Godin III4 period59 and is concurrent with the period of Susa A.60 The Iron Age pottery (Godin II) includes ware with a turned rim at a soft angle to the body and with two small handles attached to the body [Fig. 11a: 5]. These pottery finds are concurrent and similar to the Iron Age pottery of Babajan III61 and the pottery of Mahidasht,62 Holeylan and Romeshkan,63 Malayer plain,64 Godin II in Godin tepe,65 Dinkha II,66 Goy tepe A,67 Haftvan IV.68 The historical period pottery includes buff pottery sherds with sand tempera with calcareous grains. They resist the temperature high enough to bake in them and they are wheel made. The pottery forms include food storage pithos [Fig. 11a: 3-4] and items with a slightly outward rim at a soft angle to the body [Fig. 11b: 7]. The Islamic period pottery includes buff common ware with sand tempera. They can withstand the temperature enough for cooking in them and they are wheel made. The decorations include stripe ridge on the body or shoulder. The forms include simple bodies and handles added to the body of the vessels. 57 These potteries were obtained for the first time in the Chigha Maran site excavations of Kermanshah. Henrickson, 1987: Fig 59: 7, 9, 12. 59 Henrickson, 1987: 414, 416; 1984, 1991, 2011; Nourallahi, 2015b /1394b. 60 Voight & Dyson, 1992: 163. 61 Goff Meade, 1968. 62 Mayesht in Kurdish. 63 Henrickson, 1985, 1986. 64 Stronach et al., 1979: 156-157. 65 Young, 1969; Young & Levine, 1974. 66 Muscarella, 1974. 67 Burton Brown, 1951. 68 Burney, 1973. 58 Page | 24 Fig. 2a. View of Sharif Abad area (A. Nourallahi) Fig. 2b. Sharif Abad area, works of the old village (A. Nourallahi) Page | 25 Fig. 2c. Landscape of Sharif Abad area, village, water supply canals and surrounding area (A. Nourallahi) Fig. 3. Western facade of Sharif Abad A, the place where its soil was harvested by farmers (A. Nourallahi) Page | 26 Fig. 4. South side view and smuggling excavation artifacts (A. Nourallahi) Fig. 5. General view of the area and traces of excavated soil and brick buildings of the old village of Sharif Abad (A. Nourallahi) Page | 27 Fig. 6. View of the upper surface and its eastern landscape (A. Nourallahi) Fig. 7. Eastern view of the yard and modern houses of the village on its eastern slope (A. Nourallahi) Page | 28 Fig. 8. Soil harvest by farmers and the southern landscape of the area (A. Nourallahi) Fig. 9. North view of the yard and the relics of the old village houses and Kuh-e-Garou (Gareen) Page | 29 Fig. 10a. Surface pottery design of Sharif Abad section A (A. Nourallahi) Page | 30 Fig. 10b. Surface pottery design of Sharif Abad A (A. Nourallahi) Page | 31 Tab. 1. Description shreds of the Site of Sharif Abad A (A. Nourallahi). № color dough, tamper, made method (wheel or hand), heat for baked, thickness Chronology 1 buff - soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - simple - medium -rim GII 2 buff - soft sand - handmade -enough heat - simple - fine - rim (cooking ware) GIII6 3 buff - soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - simple - fine - rim GII 4 cream - soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - painted (geometric motif by black GIII4-6 color) - fine - body 5 buff - soft sand - wheel made - sufficient heat - simple - coarse - base GIII4 6 buff - soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - simple - medium - handle 7 buff - soft sand - tournette - painted -enough heat - coarse - rim Islamic period GIII4-6 8 gray black - soft sand - handmade - high heat - simple – medium-rim with body GIV 9 gray black - soft sand - handmade - high heat - simple – medium-rim with body GIV 10 gray black - soft sand -handmade - high heat - simple – medium- rim with body GIV 11 gray black - soft sand - handmade - high heat - simple – medium- rim with body GIV 12 buff-coarse sand-wheel made-enough heat-simple -medium-rim by handle GIV 13 buff - soft sand - tournette - enough heat - engraved - fine - rim GIII2-6 14 buff - soft sand - tournette - enough heat - painted-fine - rim GIII2 15 cream - soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - painted-medium - rim GIII2-6 16 buff - soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - simple-medium - rim GII 17 cream- soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - simple-medium - rim GII 18 cream- soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - painted-fine - rim GIII2-6 19 buff- soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - painted-medium - rim GIII2-6 Page | 32 Fig. 11a. Surface pottery design of Sharif Abad section B (A. Nourallahi) Page | 33 Fig. 11b. Surface pottery design of Sharif Abad section B (A. Nourallahi) Page | 34 Table 2. Description shreds of the Site of Sharif Abad B (A. Nourallahi). № color dough, tamper, made method (wheel or hand), heat for baked, thickness Chronology 1 buff - sand with lime particles - wheel made enough heat - clay slipped - painted - fine - rim brick red - powdered pottery with lime particles - wheel made - enough heat clay slipped - painted - medium - rim buff - soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - simple - medium - rom GIII4-6 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 buff - sand, lime particles - wheel made - insufficient heat - clay slipped - simple -fine - rim brick red - powdered pottery with lime particles - wheel made - enough heat clay slipped - simple – medium - rim brick red - powdered pottery with lime particles - wheel made - enough heat clay slipped - simple - fine - rim with crescent handle brick red - powdered pottery with lime - wheel made - enough heat - clay slipped - simple - fine - rim (cooking ware) buff - powdered pottery with lime particles - wheel made - insufficient heat - clay glaze - painted - fine - body burnished red - soft sand - handmade - enough heat - clay slipped- simple medium - rim with handle burnished red - soft sand - handmade - enough heat - red slipped - simple - fine rim buff - soft sand - tournette - enough heat - painted - medium - rim burnished red - soft sand - wheel made - enough heat - red slipped - simple - fine - rim burnished red - soft sand - handmade - enough heat - red slipped - simple medium - rim buff - soft sand with mica - wheel made - enough heat - simple- fine - rim buff - soft sand - tournette - enough heat - clay glaze - painted (geometric motif by dark brown) - fine ‫۔‬body GIII4-6 Historian period Historian period GII GIII4-6 Historian period GIII4-6 GIII4-6 GIII4-6 GIII4-6 GIII4-6 GIII4-6 GIII4-6 GIII4-6 Chronology Due to the distortion of Giyan stratigraphy and the fact that its excavators used the metric method to record the layers changes, unfortunately, the cultural sequence and chronology. Thus such methods are unreliable and cannot be used to date the archeological finds of Nihavand plain. So far, various proposals have been suggested to reinstate the Giyan chronology, the most important of which is the chronology made by Henrickson based on Godin’s stratigraphy and archaeological data.69 69 Henrickson, 1984; 1991. Page | 35 The chronology of Godin III period in Godin tepe is based on the historical sources of Mesopotamia and then the cultural sequence of Khuzestan plain.70 This issue is well reflected and confirmed in pottery documents,71 from the end of Godin IV around 2700 BCE72 and Godin III over a period of 2600-1400 BCE.73 Godin III is divided into six phases, Godin III6 (2600-2300 BC), G III5 (2250-2150 BC), G III4 (2100-2000 BC), G III3 (during this time Godin is interrupted several times, so a definite chronology is not suggested for it), G III2 (which represents the peak of cultural standardization and reflects the economic growth and formation of integrated political organizations in the Central Zagros),74 G III1 has also been identified and excavated to a limited extent in Godin.75 In the surface survey of tepe Sharif Abad A and B pottery from Godin IV and III period and Iron Age76 was obtained. In addition to these pottery finds, pottery sherds belonging to the historical period (Parthian-Sasanid) and the Islamic period were also sporadically collected in these sections of the site. Due to the sediment accumulation, the archeological site may probably be larger, part of which is covered by sediments. What is more, pottery sherds belonging to the historical or Islamic periods are scattered all over the surrounding agricultural lands. Based on the survey, this area has had settlements since the early Bronze Age to the contemporary (there are traces of mud brick walls and houses and stratification clay of villages , as well as some residential houses). However, in reference to some periods, no data have been found. It is possible that at times , the area was abandoned and the settlement was interrupted. This issue can only be solved by further scientific archeological excavations. Conclusions Sharif-Abad site (A and B) is located 400 meters from the north Gamasi-Ab basin among alluvial sediments. Due to its size, this site was studied in two separate parts, although the data collected from the surface of both parts are the same and no standardization is observed between the surface data. Part A is higher than part B. The height difference may be attributed to architectural activities in historical and Islamic periods. Considering the height of Part A, it may be hypothesized that there was a citadel for this settlement area there. 70 Weiss & Cuyler Young, 1975. see Henrickson,1987. 72 Potts, 2013: 207; Rothman & Badler, 2011. 73 Henrickson, 1985: 570. 74 Henrickson, 1983; 1985; 1986; 2011. 75 Henrickson, 1984; 1987: fig. 64. 76 see Levine, 1987: fig. 68. 71 Page | 36 The formation and location of this settlement area was due to access to water from the Gamasi-Ab River. Although today the river flows 400 meters southeast of it, in the past it probably passed near the settlement. Also here the river changes to the southwest and to Kangavar. The high levels of sedimentation have caused the fertility of the land while a slower current at this location made irrigation of the agricultural lands easier. On the other hand, the settlement was located in a safe distance from the river to avoid damage caused by floods and inundations. This settlement area lies at the junction of roads from Kangavar plain, Harsin plain and Sahneh to Nihavand and its eastern regions. Today, it is located on the side of the old exchange and communication route that goes from Nihavand to Kangavar. In the past it was a major political and economic center benefiting from trade, which is reflected in the homogeneity of the pottery data of this site with Godin II and III. 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Khaksar, Hamadan: Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism Organization, 121-127. [in Persian] Khatchadourian, L. (2018) ‘Pottery typology and craft learning in the Near Eastern highlands’, Iranica Antiqua 53: 179-265. https://doi.org/ 10.2143/IA.53.0.3285483 Levine, L.D. (1987) ‘The Iron age’, in The Archaeology of Western Iran: Settlement and Society from Prehistory to the Islamic Conquest, ed. F. Hole, Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 229-251. Malekzadeh, M. (2004/1383) Speculation, Tracing, Stratigraphy, Determining the Preliminary Area and Privacy of Tepe Giyan, Hamadan: Cultural Heritage and Tourism Archive of Hamadan Province. [in Persian] Mason, R., Cooper, L. (1999) ‘Grog, Petrology, and Early Transcaucasians at Godin Tepe’, Iran 37: 25-31. https://doi.org/10.2307/4299991 Mirghaderi, M.A., Hozhabri, A. (2013/1392) ‘Tepe Eznahri: a Bronze Age site in Nahavand’, in Proceedings of the Nahavand Archaeological Conference. In honor of Professor Mehdi Rahbar, eds. E. Rahmani, A. Khaksar, Hamadan: Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism Organization, 204-212. [in Persian] Mohammadifar, Y., Motarjem, A. (2003/1382) Archaeological survey of Khezel Nihavand section. Hamadan: Cultural Heritage and Tourism Archive of Hamadan province. [in Persian] Muscarella, O.W. (1974) ‘The Iron Age at Dinkha Tepe, Iran’, Metropolitan Museum Journal 9: 35-90. Nourallahi, A. (2012/1390), ‘Archaeological study of nomadic and tribe’s way in the northern regions of Ilam province’, Ilam Culture Quarterly 32-33: 93-116. [in Persian] Nourallahi, A. (2015a/1394a) ‘Archaeological folklore of the names of some mountains and rivers of the Central Zagros’, Zaribar Quarterly, 19. 87-88: 361-387. [in Persian] Nourallahi, A. (2015b/1394b) ‘Chia Srokh, newly discovered areas in the Qarasou river basin in Kermanshah’, Farahvashi Quarterly 1: 17-28. [in Persian] Oberlander, T. (1965) The Zagros streams: a new interpretation of transverse drainage in An orogenic zone. Syracuse, N.Y. Potts, D.T. (2013) ‘Luristan and the central Zagros in the Bronze Age’, in in The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, ed. D.T. Potts, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 203217. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199733309.013.0030 Pullar, J. (1990) Tepe Abdul Hosein : a Neolithic site in Western Iran : excavations 1978. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports. Pullar, J. (1975) The Neolithic of the Iranian Zagros. Ph.D. Thesis, University of London. Rahbar, M., Alibaigi, S. (2011/1390), ‘Archaeological research report for locating the Laodicean temple in Nihavand’, Payam Bastanshenas 15: 133-160. [in Persian] Rothman, M.S. (2011) ‘Migration and re-settlement in Godin period IV’, in On the high road : the history of Godin Tepe, Iran, eds., H. Gopnik, M. Rothman, Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 139-208. Rothman, M.S., Badler, V.R. (2011) ‘Contact and Development in Godin Period VI’, in On the high road: the history of Godin Tepe, Iran, eds. H. GOPNIK, M.S ROTHMAN, Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 67-137. Page | 39 Seyed Sajjadi, S.M., Samani, N.A. (1999/1378), ‘Report of a season of excavation in Noorabad tepe, Lorestan’, in Iranian archeology and art (32 articles in honor of Ezatullah Neghaban), eds. A. Alizadeh, Y. Majidzadeh, S. Malek Shahmirzadi, Tehra: Academic Publishing, 85-130. [in Persian] Seydan, S.S. (2000/1379) Nihavand in the millennia of history. Tehran: Ashti Publications. [in Persian] Saeedi Hersini, M.R. (2005/1384) Report of Gamasi Ab River Basin Survey. Cultural Heritage Organization (unpublished). [in Persian] Soraghi, N. (2006/1385) Archaeological study of Nahavand plain. Hamadan: Cultural Heritage and Tourism Archive of Hamadan province. [in Persian] Stein, A. (1940) Old routes of Western Iran: narrative of an archaeological journey. London: Mac-Millan. Talaei, H., Nourallahi, A., Firoozmandi, B. (2015/1393) ‘Ethnoarchaeology of Nomadism and Tribe Ways in the West of Central Zagros’, Historical Sociology 6.2: 163-195. [in Persian] Talaei, H., Chaichi Amirkhiz, A., Saeedi Hersini, M.R. (2006/1385) ‘Preliminary Report on the Establishment Patterns of the Bronze Age in Nihavand Plain (Gamasi Ab Source)’, Journal of the Faculty of Literature and Humanities 57.5: 47-65. [in Persian] Voight, M., Dyson, R. (1992) ‘The chronology of Iran Ca. 8000-2000 B.C.’, in Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, (3rd ed.), ed. R.W. Ehrich, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 122-178. Weiss, H., Cuyler Young, T. (1975) ‘The Merchants of Susa Godin V and Plateau-Lowland Relations in the Late Fourth Millennium B.C.’, Iran 13.1: 1-17. https://doi.org/10.2307/4300522 Young, T.C., Levine, L. (1974) Excavations of the Godin Project: Second Progress Report. Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum. Young, T.C. (1969) Excavation at Godin Tepe: First progressive report. Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum. Young, T.C., Smith, P.E. (1966) ‘Research in the Prehistory of Central Western Iran: Recent preliminary excavations promise to document 40,000 years of prehistory in the Zagros Mountains’, American Association for the Advancement of Science 153 (3734): 386-391. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.153.3734.386 To cite this article: Nourallahi, A. (2022). An Archaeological landscape of Sharif Abad (Solgi) settlement area in the Gamasi-Ab River Basin in Central Zagros. Historia i Świat 11, 15-40, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.01 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 40 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Elnaz RASHIDIAN (University of Konstanz, Germany) Alireaza ASKARI CHAVERDI (Shiraz University, Iran) The circular pond of Dehbarm in the Firuzabad Plain (Fars, Iran) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.02 Abstract: We present the preliminary results of our recent find, a circular pond, and its surrounding structures, built in stone masonry of Sasanian tradition in the Dehbarm village, west Firuzabad Plain (Fars, Iran). We elaborate on this site and suggest it belongs to the Early Sasanian Ardashir-Xurra (Ardašīr-Xwarrah), the first Sasanian capital and complex urban plan of the Firuzabad plain. Based on comparable finds, we interpret Dehbarm as a garden settlement, a so-called paradise, and consider it a case study for water management and landscape manipulation of the Late Antiquity in the Greater Fars. Additionally, we ponder on the broader aspect of spring-fed ponds in the Sasanian architectural tradition. Further investigation, as well as extensive fieldwork, is planned to address this aspect. Key words: Sasanian, water management, paradise, Iran, Fars, Firuzabad Introduction We present a recent find in the Firuzabad Plain’s western edges (Fars, Iran) in the Dehbarm village (28° 52’ N and 52° 31’ E). It consists of a circular pond built with smooth stone masonry, one outlet canal, an architectural structure in the western part [Fig. 2], and material culture [Fig. 3]. Dehbarm [Fig. 1] was probably one of the satellite paradises (sensu lato garden settlements) of the Early Sasanian urban Ardashir-Xurra (Ardašīr-Xwarrah), built by Ardashir Papakan in 220 C.E.1 A survey has mentioned this site (national registry no. 13514) based on hearsay,2 but failed to deliver any archaeological evidence or documentation of the structure and its surroundings. The full extent of this find was unknown becausethe structures were buried under the village’s recent secondary sediments. Only the spring was still active at the heart of the village.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7117-6888. [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6366-8284. [email protected]  1 2 Huff, 1999; 2014. Norouzi, 2005/1384: 114-115. Page | 41 Fig. 1. The location of mentioned sites (E. Rashidian) The structure’s re-discovery was accidental. In the late parched summer of 2021, the locals dug the spring’s location to extract more water [Fig. 3, A] when they discovered the pond structure with its perfect stone masonry floor at the spring’s exit point [Fig. 3, B]. The Firuzabad UNESCO station (reference no. 1315) was immediately informed and documented the find. Our brief fieldwork included visual documentation of the site, taking photographs of the finds as they came to light during the bulldozing process, cleaning the pool, and gathering the material culture. Furthermore, detailed orthophoto documentation and high-resolution DEM have been conducted via drone photography. The results are shown here [Fig. 2] and will build the basis for our fieldwork. We report our findings, albeit brief, and elaborate our idea on this find’s context regarding the urban planning and water management of Firuzabad’s Sasanian landscape. Finally, we argue that the Dehbarm pond and its surrounding architecture shall be integrated into our already known urban plan of Ardashir-Xurra,3 similar to the recently investigated pond of the Ardashir palace.4 3 4 Huff, 1999. Djamali et al., 2021. Page | 42 The Dehbarm pond The pond is a perfect circle measuring 27 meters in diameter and 2m deep [Fig. 2, B], made of smoothed sandstones and mortar in regular rows at the source of a spring. The stone blocks come in three sizes; 40×32×20cm, 48×33×22cm; 60×35×26cm, arranged increasing with depth [Fig. 3, B]. Fig. 2. The Dehbarm pond and its surroundings (orthophotos by A. Eghra, Summer 2021, courtesy of Firuzabad UNESCO Station; illustrated by E. Rashidian) The pond seems to be surrounded by a rectangular structure; the space between them staired (at least) in two levels. The stair blocks (60×37×17cm) are carved with a concave surface [Fig. 3, C] to integrate into the pond’s round shape. The high-quality masoned blocks are smoothed and joint using perfect masonry so that no mortar is needed to keep the stairs’ structure together. The pond consists of an outlet at its western edge, where remains of an extended structure (buildings?) came to light [Fig. 2, C], their majority is buried under the modern village. Reports from the 19th century confirm the existence of a monumental unit (“a mud fort”) at this location,5 whose remains are currently buried 5 British Army Headquartes, 1910: 251. Page | 43 under the modern village. The outlet is regular in shape and about 2.5 m wide. Currently, less than 100 m of it is visible on the surface. Fig. 3. The Dehbarm pond structure and mentioned finds (photo by A. Askari Chaverdi, summer 2021; illustrated by E. Rashidian) A semi-sphere (47cm diameter) and a pale sandstone vessel (50cm outline diameter, 30cm inline diameter) are amongst the documented material culture [Fig. 3]. During the documentation, a grey stone pillar base (34cm high) was found on the pond’s floor [Fig. 3, D]. It consists of a circular disc (38×7cm) on a quadrate base (40×40×27cm). This item is damaged and highly eroded by the constant water contact. It seems to belong to the architectural structure and having fallen into the pond in the past. A piece of dark grey pottery [Fig. 3, E] has been found in the pond. The pottery’s fabric and decorations are similar to the excavated material known Page | 44 from Gur (Firuzabad) and Qasr-e Abu Nasr (Shiraz). Unfortunately, other pottery sherds in the rubble were extremely eroded and not diagnostic. An excavation of the western structure may yield further pottery and shed light on the nature of the building and its probable function. As we argue below, the Dehbarm pond and its surrounding structures were probably built in the Early Sasanian period and used until the Middle Ages.6 The pond still takes an active role in the plain’s water management and waters the gardens of Dehbarm village. However, its initial shape and function are extensively eroded so that it was not recognizable as an archaeological find until its recent reconnaissance. Comparative finds The Dehbarm pond is comparable with several finds from the Iranian highland based on its shape and probable function. Amongst them, the Ardashir pond, about 5.3 km to the northeast of Dehbarm, might provide the best comparison. It is located in front of the Ardashir palace in the north-western hills of the Firuzabad Plain. Archaeological evidence suggests that it was integrated into this Early Sasanian palatial structure as an architectural element.7 A recent geoarchaeological investigation has reconstructed the physical evolution of this pond, indicating that the area was a spring-fed wetland (at least since the 2nd millennium B.C.E.) prior to its large-scale modification in the Early Sasanian period.8 During the early 3rd century C.E., the pond was enlarged and probably shaped into a perfect circle (37m in diameter) with two outlets and a surrounding rectangular wall. This pond also had a stair structure of stone masonry, whose eroded remains are still visible. A similar evolution for the Dehbarm pond seems logical. The Dehbarm spring’s water volume is smaller than the Ardashir (Barm-e Pir) spring, which might explain the smaller pond in Dehbarm (27 m) compared to the Ardashir pond (37 m in diameter). Furthermore, the Dehbarm pond might be compared with the Chel-Doxtaran (forty goddesses) pond (Bishapur) and the Gerdab-e Sangi (i.e., stone circular) pond (Khorramabad), both dated to the Sasanian period [Fig. 1]. Unfortunately, these finds have never been investigated as architectural and archaeological elements, and we are in the dark regarding their details. However, their integration into the large-scale plans of their Sasanian cities is evident. A few reports, especially from the 19th century,9 give insights into their form and function. 6 see also Huff, 2014. Huff, 1999. 8 Djamali et al., 2021. 9 Flandin & Coste, 1851. 7 Page | 45 In summary, the similarities of these ponds include the following aspects:  The shape: all are wide circular ponds with at least one narrow outlet channel and surrounding stair structure  The source: all are spring-fed  The building material: cubic smoothed stone and mortar  The function: all provide water as an integrated element of an architectural unit We suggest that manipulating the existing karstic springs in the Zagros foothills and building circular and staired ponds with stone masonry was one of the architectural elements of Sasanian urban planning. This practice seems to satisfy more than the need for water management but rather includes aesthetic and probably spiritual aspects into the plan of a Sasanian urban place. These aspects were probably merged in the framework of a garden settlement surrounding pond structures and their (palatial ?) building, just as the known case in Ardashir palace.10 Springs are predominantly associated with Anahita in the Mazdian beliefs and were revived in the Early Sasanian period due to Ardashir Papakan’s policies. 11 Therefore, a further ceremonial function for these spring-fed ponds with their smoothed stoned stairs can be assumed. The authors plan to investigate this question further at Dehbarm and similar locations for the Sasanian period. Therefore, a targeted excavation at Dehbarm is in planning. Conclusion The recently re-discovered Dehbarm pond is another piece in the ArdashirXurra urban mosaic in Firuzabad. We suggest an Early Sasanian chronology for the Dehbarm structure, based on the following aspects:  The pond’s building material, stone masonry and mortar, predominately follows the Sasanian tradition12  The pond’s location correlates with the horizontal axis of Ardashir-Xurra’s large-scale urban plan13 from the Early Sasanian period (ca 220 C.E.).  Similar finds (spring-fed circular ponds) with comparable elements are dated to the Early Sasanian period. Our insight into this re-discovered site is still vague. However, the neighboring Ardashir pond provides evidence for the probable function of such structures, besides 10 Huff, 1999; Canepa, 2017; Djamali et al., 2021. Daryaee, 2010. 12 Huff, 1986. 13 Huff, 2014. 11 Page | 46 their practical water management aspect. These ponds were most probably elements of an integrated paradise structure at a larger scale. Furthermore, finds at the bulldozered location [Fig. 3] indicate the existence of an architectural element at the pond’s western part, similar to the mentioned Ardashir pond with its palace. This find further supports the “paradise” hypothesis as articulated by others.14 The archaeological reconnaissance of the Dehbarm pond provides yet another example of the standardized practices of Sasanian landscape change and water management, especially regarding their large-scale urban development, which is comparable with the extensively investigated Roman practices in the Mediterranean cultural sphere. Furthermore, besides their practical implications, structures such as ponds were integrated architectural elements incorporating the Sasanian ideology and the Iranian identity,15 especially regarding their role in paradise gardens and their institutional integration in Anahita’s ceremonies.16 We aim to address these questions by providing data from our planned fieldwork in Dehbarm. Acknowledgments We thank the Dehbarm village locals and colleagues at the Firuzabad UNESCO station for their support. The corresponding author was part of the research team of an AQUA‐IGNIS project supported by the AMIDEX foundation (Aix‐Marseille Université) at the time and is grateful for the support provided to her. 14 Canepa, 2017. Huff, 2008; Canepa, 2018. 16 Huff, 2014; Canepa, 2017. 15 Page | 47 Bibliography British Army Headquarters (1910) Gazetteer of Persia. Vol. III. Simla: British Library: India Office Records and Private Papers. Canepa, M. (2017) ‘Methodological and Historiographical Notes on the ‘Paradise’ as an Iranian Royal Institution’, Dabir 1.3: 39-43. Canepa, M. (2018) The Iranian Expanse: Transforming Royal Identity through Architecture, Landscape, and the Built Environment, 550 BCE-642 CE. Oakland, California: University of California Press. Daryaee, T. (2010) ‘Ardaxšīr and the Sasanian’s rise to power’, Anabasis. Studia Classica et Orientalia 1: 236-255. Djamali, M., Rashidian, E., Askari-Chaverdi, A., Aubert, C., Brisset, E., Demory, F., Faucherre, N, Gandouin, E., Lahijani, H., Marriner, N., Naderi-Beni, A., Parnell, A. (2021) ‘Early Sasanian landscape modification: New geoarchaeological evidence from the Ardashir Pond in southwest Iran (Palace of Ardashir, third century CE)’, Geoarchaeology 36: 925-942. https://doi.org/10.1002/gea.21880 Flandin, E.N., Coste, P.X. (1851) Voyage en Perse (two volumes). Paris: Gide et J. Baudry, Librairies Editeurs. Huff, D. (1986) ‘Architecture: iii. Sasanian Period’, Encyclopaedia Iranica 2.3: 329-334. Huff, D. (1999) ‘Fīrūzābād’, Encyclopaedia Iranica 9.6: 633-636. Huff, D. (2008) ‘Formation and Ideology of the Sasanian State in the Context of Archaeological Evidence’, in The Sasanian Era, eds. V.S. Curtis, S. Stewart, London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 31-59. Huff, D. (2014) ‘Das Plansystem von Ardašīr-xwarrah: Agrarkolonisatorisches Großprojekt und gebautes Staatsmodell eines von Gott gegebenen Königtums’, in Raumkonzeptionen in antiken Religionen : Beiträge des internationalen Symposiums in Göttingen, 28. und 29. Juni 2012, ed. K. Rezania, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 153-210. Norouzi, R. (2005/1384). The Archaeological survey of Firuzabad (Barresi-ye bastanshenasi-ye Firouzabad). Shiraz: Miras-e Farhangi. [in Persian] To cite this article: Rashidian, E., Askari Chaverdi, A. (2022). The circular pond of Dehbarm in the Firuzabad Plain (Fars, Iran). Historia i Świat 11, 41-48, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.02 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 48 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Parsa GHASEMI (University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France) Two Sasanian rock reliefs of the king combatting a lion https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.03 Abstract: This article analyzes the scene of the Sasanian king combating a lion in two rock reliefs. Most Sasanian Bas-reliefs belong to the first 150 years of the dynasty and most are located in modern Fars province. The reliefs typically depict the king’s investiture by a deity (who is usually Ahurā Mazdā, but, in some reliefs, Mithra or Anāhitā), the king with courtiers, the king with his family, the king at war, the king’s triumph over his enemies, and the king fighting and hunting wild animals. Two of the bas-reliefs of the king killing animals show him killing lions. One is located at Sar Mašhad and the other, less-known, is kept in the Haft-Tanān Museum, Shiraz, and was discovered at the foothills of Pahnu (Pahnā) Mount in Dārāb. In the ancient Near East, the lion symbolized power, courage, and ferociousness: whoever could confront it successfully was regarded as powerful and brave; consequently, many kings have been portrayed fighting lions (and other wild animals) during this period. Key words: Bas-relief, Sasanian, Lion, King as Hunter, Sar Mašhad, Haft-Tanān Introduction The Sasanian kings created impressive rock reliefs to commemorate significant events such as ascending the throne or coronation, triumph over their enemies, and the like.1 Such bas-reliefs were most accessible to the public. Each king had his own style of crown, which appeared in all his depictions, on bas-reliefs, coins, metalwork, and seals.2 The real meaning of such images was to record an event or happening through the power of image; some believe that the motifs of these depictions function in ritual and religious contexts.3 Sasanian bas-reliefs not only demonstrate a historical and significant political event but also provide data about the religious symbols, clothing (both Iranian and non-Iranian), warfare, ornaments, hair and beard styles, and each king’s interests in his reign. Hunting was one of the Sasanian kings’ most important pastimes and such activities are recorded in all the artistic media previously mentioned. In Sasanian hunting scenes, the king is either on foot or horseback, hunting or fighting a lion or other animals: leopards, boars, rams, and deer, using his bow, lance, javelins, lasso  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0010-9615. [email protected]; Ph.D. Candidate in Archaeology. 1 Ghirshman, 1954: 328; Herrmann & Curtis, 2002. Herzfeld, 1928; Erdmann, 1951. 3 Schippmann, 1990. 2 Page | 49 or his sword.4 Iranian tradition regarded the hunt as an essential part of a prince’s education.5 In Persian literature, there are two terms for hunting, naḵjīr, and šekār, both of which have spread beyond Iranian languages.6 Many scholars have studied the history of hunting during the Sasanian Period.7 The lion (‘šir’ in Persian) is among the strongest and most vicious animals that have been portrayed as fighting the king on several silver vessels and Sasanian basreliefs. This essay attempts to examine comprehensively the Sar Mašhad [Figs. 1-2] and Haft-Tanān Museum bas-reliefs in which the Sasanian king is shown as a lionfighter [Figs. 3-4]. The lion held a venerable place in the ancient Near East as a symbol of kingship, power, and the beauty of a wild animal. This animal and the rosette were both symbols intimately associated with Mesopotamian Inanna/Ishtar. In addition, the lion with the rosette, sometimes seen as a sun symbol.8 The Persian/Asiatic lion (scientific name: Panthera leo persica) was indigenous to Iran and observed throughout Mesopotamia and western regions of Fars province until the middle of the last century. The Persian lion was first described by the Austrian zoologist Johann N. Meyer.9 Its range historically included Iran, Turkey, Mesopotamia, and as far east as the Indus River in the former Sind province, and into Bengal and Nerbudda rivers in Central India. The most-largest lion communities lived in the woodlands and jungles of Khuzestan (along the Karun River) and Fars, most particularly in the Dašt-e Aržan. The last known sighting of a Persian lion was recorded by an Indian cartographer who worked for the British army on the 22nd of May 1942 near the city of Dezful. The lions likely continued to live for a few more years in Iran. By the end of the mid-19th century, i.e., within three decades, the Persian lion had become endangered. Since 1945 only 250 Persian lions live in the Gir Forest National Park in northwestern India; they are extinct in the rest of Asia, especially Iran.10 The earliest photograph of Panthera leo persica in Iran was taken by Antoin Sevruguin sometime between 1880 and 1928, in which the lion is held captive by chains.11 Panthera leo persica is similar to a tiger in the length of its body and tail but differs in skin color, which is tawny overall without the occurrence of dark vertical stripes. Its skin is thicker than that of African lions; it is distinguished further by a long black tail tassel and a more prominent tuft of hair on its elbows. Black patches are visible at the back of the ears. There is, however, little variation in color between the sides of its body and its abdomen, and between the inner and outer surface of its 4 Harper, 1986; Ghirshman, 1954: 333; Shapur Shahbazi, 2004; Skupniewicz, 2009; 2020. Shapur Shahbazi, 2004. 6 Shapur Shahbazi, 2004. 7 Shapur Shahbazi, 2004; Gignoux, 1983; Harper & Meyers, 1981; Erdmann, 1936; 1943. 8 Root, 2002: 198-203. 9 Meyer, 1826. 10 Joslin, 1973: 6-11; Majnounian et al, 2004: 314; Firouz, 2005: 359-362; Breitenmoser et al., 2008; Singh & Gibson, 2011; Banerjee & Jhala, 2012; Anderson, 2015. 11 Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery Archives. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.: Stephen Arpee Collection of Sevruguin Photographs FSA A2011.03 A.01a; Myron Bement Smith collection FSA A.4 2.12.Up.11. 5 Page | 50 limbs. Additionally, its mane is smaller than that of the African lion. The coloration of the mane varies from lion to lion. Rare lions have very dark manes, which according to research done in Africa, are the ones preferred by lionesses. The young cubs are sometimes born with an even color overall, but often a row of patches is visible on the upper surface of the body, resembling a horizontal stripe. These patches usually disappear after six months but may remain visible for two or more years.12 The Sar Mašhad Bas-Relief First published in 1924 by Ernst Herzfeld, the relief is situated at Sar Mašhad village in the southwest of Kāzerūn, at the eastern edge of Bālek (Aqājari) mountain on the northeastern face of a Gori-Mišan formation rock [Figs. 1-2]. This relief is adjacent to the Middle Persian inscription of the Sasanian high priest, Kartīr, and is surrounded by a curved rectangular frame.13 The bas-relief has been registered as no. 336 in the National Inventory List. Although Kartīr’s inscription is carved above the basrelief, it does not provide any information about the relief itself.14 The bas-relief shows Wahrām II (276-293 C.E.) accompanied by Kartīr and his family (or several nobles). The king’s body is frontal while his head is in profile. The king wears a crown topped by a large ball, so large that it pierces the relief’s frame, a feature also found seen on most of his coins from the latter half of his reign.15 Wahrām II is dressed in a magnificent long pleated robe that extends down to his ankles; “his expression is calm – he barely glances at the ferocious beast springing at his right arm. His hair is arranged in less formal curls than at Bīšāpūr, but is still in two bunches”.16 The person behind him is the influential high priest, Kartīr, identified by the symbol (a set of shears) carved on his hat. “Kartīr carries his scissors device on his high round hat but has not as yet been awarded the diadem and ties which adorn his hat at Naqš-e Rustam. At Sar Mašhad we see Kartīr with a strong chin and a curving, cruel mouth. Though less elaborate, hat but without a diadem. We can therefore assume that this relief was carved before Kartīr was granted the rank of ‘grandee’. He has his hair in the ringlets we have also seen in Wahrām’s relief at Naqš-e Rustam. Thus, it may be that hairstyles changed during Wahrām’s reign, from massed bunches to the ringlet arrangement of the curls”.17 Standing behind Kartīr is Šāpur Duḵtak (literally ‘daughter of Šāpur’), Wahrām’s queen, whose hand is held by the king; she also appears on Wahrām’s coins. Finally, a figure can be seen standing behind the queen; his image, however, has been partially eroded. Leo Trümpelmann considered this person the crown prince.18 Some scholars believe that the female figure is the goddess Anāhitā (Middle Persian form Anāhīd)19, while others argue that this figure is Šāpur Duḵtak.20 Wahrām almost 12 Khalaf, 2006: 147-149; Majnounian et al, 2004: 314. Herzfeld, 1926: 256; 1941: 325-326; Ghasemi, 2013: 69. 14 Frye, 1949; Henning, 1955; Gignoux, 1968; Hinz, 1969; Skjærvø, 2011. 15 Göbl, 1971: pls. 3-5; Paruck, 1976: pls. T: iv; Gyselen, 2004; 2012: 208, 462-487. 16 Herrmann, 1970: 167. 17 Herrmann, 1970: 169-170. 18 Trümpelmann, 1975: Taf. 7; Vanden Berghe, 1984: 207. 19 Boyce et al., 1989; Trümpelmann, 1975. 20 Lukonin, 1969: 92-93, 179, 193. 13 Page | 51 certainly chose to have Šāpur Duḵtak portrayed for he did so his coins, metalwork, and reliefs for reasons of dynastic propaganda.21 In this scene, Wahrām fights a rapacious lion. The sword, held in his right hand, has penetrated the lion’s chest up to the hilt. The angry animal is roaring and has placed his paw on Wahrām’s arm while the king calmly fights it. The lion is depicted twice in the relief: first jumping at Wahrām and then lying already dead on the ground at Wahrām’s feet. Herzfeld believed that there were two lions, one killed by Wahrām, and the other that attacked him torn apart into two halves. The danger has subsided and the king is guarding the queen with his left hand by keeping her behind him. “All the figures are entirely unconcerned, not because it was all in the day's work of the king to kill lions attacking him and the queen, and hence no reason for the prince and the vizier to get excited, but simply because the picture, as always, symbolizes the king as great Nimrod, admired by the court; it does not represent an actual event”.22 Trümpelmann believes that there is only one lion, which is shown in two different scenes and provides very detailed photographs and a drawing.23 In contrast, Katsumi Tanabe sees them as two different lions: he remarks on the shoulder ornament24 or hair whorl carved near the neck of the standing lion [Fig. 2] and believes that the second lion, which is dead, does not have this ornament.25 Prods Oktor Skjærvø commented that “the designer of the relief may well have chosen the royal family as models for the otherworldly characters portrayed in the inscription and the common motif of the hunt to illustrate the battle with the wild animals guarding the bridge. If the relief is not thematically related to the inscription, but simply another hunting scene, it is not obvious what the roles of the queen and the chief mowbed, Kartīr, would be, their inclusion being also unique. It also does not explain why Kartīr is portrayed between the king and the queen, differently from the other reliefs of Warahrān II”.26 Margaret Cool Root considered this relief as a heroic scene: allegorical combat between the King of Kings and the King of Beasts. As such, it suggests continuity with an ancient Near Eastern tradition echoed already in the Persian homeland on Achaemenid palace reliefs of the royal hero at Persepolis.27 This depiction is important because of the method by which the artist has illustrated, the two lions sharing legs and his skill through which the death of the recumbent lion is portrayed. In this way, the observer intermingles the two images scenes as a consecutive action even though each is a single scene. In the first, Wahrām is in the act of killing the lion, and in the second, the lion (presumably the same animal) lies dead at his feet, its tail and paws separately depicted. The lion on the ground appears to be dead; his paws are abnormally drawn while his tail has spirals around the legs of the lunging lion [Figs. 1-2]. This depiction has been differently interpreted, with some scholars believing it to be an actual event. Either way, this bas-relief enjoys many technical interpretations. 21 Lukonin, 1969: 179, 193, 227; Harper, 1976: 327. Herzfeld, 1941: 325 and pl. cxxiii. 23 Trümpelmann, 1975: fig. 1a. 24 For more information about the shoulder ornament in the Near Eastern depicted figures see: Kantor, 1947; Bate, 1950; Van Buren, 1950; Vollgraff-Roes, 1953. 25 Tanabe, 1990: 31-40. 26 Skjærvø, 2011. 27 Root, 1979: 223; Skupniewicz, 2020. 22 Page | 52 Georgina Herrmann argues that “It is impossible to say if this scene records an event that actually happened or if we see here the conventional Near Eastern concept of the mighty hunter-king defeating evil, so often depicted in Assyrian and Achaemenian sculpture. The informality and originality of the Sar Mašhad scene, coupled with the king’s protective gesture, seems to suggest that Wahrām was recording an actual incident, and possibly one that occurred nearby”.28 “In his proud stance and the defeat of the lion, Wahrām II has achieved an impressive composition to which little is added by the much-damaged group of three figures on the right”.29 Hubertus Von Gall suggested that two different lions in this bas-relief may symbolize the two enemies of Zoroastrianism.30 Adrian David Hugh Bivar differs in his interpretation of the lions, associating them with Wahrām II’s two enemies: the Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius Carus (282-283 C.E.), and Wahrām II’s younger brother, Hormozd Kušānšāh (270-283 C.E.), both of whom Wahrām defeated during his reign.31 Few bas-reliefs commemorate Wahrām II’s victories, owing to his peaceful reign, during which he did not triumph in war or attempt to expand his territory. Consequently, he has been mostly portrayed accompanied by his family. Several challenges faced the Wahrām II during his reign, including a longrunning rebellion by his brother (or cousin?), prince Ormies (Hormozd), and major setbacks in the Sasanian war against Rome.32 Vladimir Lukonin suggested that the basrelief at Sar Mašhad was the earliest of Wahrām’s reliefs and thus dated between 276 and 283 C.E.33 The Haft-Tanān Museum Bas-Relief This bas-relief was accidentally discovered by a swimmer in a waterspout at the foothills of Pahnu (Pahnā) Mount in Dārāb, close to the relief of the Sasanian king, Šāpur I (239/40-270/2 C.E.). It was transferred in 2001 to the Haft-Tanān Museum in Shiraz by the local Cultural Heritage Organization.34 In 2009, while cataloging the objects in the museum, I studied this particular relief, registered as no. 186 in the Museum Inventory List [Figs. 3-4]. The depiction lies within an irregular rectangular frame (70 × 75 cm; 4 cm deep); thus, its size is smaller than all other known Sasanian reliefs. The king appears in profile to the right with his body and legs facing frontally; he wears a serrated crown topped by a ball and a long-pleated robe that extends to his ankles. The height of the king’s figure is 65 cm with his hair shown to be high atop his head. A sword or a dagger sheath is strapped to the left side of his waist and extends to his ankle. Facing the king is a lion, 44 cm tall, standing on its hind legs to attack. The king grasps the lion’s head (or probably raised forelegs) with his left hand while with his right, thrusts a dagger into the lion’s belly. His mouth wide-open and angrily 28 Herrmann, 1970: 168. Herrmann, 1970: 167. 30 Von Gall, 1977: 151. 31 Bivar, 1972: 280. 32 Weber, 2009: 1. 33 Lukonin, 1979: 21. 34 Shafiei, 2004: 198; Huff, 1995: 417. 29 Page | 53 roaring ready to bite, the lion tries to claw the king; he lays his right paw on the king’s left leg, but the monarch calmly and courageously fights him. This depiction is very similar to the Sasanian silver-gilt plate from Klimova, which shows the king stabbing a leopard.35 The same iconography can be seen on Achaemenid seal impressions found at Persepolis,36 as well as on the door jamb relief representing a king in combat with a lion or a lion-headed monster (in the Hall of a Hundred Columns, and the palaces of Darius and Xerxes)37. Due to the surface weathering of the Haft Tanān relief, its details are difficult to see. As for the date of the relief, Dietrich Huff believes that the king’s crown is similar to those of both Šāpur I and II yet cannot be exclusively attributed to one of them. It seems that Šāpur II has left some trace of himself in the Dārāb region.38 Fatemeh Shafiei39 also suggested that the relief probably belongs to the Šāpur I and referred to an unpublished report by Massoud Azarnoush who believed that the relief is not of Šāpur I’s reign.40 In contrast, Milad Vandaei referred to Massoud Azarnoush’s arguments (in the same unpublished report) and dated the relief to the Šāpur II.41 In addition to these two examples, lion images can be found on another relief. In Ardašīr I’s investiture by Ahurā Mazdā at Naqš-e Rostam, on the chest and hip of Ardašīr I’s horse are five disks embossed with lions’ heads applied to its body (three on breast, and two on top of hip or the back of his horse’s saddle) and collar above a trilingual inscription42 [Fig. 5]. Lion hunting scenes can also be found at Taq-e Bostān, as discussed by Markus Mode, who suggested that there was originally a lionhunt scene in the main central field of the great Ivān.43 Also, in the relief of Wahrām II and his court in NRo III, the third dignitary to the left wears a cap that terminates in the front in form of a lion’s head.44 Apart from the small lion depictions in these reliefs, a small relief of a lion, measuring 0.50 m long, 0.60 m high, and 2 cm deep, was discovered in 1971 at Naqš-e Rostam, about 10 m west of Narseh’s relief [Fig. 6]. This lion shown is running to the right; its paws and tail are broken and the background is not smoothed.45 Since there is no similarity between this relief and the lions depicted in the other Sasanian reliefs, it cannot date to the Sasanian Period and thus remains undated. Royal rock reliefs were no longer carved for nearly 200 years, that is, between the late 4th to the late 6th centuries. The image of the Sasanian king hunting, however, appears on the Sasanian silver vessel46 during the reign of Šāpur II (309-379 C.E.). 35 Harper & Meyers, 1981: 131 and 225: pl. 24; Skupniewicz, 2020. Schmidt, 1957b: pls. 2; 3; 5; 11. 37 Schmidt, 1957a: pls. 114-117; 144-145 and 195-196; Huff, 1995: 417. 38 Huff, 1995: 417. 39 Shafiei, 2004: 199. 40 Shafiei, 2004: 192. 41 Vandaei, 2011: 211. 42 Schmidt, 1970: 123. 43 Mode, 2006: 398-399, and 412. 44 Schmidt, 1970: 129. 45 Roaf, 1974: 199. 46 The images on the royal silver plate are stereotyped and the representations remain largely unchanged in style and form for several centuries. Only minor variations occur in the iconography and design. Particularly distinctive is the representation of drapery in a series of short, paired lines. The date of these 36 Page | 54 Although several silver vessels are contemporaneous with rock reliefs, during this period they become the medium of royal propaganda instead of the rock reliefs; their effectiveness perhaps all the greater because of their mobility.47 On many of these plates, the king engages in animal combat [Figs. 7-8]. Although details of the king’s crown in the Haft-Tanān is similar to that of Šāpur I or Šāpur II on the coins, it must be considered that this bas-relief was discovered close to Šāpur I’s bas-relief at Dārābgerd, and cannot belong to the period during which the tradition of bas-relief carving disappeared in Fars [Fig. 9]. Therefore, I believe that the king in the Haft-Tanān relief is Šāpur I, wearing his first style of crown with its large and tall globe and that this is the crown appearing in the Naqš-e Rostam and Bīšāpūr reliefs as well as on his coins.48 In the photogrammetric photographs of the Haft-Tanān relief, horizontal pleated lines can be seen behind the king, possibly remnants of a pleated ribbon that starts from behind the crown, widening as it falls down his back, beneath the hair gathered in his crown, and continues to the middle of his waist [Fig. 10-12]. Normally, even in high-quality photography, this ribbon is not visible. If these carved lines shown in the photogrammetric images are ribbons, then assigning this relief to Šāpur II may be possible because, in addition to having a crown, he also has a ribbon hanging behind him in his relief at Taq-e Bostān.49 Another point is that Šāpur II’s crown at Taq-e Bostān has some differences from this crown. In the statue of Šāpur I in the Šāpur Cave (in Tang-e Čogān), such a ribbon50 (the two ends of the diadem, which, once tied & knotted around the monarchs head/base of his crown) can be seen behind the king’s head, which hangs down from behind the crown to the lower part of his waist. Therefore, this ribbon has been used vertically for Šāpur I’s statue, while in his reliefs, this ribbon is in form of wavy horizontal and starts from behind his crown.51 On the statue, the dorsal and frontal lobes of the crown have been damaged by water, and only their lower parts are visible. Probably in the frontal of the crown, instead of a crenel, there was a different element. The high-resolution photograph of the relief uncovered a monogram/sign (and some lines/decoration?) on the upper part of the middle crenel of the crown (on the lower part of the high globe), which is probably a family insignia or decoration on the crest, but the details are not clear as it has been eroded. However, the upper part is probably the upper part of a shears-like insignia,52 and another possibility is that it is vessels with royal hunters is suggested in part by the appearance of the royal crown, often identifiable through a comparison with Sasanian coins. Details of dress and equipment compared with images on securely dated relics (reliefs, coins, and seals) also provide some guidance in establishing a chronological sequence (Harper, 1965: 594). 47 Harper, 1965: 594. 48 see Göbl, 1971: type I/1; Gyselen, 2003: 190, Tafel 30-38. 49 Herzfeld, 1928: fig. 21; Fukai et al., 1985: pl. XXIII. 50 For more information about the ribbons that once tied & knotted around the monarchs head/base of his crown, see: Lerner, 2010: 251-252. 51 Herrmann et al., 1989: 24-25. 52 It is worth mentioning that a shears-like emblem can be seen in the early Sasanian rock reliefs: such as on the hats of the fourth and fifth persons to the left of Wahrām II in Naqš-e Rostam III, and the first dignitary to the left of Wahrām II at Naqš-e Bahram. It can also be seen on the tall round hat of Kartīr depicted in several bas reliefs, such as Naqš-e Rostam II (the triumph of Šāpur I over Valerian relief), Sar Mašhad, etc. Also, the upper part of this emblem might be compared to the upper part of another emblem Page | 55 the remains of decorations, which can be seen on of the Šāpur I’ hat in the rock reliefs of Naqš-e Rostam, Bīšāpūr, etc53 [Fig. 13]. The latter idea, in my opinion, is more accurate. If we view it as a family emblem, this crenelated crown might have been one of Šāpur I’s unofficial crowns. The next issue is the gender of the two lions shown in the relief. At Sar Mašhad, the lion is male and mature, with its mane reflecting its great strength, but in the Haft-Tanān relief, the sex of the lion cannot be determined; the current picture is similar to that of a female lion; however, its mane may have been eroded by the water in which it was found. There are other reasons to attribute the relief in the Haft-Tanān Museum to Šāpur I, and thus to the early Sasanian Period. We note that the standing king uses both hands to attack the lion while standing, showing its maximum danger, reminiscent or in imitation of the relief showing the king’s or royal hero’s combat with a lion or lion-headed monster in the Persepolis54 bas-reliefs. In Sasanian art and architecture, we can see a reflection of imitating the art of the Achaemenid Period in the works of the early Sasanian kings, especially in the time of Ardašīr I (224-239/40 C.E.) and Šāpur I. It may be that the Sasanians considered the Achaemenids as their real ancestors and imitated their iconography and decorative elements in their royal art and architecture. Some scholars have already discussed the tendency of the Sasanians to connect themselves to their ancestors.55 If we accept this idea, it is clear that the artists and stonemasons who portrayed the combats of the king with the lion in the Sar Mašhad and Haft-Tanān Museum reliefs had already seen and imitated their work from the Persepolis reliefs. Because the artists and stonemasons could not accurately draw the scene without having an idea in the mind, this pattern was later continued in the silver plates with great delicacy. The Haft-Tanān relief is a close imitation of the Persepolis bas-reliefs and the gestures of animal and king, as presented, are the same.56 The king is accurately depicted in an informal royal gesture as he fights in the real scene (It may have occurred in his nearby hunting ground/park in Dārāb region), and is reminiscent of the king’s battle with the lion in the Throne Hall in Persepolis. The photogrammetric photo [Fig. 12] shows that the carving of the relief was, for some reason, halted before the background was smoothed and polished; indeed, it is not smooth like the other on the hat of Ardašir's page in Fīrūzābād I, Naqš-e Rostam I, and Naqš-e Rajab III. Also, it can be seen in the relief of Naqš-e Rostam VII (Vanquished foe of Hormozd II), see: Schmidt, 1970: 141; Vanden Berghe, 1984: fig. 12. 53 Herrmann et al., 1989: 24-25. 54 Such as on the western doorway of the main hall in Harem of Xerxes (Schmidt, 1957a: pl. 195), on southern doorways (south and north jambs) in the western wall of Throne Hall (Schmidt, 1957a: pl. 115); as well as on western doorway of the main hall in the palace of Darius (Schmidt, 1957a: pl.146). In addition, the gesture of king and lion is also imitated from the King/Hero’s combat with the lion-headed monster on the eastern doorway of the main hall of Harem of Xerxes (Schmidt, 1957a: pl. 196), also with Horned Lion-Headed monster on the northern doorway in the eastern hall of Throne hall (Schmidt, 1957a: pl. 116). 55 Canepa, 2010: 563-596; “Sasanian kings used rock reliefs to connect themselves to the remnants of the Achaemenid dynasty at Naqš-e Rustam, weaving the entire site into a larger meaningful whole that blurred the temporal and political discontinuities that separated the two dynasties” (Canepa, 2013: 856). 56 Skupniewicz, 2020. Page | 56 Sasanian reliefs. The marks of the chisel can be seen in the form of wavy grooves all around the outline of the figures [Figs. 3, and 9-12]. Conclusion In conclusion, the lion can be seen from earlier times to modern days on seals, wall paintings, metalwork, and stone reliefs throughout the Near East and especially in Iran as it, as the ‘king of beasts’ is the worthiest combatant of the king. For the ancient Iranians, it had a special status because it symbolized power, courage, bravery, and heroism. There exist many appellatives in Iranian culture and the Persian language, such as ‘Šīrmard’ (lion-hearted [male gendered]), ‘Šīrzan’ (lion-hearted [female gendered]) and ‘Šīrdel’ (lion-hearted [no gender]) . It may be that hunting wild animals were a form of royal activity that helped to define the nature of Sasanian kingship, as it had done for many earlier Near Eastern cultures, especially in Mesopotamia and Iran. Hunting emphasized the king’s skill and manly prowess and demonstrated not merely his mastery of the animal world but the rest of nature. In addition to lions, boars and bears were a worthy challenge to kingly mettle. As a proxy for warfare, hunting conveyed an idea of the king’s martial power to his subjects and his enemies alike. During the Sasanian Period, lion hunting was one of the most important interests and pastimes of kings to the extent that most Sasanian silver dishes depicted a king battling a lion. In addition to metalwork, the depiction of a king battling a lion has been seen on these two Sasanian reliefs. Prudence Harper suggested that the hunting scene in the Sar Mašhad bas-relief is the earliest dynastic monument illustrating a royal hunt.57 If my hypothesis and dating of the reliefs, as proposed by others are correct, then the slaying of a lion by a king (i.e., Šāpur I) in the Haft-Tanān relief is the oldest depiction of animal hunting in Sasanian royal art, predating the Wahrām II relief at Sar Mašhad relief. In the Sasanian Period, the reason for creating reliefs illustrating a king battling predatory animals such as lions is due to the king’s interest in hunting as a royal task and also for political reasons. It may also be interpreted as symbolic as are the scenes at Persepolis where the royal hero or the king subdues the lion alone. The political implications of the two reliefs are clear: the king displays his strength and courage by his battle with the most powerful and frightening creature, the lion, to prove that no creature has the ability to defeat him. Wahrām II’s bas-relief was created for political purposes because he had been pictured fending off a deadly animal simply with a dagger; his lack of a sword sheath on his waist further attests to his prowess and bravery. His companions have been portrayed as indifferent to the fight taking place before them because they believe that Wahrām himself has the strength to defeat the lion. Kartīr’s appearance in the relief demonstrates its political and religious significance. Wahrām II ordered the relief to show that he was the most powerful king of his time and to demonstrate his ability to conquer his enemies as he does the lion. The inclusion of the high priest and the royal family probably means that Wahrām was also showing his enemies that he has the support of 57 Harper, 1986. Page | 57 his royal family and the highest-ranked Zoroastrian leader.58 In contrast, the HaftTanān relief shows a real hunting event and may have fewer political implications because the king is depicted alone. The king has a stiletto or a dagger that has penetrated the lion’s chest or stomach. These two reliefs were imitated from the reliefs of a king or hero battle with a lion or a lion monster at Persepolis palaces. And it can be explained that the Sasanian were interested in their ancestor’s arts, which undoubtedly the artists and stonemasons who carved these reliefs, had been visited the reliefs of Persepolis palaces. These imitations probably were done in the interest of the kings, as the Persepolis were very known and respected for the Sasanian, and we can see their remains such as graffiti,59 and Middle Persian inscriptions on the site.60 Fig. 1. Bas- relief of Wahrām II at Sar Mašhad (Photo by P. Ghasemi, 2009). 58 “Wahrām II was a devout follower and patron of Zoroastrianism. His religious policy was decisively shaped by his promotion of the mowbed Kerdir on whom he showered extraordinary honours and powers. By that, Kerdir got decisive space to intensively foster Zoroastrianism and, at the same time, to persecute all other religions, not the least the Christians and the Manichaeans. It was in Wahrām II’s time that the first persecution of the Christians took place” (Weber, 2009: 1). 59 De la Füye, 1928: 168; Herzfeld, 1941: figs. 401-402; Schmidt, 1957a: 58 and 258, pl. 199; Sami, 1954; 1960: 273-274; Calmeyer, 1976: Abb.3-4, 270-276; Razmjou, 2005; Callieri, 2006. 60 Frye, 1966. Page | 58 Fig. 2. Bas- relief of Wahrām II at Sar Mašhad (Drawing: after Trümpelmann, 1975: Taf. 7 and shoulder ornament or hair whorl was added by Tanabe, 1990: fig. 2b). Fig. 3. The Sasanian Bas-relief in Haft-Tanān Museum of Shiraz (The king slaying a lion, photo by P. Ghasemi 2009). Page | 59 Fig. 4. Drawing of the Sasanian Bas-relief in Haft-Tanān Museum of Shiraz (Reconstruction drawings by M‘asomeh Heidarifar and P. Ghasemi) Page | 60 Fig. 5. Disks embossed lions heads applied to breast collar above trilingual inscription at Naqš-e Rostam on the lower part of the Ardašīr I’ horse; Naqš-e Rostam I: relief of investiture of Ardašīr I by Ahurā Mazdā (Photo by Hamed Molaei Kordshuli). Page | 61 Fig. 6. A minor lion relief in the west of the Narseh’s relief at Naqš-e Rostam (Photo by Hamed Molaei Kordshuli). Fig. 7. Two Sasanian dishes with a depiction of the king hunting a lion; A: Silver-gilt plate from Chilek. king hunting a lion and a leopard, Republican Museum of history and culture of Uzbekistan, Samarkand (after Harper & Meyers, 1981: pl. 30). B: Ardašīr II (379-383 C.E.) dispatching lions, Silver, Dia. 28.6 cm, Found in Sari, Mazandaran, National Museum of Iran (after Biglari & Abdi, 2014: 108). Page | 62 Fig. 8. A number of Sasanian dishes with the depiction of the king hunting a lion A: Silver-gilt plate with Šāpur II (309-379 C.E.) hunting lions, Hermitage Museum (after Harper & Meyers, 1981: pl. 37; Pope, 1938: 210). B: Silver-gilt plate, Hormozd II (303-309 C.E.). Cleveland Museum of Art, (after Harper & Meyers, 1981: pl. 14). C: Silver-gilt plate from Klimova, King stabbing a Leopard, Hermitage Museum (after Harper & Meyers, 1981: pl. 24). D: Pur-e Vahman Silver plate with mounted bowman shooting lion, with Middle Iranian inscription, applied repousse and engraved, Hermitage Museum. (after Harper & Meyers, 1981: fig. 64; Pope, 1938: 217). E: Dish with the royal hunt for lion and boar, end 6th-beg. 7th C.E. Silver. Dia. 19.2 cm. Found before 1903; purchased in Kutais, Georgia (after Harper & Meyers, 1981: fig.46). F: Plate with Šāpur III (383-388 C.E.) dispatching a lion or leopard, silver, applied repousse and engraved, Found 1907, Hermitage Museum. (after Harper & Meyers, 1981: pl. 31). Page | 63 Fig. 9. Detailed image of the king’s head at the Sasanian Bas-relief of Haft-Tanān Museum (photo by P. Ghasemi, 2009). Fig. 10. Photogrammetry image of the Sasanian Bas-relief of Haft-Tanān Museum (photo by P. Ghasemi). Page | 64 Fig. 11. ‘Remnant of a pleated ribbon’; Photogrammetry image of the Sasanian Bas-relief of Haft-Tanān Museum (photo by P. Ghasemi). Fig. 12. UV scan of the Sasanian Bas-relief of Haft-Tanān Museum shows the lines and details (photogrammetry by P. Ghasemi). Page | 65 Fig. 13. The Central scene of Šāpur I's rock relief in Bīšāpūr II, and a detail of his crenelated crown (after Herrmann et al.,1989: 26) Acknowledgments I would like to thank Judith Lerner for her kind assistance, helpful suggestions, corrections, and comments, as well as Fereidoun Biglari, Remy Boucharlat, Manuel Berberian for their critical comments and suggestions. All errors, however, are entirely my own. Page | 66 Bibliography Anderson, S.C. (2015) ‘Mammals I. 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Gnoli, Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 101-118. Göbl, R. (1971) Sasanian Numismatics. Braunschweig: Klinkhardt & Biermann. Page | 67 Gyselen, R. (2004) New evidence for Sasanian numismatics the collection of Ahmad Saeedi. Bures-surYvette: Groupe pour l'Étude de la Civilisation du Moyen-Orient. Gyselen, R. (2003) ‘Shapur I: Part I.I.B, II.B and III.B’, in Sylloge nummorum Sasanidarum: Paris Berlin - Wien. Bd. 1 Ardashir I. - Shapur I, eds. M. Alram, R. Gyselen. Wien: Verl. der Österr. Akad. der Wiss., 32-45, 181-290 and 330-367. Gyselen, R. (2012) ‘Wahram II (276-293): II.C and III.C’, in Sylloge nummorum Sasanidarum. 2 : Paris Berlin - Wien : Ohrmazd I. - Ohrmazd II, eds. M. Alram, R. Gyselen. Wien: Verl. der Österr. Akad. der Wiss., 201-276 and 462-487. Harper, P.O. (1965) ‘The Heavenly Twins’, The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 23.5: 186-195. https://doi.org/10.2307/3258131 Harper, P.O. (1976) ‘[Review of Das sasanidische Felsrelief von Sar Mašhad, Iranische Denkmäler, Lieferung 5, Reihe II: Iranische Felsreliefs, by L. Trümpelmann]’, Artibus Asiae 38.4: 326-327. https://doi.org/10.2307/3250151 Harper, P.O. (1986) ‘Art in Iran v. Sasanian Art’, Encyclopaedia Iranica 2.6: 585-594. Harper, P.O., Meyers, P. (1981) Silver Vessels of the Sasanian Period, Vol. 1, Royal Imagery. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Henning, W.B. (1955) Corpus inscriptionum iranicarum. Part III, Pahlavi inscriptions. Vol. 2 Private inscriptions of the classical period. Portfolio 1 The inscription of Sar-Mašhad. London: Lund, Humphries. Herzfeld, E. (1926) ‘Reisebericht’, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 80.4: 225-284. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43368053 Herzfeld, E. 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Kerdir's inscription : (synopt. text in transliteration, transcription, transl., and commentary). Berlin: Reimer. Hinz, W. (1969) Altiranische Funde und Forschungen, with contributions by Rykle Borger und Gerd Gropp. Berlin: De Gruyter. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110823462 Huff, D. (1995) ‘Darab, State Capitals’, in Iranian Capitals, ed. M.Y. Kiani, Tehran: Iranian Cultural Heritage Organisation, 407-446. Joslin, P. (1973) The Asiatic lion: a study of ecology and behaviour. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Forestry and Natural Resources, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK. Kantor, H.J. (1947) ‘The Shoulder Ornament of Near Eastern Lions’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 6.4: 250-274. https://www.jstor.org/stable/542655 Khalaf, N.A.B. (2006) Mammalia Arabica : a zoological journey in Palestine, Arabia and Europe betwen 1980-2006, Rilchingen-Hanweiler: Norman Khalaf. Lerner, J. 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(1826) Dissertatio inauguralis anatomico-medica de genere felium, Doctoral thesis, University of Vienna. Mode, M. (2006) ‘Art and Ideology at Taq-i Bustan: The Armoured Equestrian. Arms and Armour as Indicators of Cultural Transfer’, in The Steppes and the Ancient World from Hellenistic Times to the Early Middle Ages, eds. M. Mode, J. Tubach, Wiesbaden: Dr Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 393-413. Paruck, F.D.J. (1976) Sāsānian coins. New Delhi. (Reprint Bombay: the Times Press, 1924) Pope, A.U. (1938) A survey of Persian art : Pre-Achaemenid, Achaemenid, Parthian and Sāsānian periods, architecture of the Islamic period : from prehistoric times to the present. Vol. VII, Plates 1-257, London: Oxford University Press. Razmjou, S. (2005) ‘Ernst Herzfeld and the Study of Graffiti at Persepolis’, in Ernst Herzfeld and the development of Near Eastern Studies, 1900-1950, eds. A.C. Gunter, S.R. Hauser, Leiden and Boston: Brill, 315-341. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789047406587_014 Roaf, M. (1974) ‘Two Rock Carvings at Naqsh-i Rustam’, Iran 12: 199-200. https://doi.org/10.2307/ 4300514 Root, M.C. (1979) ‘[Review of Das sasanidische Felsrelief von Sar Mašhad, Iranische Denkmäler, Lieferung 5, Reihe II: Iranische Felsreliefs, by L. Trümpelmann]’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 38.3: 223-224. https://doi.org/10.1086/372751 Root, M.C. (2002) ‘Animals in the Art of Ancient Iran’,in A History of the Animal World in the Ancient Near East, ed. B.J. Collins, Leiden: Brill, 169-209. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789047400912_006 Sami, A. (1954) Persepolis (Takht-e Jamshid). Translated by Rev. R.N. Sharp. Clean, Publication of the Learned Society of Pars, No. 2, Shiraz: Mousavi. Sami, A. (1960) Archaeological Reports 4 (Gozaresh-haye Bastanshenasi). Shiraz: Miras-e Farhangi. [in Persian] Schippmann, K. (1990) Grundzüge der Geschichte des sasanidischen Reiches. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Schmidt, E. (1957a) Persepolis I: Structures. Reliefs. Inscriptions. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Schmidt, E. (1957b) Persepolis II: Treasury of Persepolis and Other Discoveries. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Schmidt, E. (1970) Persepolis III: The Royal Tombs and Other Monuments. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Shafiei, F. (2004) ‘The Second Sasanian Bas Relief in Dārābgerd, Fars (Dovomin nagš barjaste̠-ye̠ sāsāni dar dārābgerd-e fārs)’, Athar 36-37: 190-200 [in Persian] Shapur Shahbazi, A. (2004) ‘Hunting in Iran i. In the pre-Islamic Period’, Encyclopædia Iranica, XII/6, pp. 577-580, available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hunting-in-iran (accessed on 30 December 2012). Singh, H.S.; Gibson, L. (2011) ‘A conservation success story in the otherwise dire megafauna extinction crisis: The Asiatic lion (Panthera leo persica) of Gir forest’, Biological Conservation 144.5: 1753-1757. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biocon.2011.02.009 Skjærvø, P.O. (2011) ‘Kartir’, Encyclopædia Iranica, XV/6, pp. 608-628, available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/kartir (accessed on 30 December 2012). Skupniewicz, P. (2009) ‘Shafted weapons of Sasanian hunting iconography’, Fasciculi Archaeologiae Historicae 22: 49-64. Skupniewicz, P. (2020) ‘Scene of Fighting Tigers on a Sasanian Plate from Mes 'Aynak. Notes on the Composition’, Acta Archaeologica Lodziensia 66: 65-84. https://doi.org/10.26485/AAL/2020/66/6 Page | 69 Tanabe, K. (1990) ‘The Lions at Sar Mašhad and the Lion-Hunt of Bahram II - An Additional Note to Leo Trümpelmann’s Monograph’, Al-Rāfidān 11: 29-43. Trümpelmann, L. (1975) Das sasanidische Felsrelief von Sar Mašhad. (Iranische Denkmäler, Leif. 5. Reihe ii: Iranische Felsreliefs. A.) 12 pp., 7 plates. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag. Van Buren, E.D. (1950) ‘An Additional Note on the Hair Whirl’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 9.1: 54-55. https://www.jstor.org/stable/542856 Vandaei, M. (2011) ‘The bas-relief of the king and the lion fighting in Dārabgerd II (Naqš-e Barjasteh Peykār Šekar Šah ba Šir dar Dārabgerd II)’, Kand-o Kāv 3.3: 94-123. [in Persian] Vanden Berghe, L. (1984) Reliefs rupestres de l'Iran ancien : Bruxelles, Musées royaux d'art et d'histoire, 26 octobre 1983-29 janvier 1984. Bruxelles: Musees Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire. Vollgraff-Roes, A. (1953) ‘The Lion with Body Markings in Oriental Art’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 12.1: 40-49. https://www.jstor.org/stable/542743 Von Gall, H. (1977) ‘[Review of Das sasanidische Felsrelief von Sar Mašhad, Iranische Denkmäler, Lieferung 5, Reihe II: Iranische Felsreliefs, by L. Trümpelmann]’, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie 67, 149-152. https://doi.org/10.1515/zava.1977.67.1.108 Weber, U. (2009) ‘Wahrām II, König der Könige von Ērān und Anērān’, Iranica Antiqua 44: 559-643. https://doi.org/10.2143/IA.44.0.2034388 To cite this article: Ghasemi, P. (2022). Two Sasanian rock reliefs of the king combatting a lion. Historia i Świat 11, 49-70, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.03 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 70 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Siavash SORAGHI (Isfahan of Art University, Isfahan, Iran) Mohsen ZEYNIVAND (University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran) The Susa salvage project in 2019, southwestern Iran https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.04 Abstract: The World Heritage Site of Susa constantly encounters challenges in the development and expansion of Shush city. In 2019, a salvage archaeological project was undertaken to counter the construction of a transportation underpass in the vicinity of world property. The results showed that this section was related to the industrial activities of the Parthian and Sasanid eras and probably a cemetery of the Islamic era. Key words: Iran, Susa, Urban Archeology, World Heritage, Artisans’ City Introduction Susa is the most important ancient site in southwestern Iran, which has been settled continuously from the late 5th millennium BC to the 14th century CE. As a political and religious center, this extraordinary site has always played a noteworthy role in cultural developments and exchanges of much of the Near East. In addition to historical texts,1 our knowledge of Susa is based on findings of the French commission in the late 18th and 19th centuries.2 The French greed for ancient monuments and objects of Susa, entitled The scientific project of French commission in Iran,3 kept them in Susa for about a century until the revolution in 1978. The presence of plenty of workers related to excavation and continuation of activities in Susa contributed to forming a village with a gradually increasing population in the vicinity of Daniel’s tomb after about six centuries of desolation. As a result, Shush city was formed, and the city’s development narrowed the scope  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1574-9703. [email protected]; Department of Archaeology  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5705-4729. [email protected]; Department of Archaeology (Corresponding Author). 1 Potts, 2018. Carter, 1992. 3 Chevalier, 1992. 2 Page | 71 of the ancient site. The ancient Site of Susa has been recently recorded as a UNESCO World Heritage with the number 1455. Acceptable world property for this area is 350 hectares, including four main sections: Acropolis, Royal City, Apadana, and Artisans’ City [Fig. 1]. Meanwhile, the national property has been considered to be more than the world property, and it is announced about 700 hectares by Iranian Ministry of Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism. The reason for the contradiction between the world and national property is the development of Shush city and the destruction of the main parts of the ancient site [Fig. 2]. However, an area the size of 600 hectares which involves parts of national property and also some residential parts of the city has been designated as a buffer zone by UNESCO. Fig. 1. Satellite images of the Susa (© Google Earth 2019) Recent challenge In 2018, authority figures of Susa decided to construct a one-kilometer-long underpass on the Andishmak-Ahwaz transit road in parallel with the world property. Formerly, there was a twenty-year-old concrete bridge that had been obliterated. The upper path in the northeastern part of the ancient property site of Susa and the border between World property and the D section is counted as national property [See Fig. 1]. Owing to this fact, this was a new challenge for the site, and the Iranian Ministry of Cultural Heritage did not allow the program to be operational. Page | 72 Fig. 2. Satellite images of the Susa in 1957 (© Iran National Cartographic Center) The municipality members and other authority figures of the city proceeded unwisely to dig down a channel into the transportation path, which was quickly encountered by the archaeological communities and the Association of Cultural Heritage Lover’s reaction. Eventually, the Iranian Ministry of Cultural Heritage and the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research planned a salvage excavation project to acquaint public opinion, especially authority figures and residents of Shush city, to be capable of making the best decision in this regard. Page | 73 Fieldwork A salvage project of an archaeological excavation called the underpass of Susa started to be operational in early 2019. The study area was destroyed by about 0.5 to 1.5 m relative to the adjacent lands and surface of the asphalt road next to the study area due to the digging mechanical machinery and foundation of the asphalt road. Meanwhile, three channels were dug down with a depth of approximately 2 meters and a width of just over one meter by the same shovels in the southern part of the upper path. However, the study path was divided into three regions: southern, central, and northern. In the aggregate, 29 test trenches were created over 75 days within the study area, including 1s to 17s trenches in the southern, 1c and 2c trenches in the central and finally 1n to 10n trenches in the northern area [Fig. 3]. Measurements of the test trenches are usually 2×2m. However, these measurements have been extended in certain circumstances. The depth for obtaining monuments is between 15 and 170 cm. In the upper layers of 1, 2, 3, and 10 southern trenches, evidence of industrial activities related to glass blowing was discovered. Based on the cultural findings, it is more likely that glass-blowing workshops played a crucial role in the industry in the late historical era of this part of Artisans’ city [Figs. 4-5]. Previously in part of the Royal city, the glass blowing industry had been discovered in the Islamic second and third centuries. 4 Additionally, evidence of other industrial activities such as sugar-making,5 pottery, and textiles6 has been discovered in various parts of the Islamic era Susa. Brick structures with the nature of waterways (4s), wall debris (12s-8n), paved area (14s-15s), and possibly sandy foundation (7n-9n) were discovered in some trenches [Figs. 4B-C]. Moreover, brick floor debris, in situ, and a large volume of slag associated with industrial activities were discovered in the 10s trench, which appeared afterward; this site was abandoned in the Islamic era, and two corpses were buried, and that gave rise to be damaged parts of the mentioned site [Fig. 4A]. Other evidence related to the cemetery could be observed from human burial in 2s and 9s trenches, as well as a human jar burial in Northern 8 trench. The direction of human burial is Western -Eastern, and the face of the corpses is towards the North [Figs. 4A-B]. Considering the direction of human burial as well as references to the presence of multi-religious communities, including the Muslim, the Jewish, the Zoroastrian, and the Christian7 in Islamic era Susa, it seems that this area belonged to non-Muslims. However, some Islamic graves with unusual Southern-Northern directions involving a muddy plaque 4 Rosen-Ayalon, 1972. Kervran, 1979. 6 Hardy-Guilbert, 1985. 7 de Tudele 1734; Ghirshman 1952; Hardy-Guilbert 1985. 5 Page | 74 in the Arabic language (Part of the Quran) have been identified along the Donjon Area of Royal City.8 Fig. 3. Aerial Photo of excavated zone (aerial photograph by A. Bavarsaei) 8 de Mecouenem, 1947. Page | 75 Fig. 4. Aerial Photos of some southern test trench A. T.T 9s & 10s; B. B. T.T 4s; C. T.T 14s & 15s (aerial photographs by A. Bavarsaei) Page | 76 Fig. 5. 2019 excavated finds material A. Parthian & Sasanian & late Islamic periods potsherds of southern area; B. glass vessels fragments; C. slags (Photo by M. Zeynivand) Page | 77 Fig. 6. Human burial of test trench 2s (photo & edit by F. Sharifi) Conclusions According to the results, it could be noted that evidence and deposition of human activities were existed in southern part of study area from Parthian until Islamic eras, which is precisely situated between world heritage A property and national D property, and cultural monuments related to historical and Islamic eras were also existed in central part and most of the northern part, which were unfortunately demolished due to the foundation of the asphalt road and concrete pillar of a bridge, therefore architectural and cultural materials debris belonging to the historical era (Parthian and Sasanian) were revealed only at the end of the northern part. Research in the proposed area for construction of transportation underpass illustrates that this area is debris of the Artisans’ city, which was the center of industrial activities, especially glass blowing workshops at the end of the historical era, and it was used as a cemetery in the Islamic era (non-Muslims). By virtue of the results, some affiliated organizations to the Iranian Cultural Heritage were taken necessary awareness and transparency to inform relevant authority figures about the destruction of World Heritage of Susa, and ultimately construction of underpass was discontinued. Page | 78 Acknowledgments The authors would like to thank Dr. Ruholah Shirazi, Director of the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR), and Dr. Siamak Sarlak (ICAR). We are also grateful to Bijan Heydari of Director Susa World Heritage Base (SWHB) and his colleagues Mehdi Omidfar, Loghman Ahmadzadeh & Abbas Bavarsaei for their support. We thank the excavation team, particularly Dr. Meisam Nikzad, Dr. Nowrooz Rajabi, Dr. Fereshteh Sharifi, Mostafa Rashidi Arzandeh and Faezeh Dadfar. Bibliography Carter, E. (1992) ‘A history of excavation at Susa: personalities and Archaeological methodologies’, in The royal city of Susa: ancient near eastern treasures in the Louvre, eds. P. Harper, J. Aruz, F. Tallon, New York: The Metropolitan museum of Art, 20-25. Chevalier, N. (1992) ‘The French scientific delegation in Persia’, in The royal city of Susa: ancient near eastern treasures in the Louvre, eds. P. Harper, J. Aruz, F. Tallon, New York: The Metropolitan museum of Art, 16-19. De Tudèle, B. (1734) Voyages de Rabbi Benjamin, fils de Jona de Tulède, en Europe, en Asie et en Afrique, depuis l’Espagne jusqu’à la Chine où l'on trouve plusieurs choses remarquables concernant l’histoire et la géographie, et particulièrement l’état des Juifs au 12e siècle traduits de l’hébreu et enrichi de notes & de dissertations historiques & critiques... par J.P. Baratier. Amsterdam: Aux dépens de la Compagnie. Ghirshman, R. (1952) ‘Cinq capagnes de fouilles a Suse (1946-1951)’, Revue d Assyriologie 46: 1-8. Hardy-Guilbert, C. (1985) ‘Contribution à l’analyse du tissu urbain de Suse à partir du IXe siècle’, Paleorient 11.2: 101-113. Kervran, M. (1979) ‘Une sucrerie d’epoque islamique sur la rive droite du Chaour à Suse. Le matériel archéologique’ Cahiers de la Délégation Archéologique Française en Iran 10: 177-237. Mecouenem, R, de. (1947) ‘Contribution à l’étude du palais achéménide de Suse’, Mémoires de la Délégation archéologique en Iran 30: 1-119. Potts, T.D. (2018) ‘Elam region: Elam in western scholarship from the Renaissance to the late 19th century’, in The Elamite World, eds. J. Álvarez-Mon, G. Basello, Y. Wicks,: London & New York: Routledge, 11-26. Rosen-Ayalon, M. (1972) ‘Niveaux islamiques de la ‹‹Ville Royale››’, Cahiers de la Délégation Archéologique Française en Iran 2: 169-201. To cite this article: Soraghi, S., Zeynivand, M. (2022). The Susa salvage project in 2019, southwestern Iran. Historia i Świat 11, 71-79, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.04 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 79 Page | 80 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Mohammad Amin MIRGHADERI (University of Tehran, Iran) Kamal Aldin NIKNAMI (University of Tehran, Iran) The Chronology of the Archaeological surface remains of Tepe Pa-Chogha, Central Zagros (Kermanshah, Iran) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.05 Abstract: The highland plains of western Iran have been investigated with varying intensity. The Sarfirouzabad plain, located in the south of Kermanshah province, although visited perfunctorily, has not previously been studied systematically, despite desirable ecological and environmental conditions. In 2009, a team from the University of Tehran conducted a systematic and intensive field survey in the region to identify archaeological settlements and to assess their location concerning ecological, environmental and cultural factors impacted the distribution of sites on the plain. The surveyed area was walked in transects at 20-metre intervals and resulted in the identification of 332 archaeological sites from different cultural periods, which added much to the limited knowledge about the history of this region. During this survey, Pa-Chogha as the biggest tell site in the area, was identified. Fifty-nine samples of pottery and five stone tools were collected from the surface of Pa-Chogha dated from Late Chalcolithic to Islamic periods. Unfortunately, due to the expansion of Pa-Chogha village, the site is in danger of being destroyed. Our aim to publish this article is to introduce the Pa-Chogha as an important site for the chronology of Central Zagros at first, and preventing the further destruction of this site at the second. Key words: Iran, Central Zagros, Kermanshah, Tepe Pa-Chogha, Sarfirouzabad plain, Excavations, Archaeological Sequences Introduction The Central Zagros Mountains has long been an essential link between lowland Mesopotamia and the Iranian Central Plateau because of the existence of the major overland route through Khorasan, which was the only primary path connecting the Iranian Central Plateau to the Mesopotamian lowlands. The middle ages  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0281-2286. [email protected]; This work is based upon research funded by Iran National Science Foundation (INSF) under project No 99019158.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5273-8179. [email protected] Page | 81 Islamic texts is referred to this route as the ‘Great Khorasan Road/Silk road’.1 The beginning of archaeological research in the Central Zagros is marked by discovering some ancient vessels in Gilivran by Herzfeld in 1925 and then by the subsequent excavations carried out by Ghirshman and Contenau in the well-known site of Giyan.2 Before exploring the most diagnostic site of Godin Tepe, the Zagros archaeological sequences were mainly drawn on the basis of the materials which were found from Tepe Giyan and Susa.3 The second stage of archaeological research in western Iran is coincided with the onset of archaeological excavations at Godin Tepe in 1967, continued until 1974.4 The recent reassessment of Godin finds from Godin XI (early Chalcolithic) to Godin II (Iron Age) provided evidence to play a basic role in developing the Central Zagros chronological frameworks.5 It is also necessary to mention here that the Godin Tepe data have suggested an archaeological chronology for the eastern side of Central Zagros, including plains of Kangavar, Nahavand, Malayer, Hamedan, Burujird valley, Sahne, Harsin and eastern Luristan. Though Godin data is consistent with the chronological order of central and eastern Zagros but there are problems to fit the same orders precisely to the sites located in the western pats such as Kermanshah, Mahidasht and Islamabad Gharb plains. To establish an accurate archaeological chronology to the western Central Zagros, we made a surface examination of Pa-Chogha mound which is one of the highest multicomponent sites in the region spanning from Late Chalcolithic (LC2-5) to the Islamic periods [Fig. 1]. Future excavations on the Pa-Chogha (S073) can reveal new insights into the Chronology of the western side of Central Zagros during the prehistoric and historic periods. Geographical setting Sarfirouzabad is located in the southeast of Kermanshah province [Fig. 2] covering an area of 971 square kilometres. This region is situated on one of the open plains of the country, starts from a slightly mountainous slope and continues to reach its end in a flat alluvial plain where the primary water egresses. Two southwest and northeast mountainous strips surround the plain; the northeast strip includes Kamajar (Kamehjar), Zangaliyan, Khoarah Tav, and Kuh-e Sefid. The southwest strip is at a lower altitude and includes Nesar, Kola Mal, La’al Abad (Laleh van), Sivelx, Shir Narmi, Barikeh and Qaleh Qazi (Qela Qazi). The altitude of the plain above sea level is less than 1600 meters and with an annual rainfall of 433.6 millilitres has 1 Abdi, 1999: 33; Majidzadeh, 1982: 59. Contenau & Ghirshman, 1935; see also Haerinck & Overlaet, 2013. 3 Renette, 2015: 51; Le Breton, 1957. 4 Young, 1969; Young & Levine, 1974; Young & Smith, 1966: 389. 5 Gopnik & Rothman, 2011. 2 Page | 82 Fig. 1. Map showing the geographical position of Pa-Chogha and 1st-4th millennium BC. in Central Zagros and Iran: (1 - Bad Khoreh, 2 - Godin Tepe, 3 - Bisuton, 4 - Chogha Maran, 5 - Jameh Shouran, 6 - Chogha Gavaneh, 7 - Pa-Chogha, 8 - Noushijan, 9 - Tepe Giyan, 10 - Baba Jan, 11 - Girairan, 12 - Tepe Guran, 13 - Bani Surmah, 14 - Dar Tanha, 15 - Mir Khair, 16 - Chicha Sabz, 17 - Kamtarlan, 18 - Mirvali) the lowest rate of rainfall in the Central Zagros.6 Water sources and their accessibility is one of the crucial factors in the development of settlements in this area during its long history. Sarfirouzabad is a large compound syncline, and for this reason, rainfall causes flooding toward the centre of the plain, forming the Mereg River and its branches. Mereg River is the primary water source of springs on the Sarfirouzabad plain from Sarab Sarfirouzabad in the southwest of Mahidasht. Mereg River, alongside the Gashan River, which springs north of Kermanshah, both are the water sources of Sarfirouzabad. These sources, along with the proper agricultural soil, have supported the traditional agriculture for the south of Kermanshah to thrive.7 Although the Zagros Mountains surround this plain, it is also located close to the Great Khorasan Road that has been prospering during different periods after the fifth millennium BC. [Fig. 3]. 6 7 Niknami et al., 2016: 85; Niknami & Mirghaderi, 2019. Heshmati et al., 2011. Page | 83 Fig. 2. Map showing the geographical position of Sarfirouzabad plain in Iran Fig. 3. Map showing the geographical position of Pa-Choga mound in Sarfirouzabad plain Page | 84 Tepe Pa-Cogha and its perspective in the Sarfirouzabad Plain Despite its environmental characteristics, Sarfirouzabad Plain in southern Kermanshah, as south and southeastern Mahidasht plain, has just been the subject of surface analyses and studies. This plain has been successively studied by some archaeologists such as R. Braidwood in 1959 and 1960,8 by C. Goff in 1971,9 and by L. Levine in 1974,10 while Ali Akbar Sarfaraz an Iranian archaeologists who made an surficial investigation on the mound and termed it as ‘Tepe Pa-Chaga’ or ‘Firuzabad’ (S073).11 Considering the importance of the region, the Sarfirouzabad plain underwent a systematic investigation in 2009, and this plain is generally regarded as a critical area for reconstruction of the ancient cultures in Central Zagros.12 The cultural remains of the area portray an orderly sequence, from the Late Chalcolithic period through the Islamic period. The discovery phase of the survey was performed mainly in intensive survey quadrats as Discovery Units carried out on the Pa-Chogha site. It is a Near Eastern typical tell site is located in the central part of the Sarfirouzabad plain. Tepe Pa-Chogha is located on the Sarfirouzabad Plain [Fig. 4], on the northern edge of the Mereg River, between Sefid Mountain in the north and Nesar Mountain in the south. The distance of Tepe Pa-Chogha with the the city of Kermanshah is 35 Km. The extends of Pa-Chogha from east to west is 3.8 ha in extent (215 m long and 180 m wide) and 21 m high. The highest part of the Tepe is its centre, which lies 21 m above the surrounding plain [Fig. 5]. For the purpose of a deep understanding of the cultural horizons of the mound we selected diagnostic pottery types from different cultural periods to further study. Due to a large number of pottery shards on the mound surface and to ease quantifying the chronotype shards, a 5×5 m. grid squares was laid down on the surface and a systematic collection procedure including counting artifacts and picking up a representative sample carried out to identify the most typological characteristics as well as the frequency of each type within each square system. This procedure enabled us to compare Pa-Chogha pottery types with the other known types of the region, resulted in ordering the Pa-Chogha sequences in a reasonable time frame. Unfortunately, due to the expansion of the Pa Chogha village, the site is in danger of being destroyed. Based on the location of Pa-Cogha in the center of The Sarfirouzabad Plain, distance from environmental effect and accessibility to water sources such as rivers, Pa-Cogha was an important site in Sarfiriouzabad Plain during the fourth millennium BC. to Islamic periods. 8 Braidwood, 1961. Goff, 1971. 10 Levine & McDonald, 1977. 11 Sarfaraz et al., 1968. 12 Niknami, 2010: 513; Niknami & Mirghaderi, 2019; Mirghaderi, 2013: 44. 9 Page | 85 Fig. 4. Pa-Chogha mound, Aerial view (taken in 1964) (Niknami et al. 2016: 93, fig. 9) Fig. 5. Pa-Choga mound; eastern view (Niknami, 2010: 519) Page | 86 Archaeological phases of Pa-Chogha Late Chalcolithic The excavation in Godin was the basis of western Iran’s chronology.13 Nevertheless, it seems that, unlike in Kangavar plain and other eastern Luristan plains, both local and non- local 4th millennium BC. ceramic traditions can be observed in western Luristan.14 The proposed date of the Late Chalcolithic period in Central Zagros is 3600-3000 BC.15 By the final centuries of the Late Chalcolithic, the spread of the Uruk network reached the Iranian Plateau. The site of Godin Tepe is frequently used as evidence for southern Mesopotamian presence also in the Zagros Mountains, but again, this site, which is located at the eastern edge of the Zagros, is not necessarily representative. Rather, Godin Tepe and the Hamadan region had become culturally affiliated with the central Iranian Plateau where southern Mesopotamian pottery types were also introduced.16 Because of its complexity, a historical period cannot be summarized by a site’s name and generalized to other regions; therefore, an efficient chronological frame is established so as better to understand trans-regional cultures as recent Chalcolithic or LC1-5.17 Based on this discussion, and according to Godin’s excavations, Godin VI is simultaneous with LC1-5 and its oval-shaped building is also simultaneous with Godin VI: 1a, b, which is simultaneous with LC5 according to this chronology. Beveled-rim bowls are one of the LC characteristics in Central Zagros and a criterion for chronology. However, regarding the distribution pattern of beveledrim bowls in Kangavar plain and despite the extension of Uruk culture in western central Zagros and the Great Khorasan route, we cannot expect their existence in all of the Central Zagros’s sites and especially in the smaller sites.18 Nonetheless, the Mesopotamian cultural elements of the 4th millennium BC. become more accentuated as we approach the west of central Zagros. Archaeological remains in Tepe Pa-Cogha included pottery and stone tools. During the examination of the surface of this mound, five stone artifacts, including four blades and one core, and were collected. All of the stone artifacts were engraved from high-grade to low-grade chart in the colors of red, brown, cream, and gray. Most of the artifacts have not been retouched, and it seems they have been made out of indigenous resources that are easily accessible such as chert outcrops in the region. Those stone tools including small flakes with a single notch on the proximal end. The distal end of an elongated blade and a probable trace of breakage on the distal tip. 13 Young, 1969; Young & Levine, 1974; Young & Smith, 1966. Rothman & Badler, 2011: 91. 15 Renette & Mohammadi Ghasrian, 2020: 122, Tab. 1; Henrickson, 1983: 486. 16 Renette & Mohammadi Ghasrian, 2020: 126. 17 Rothman, 2001: 341; Rothman & Badler, 2011: 69. 18 Badler, 2002: 99. 14 Page | 87 A Core fragment with retouch on its right lateral side and breakage on the distal part. The middle part of a blade and the middle part of an elongated blade with retouch on both left and right lateral sides (like a double side scraper). These stone tools can be assigned likely to have been dating back to the Late Chalcolithic period and Middle and Late Bronze Age [Fig. 6]. The pottery pieces from the Late Chalcolithic period from Tepe Pa-Chogha are made of red to orange-buff and buff clay. Most of them have thick, buff to orange-colored slip, and some of them have a thin buff slip. One of the samples is slipped with a thick red coating on both sides [Fig 7.7]. One of the highlighted found at Pa-Chogha is rolled rim bowls and jars [Fig 7.1, 7.13], which dates to Godin VI (Tab. 1). The external surface of all these ceramic pieces has a thin, buff slipping. These pottery pieces contain vegetal temper; however, some samples were made of silica temper. These pottery pieces are hand-made, though a few might have been made using a pottery wheel [Fig. 7]. Although most of these pottery pieces were not heated to high temperatures, four of them have been fired sufficiently. Fig. 6. Pa-Chogha mound; the Stone tools assemblage (Niknami 2010: 531) We first need to define the ceramic assemblage that is to be compared. At most archaeological sites, pottery was the most ubiquitous category of artifacts recovered from Tepe Pa-Chogha in general. The pottery pieces from the Late Chalcolithic period from Tepe Pa-Chogha are comparable with pottery from Godin Tepe VI and VII, slipped, incised, and painted forms and Red-slipped vessels of Godin VII and VI3.19 19 Rothman & Badler, 2011: fig 4.10 and 4.11; tab. 4. Page | 88 However the pottery from this period in Central Zagros also establishes very clear cultural links between the residents of Pa-Chogha and the lowland Uruk world, particularly the part of the Tigris and Euphrates south of modern Baghdad (Nippur and Uruk), as well as the extension of the alluvium into southwestern Iran (Susa and Choga Mish). There are surprisingly few commonalities in pottery style with the Diyala Plain through which travellers from the south would have had to pass. Kunji Cave is related to this VI2 period.20 Also, the red slipped pottery from Eastern Pish-i Kah can be compared in Pa-Chogha.21 Rothman and Badler argued the corresponding geographical distribution patterns of Uruk-like ware and local ware. Godin VI pottery suggests a directed flow of influence or exchange, not a blanketing effect. The full Period VI ceramic assemblage is found in the central Zagros northeast of the Kuh-i Sefid and even more so northeast of the Kuh-i Garin, extending north to the Qazvin Plain. This is the high mountain front adjoining the Dasht-i Kavir, The so-called attenuated VI, defined as having fewer VI elements, covered an area where only a partial set of the VI types are found to the south and. West of the Kuh-i Sefid in the Mahidasht, Sarfirouzabad and Hulailan valleys.22 However, the most apparent presence of the Uruk pottery occurred in the broadest agricultural plains of the Central Western Zagros, the Mahidasht, Sarfirouzabad and Kangavar Plain.23 Fig. 7. Pa-Chogha mound; the Late Chalcolithic pottery assemblage 20 Badler, 2002: 89. Goff, 1971: 138, fig. 3. 22 Rothman & Badler, 2011: 92. 23 Levine, 1975: 488. 21 Page | 89 Early Bronze Age The lack of evidence from the Early Bronze Age, Godin IV (3000-2700 BC) or any other Early Bronze Age culture on the Sarfirouzabad plain is an essential fact to consider. Up to now, except for the discovered early Bronze Age ceramics known as redware ceramics of Maran, known from the Chagha Maran site, archaeologists have no knowledge of Early Bronze Age culture on the Mahidasht and Sarfirouzabad plain and also from western Islamabad. Even though evidence of this culture on the Mahidasht and Sarfirouzabad plain has not been observed, Vanden Berghe’s excavations in the cemeteries of War Kaboud, Kaleh Nissar and Bani Sormeh,24 revealed the two-phases of the Early Bronze Age I. The ceramic remnants in these graves are also comparable with samples discovered in Mesopotamia, coinciding with the 2nd and 3rd early dynasties.25 The excavations in Darvand and Sardant cemeteries have also revealed the remnants of early Bronze Age II, which have been comparable samples with Akkad and Ur III period in Mesopotamia and Khuzistan.26 Kunji cave’s excavation indicated evidence from the Early Bronze Age and probably coinciding with the 2nd and 3rd dynasties (2600-2700 BC) in Khoramabad valley.27 In the eastern plains of Central Zagros, there is evidence of the Early Transcaucasian Culture or Godin IV culture (3000-2700 BC) while there is no trace of Early Transcaucasian Culture or Godin IV culture in the western half of Zagros.28 The Early Transcaucasian Culture or Godin IV culture remains have not been observed on the Sarfirouzabad plain.29 According to these facts, the question that may arise is that according to the presence of the Godin IV or Early Transcaucasia Culture (ETC). In Kangavar and eastern plains of Central Zagros, why has this culture not influenced the plains more to the west? To answer this question, A. Motarjem believes that the “subsistence pattern of Early Bronze Age societies was based on semi-nomadism with relatively limited commercial and cultural interactions inside the high mountainous regions, while the western plains in Zagros such as Mahidasht and Sarfirouzabad are flat and suitable plains for sedentary life”.30 On the other hand, it seems that patterned buff ware was common in western valleys such as Mahidasht during Godin VI. During the emergence of Godin IV culture in the eastern valleys, with some Mesopotamian culture influence in some samples, apparently, these cultures, like a wall, had prevented the presence of the Transcaucasian culture in the other valleys of Zagros. 31 24 Vanden Berghe, 1975a, 1975b; Haerinck & Overlaet, 2008, 2006. Haerinck, 2011; Renette et al., 2022. 26 Carter, 1984: fig 10. 27 Emberling et al., 2002. 28 Henrickson, 1986: 21. 29 Mirghaderi, 2013: 45. 30 Motarjem, 2008: 289. 31 Rothman & Badler, 2011: 91. 25 Page | 90 These ceramics with black, brown, and red colour were painted after being baked and were not very strong. As a result and according to the surface inspections, identification of Early Bronze Age ceramics is very hard, and the lack of evidence related to the Yanik Period to the west of Central Zagros is understandable.32 Due to the limited research on Central Zagros Bronze Age settlements and that most of the settlements are hidden under river sediments, a discussion about the settlements of this period is difficult.33 Some shards, similar to the samples discovered in the layer between the Chogha Maran red-slipped sequence and the early Godin III sequence, were found during an excavation in Chogha Maran; this type of ceramic probably dates back to the Early Bronze Age.34 However, the contemporaneity of the cultural background of Godin III6 in the Zagros Mountains and ED II in 2800-2600 BC, is probable.35 This view can be supported by the evident similarities between Chogha Maran red-slipped wares and Godin III6 ceramics, dated back as early as ED II. 36 Of course, Henrickson maintains that these shards belong to the style represented in Godin Tepe level III6 and that this level should, therefore, be dated to the Early Dynastic IIIB period.37 However, in the Pa-Chogha, we have not identified surface evidence from Early Bronze Age. Middle and Late Bronze Age For the Middle and Late Bronze Age, the chronology of Godin III in Godin Tepe was established based on the Mesopotamian historical texts and archaeological sequence of the Khuzestan plain, especially based on excavations of Susa. The Godin III horizon spans the period from the middle of the 3rd millennium BC (ca. 2600 BC) to the middle of the 2nd millennium BC (ca. 1400 BC). This timespan in the archaeology of western Iran includes the Middle and Late Bronze Age times (2600-1400 BC) while the beginning of the 3rd millennium (ca. 3000-2600 BC) can be defined as Early Bronze Age. Excavation of Godin III strata in the deep sounding at Godin Tepe resulted in stratified material from six separate architectural levels, numbered Level III6 through to Level III1 (earliest to latest), each level with a distinctive ceramic assemblage.38 The changing distribution of Godin III6-2 pottery in central-western Iran reflects a dynamic process of the socio-political and economic integration of a mosaic of local 32 Haerinck, 2011: 59. Potts, 2013: 212. 34 Levine & Young, 1986: 20; Renette et al., 2022. 35 Henrickson, 2011: 272. 36 Levine & Young, 1986: 48; Renette et al., 2022. 37 Henrickson, 1984: 708. 38 Henrickson, 1986: 17. 33 Page | 91 ethnic collections into a loose confederation.39 Long-distance trade and political and economic pressure from the Mesopotamian lowlands, combined with factors of local economy and geography, contributed to this development, regional differences were still to be found, probably marking various ethnic collections. After an extended period of strength and relative unity, the regional organization disintegrated into a more unaffected and more localized economy, in which pastoralism was dominant as the Godin III tradition came to an end. A historical perspective on Godin III6-2 is crucial to understand the developments, because the emergence of the Awan, Šimaški and Sukkalmah powers, concurrent with the Godin III period, may have been the cause of the cultural similarities and increasing numbers of settlements in the Central Zagros.40 Although Godin III6 is contemporary but not coterminous with Early Dynastic III, its role in the history of the times remains unclear. The geographical distribution of the Godin III6 pottery concentrated east of the Kuh-e Sefid, does not correlate with lowland historical sources, maybe because the historical geography of the highlands and the nature of local polities are ill-defined.41 Godin III5 is contemporary with the Proto-Imperial and Akkadian periods in Mesopotamia. Akkadian kings conquered and held the Susiana lowlands and repeatedly campaigned in the outer highland valleys, some of which they may have controlled.42 Uncertain highland historical geography impedes a detailed comparison of Akkadian activity with the archaeological evidence. However, the Zagros highlands were a royal concern; this may be reflected in the apparent dominance of Mesopotamian-related material in Pusht-i Kuh graves of this period and the virtual absence of Godin III5 pottery there. The lowland political isolation from the highlands is mirrored in the ceramic assemblage from Susa. Although ‘Gutium’ in the Akkadian period is often assumed to be in central-western Iran, there is no archaeological evidence from Mesopotamia, such as Godin III5-4 pottery, to suggest any connection with central-western Iran at this time. ‘Gutian’ material culture remains to be identified. Contemporary sources indicate that Gutium in the Akkadian period is to be found in the mid-Euphrates; the trans-Tigridian Gutium begins with Old Babylonian traditions.43 Thus the waves of Gutian barbarians descending from the Zagros lack historical or archaeological confirmation. Godin III4 is contemporary with the Ur III and early Isin-Larsa periods. Susa and lowland Elam was a province of the Ur III state from the reign of Shulgi until that of Ibbi-Sin.44 Sustained military and diplomatic efforts were devoted to the consolidation of the Iranian highland frontier. The maintenance of a protective buffer of semi39 Henrickson, 1984. Alizadeh, 2008; Henrickson, 1984, 1986: 21; Potts, 2016. 41 Steinkeller, 1982: 41; Stolper, 1984: 32-36. 42 Stolper, 1984: 24. 43 Hallo, 1971: 719. 44 Henrickson, 2011; Stolper, 1984: 28. 40 Page | 92 independent vassal states in the outer highlands was a strategic aim. 45 Šimaški, a confederation of several highland polities, first rises to prominence within the Elamite state at this time. Judging from the historical data, Šimaški must lie in the highlands, somewhere north of Susiana or Fars.46 Henrickson argued that it lay in Luristan.47 Šimaški appears to be a ‘secondary state’, although ‘secondary confederation’ might be more accurate. In response to the sustained Ur III (and earlier Akkadian) military and political pressures, autonomous highland polities gradually created a network of alliances, perhaps reinforced by intermarriages among leading families. The success of allied military action against Ur provided the opportunity for the emergence of an overall political leader and the creation of a dynastic line. Within such an inter-regional network, considerable local autonomy was possible such as during the following Sukkalmah period (1900-1600 BC), when the Elamite state consisted of loosely linked regional components.48 Our information about Godin III1 is minimal, but Godin III2 pottery is nearly ubiquitous throughout central-western Iran. It is found in all major and most minor valleys, more frequently than pottery of any other phase. However, the apparent increase in the area of distribution and number of sites may be somewhat misleading, due to a subsequent shift in settlement patterns; the number of Godin III2 settlements relative to earlier phases may be disproportionately large.49 The overall stylistic homogeneity throughout the distribution is striking and suggests an unprecedented degree of cultural, economic, or political integration.50 By 2000 BC, the Šimaški dynasty controlled the Šimaški lands, Anshan (in Fars), the Su-lands (location unknown), and Khuzestan. The Šimaški dynasty was replaced by the dynasty of the Sukkalmahs (ca. 1900 BC), but the ‘sukkal of Elam and Šimaški’ was second only to the ‘Sukkalmah’, the chief ruler of the Elamite state in the titular.51 After Godin III2, our evidence from Godin Post III2 and Godin III1 offer little scope for discussion because it has been identified only at Godin Tepe itself. The disappearance of the formerly widespread regional economic and political integration, inferred from the uniformity of the painted wares, suggests the breakdown of the regional economy into smaller local units, such as individual valleys or settlements.52 It seems that during the second phase of the Godin III period, the Sarfirouzabad Plain witnessed a maximum number of re-occupations and eventually population growth. Among the surface findings from 2009 fieldwork, there has been a large number of pottery evidence indicating overall expansions of the Godin 45 Michalowski, 1976: 77-94. Stolper, 1982: 45. 47 Henrickson, 1984: 885. 48 Stolper, 1982: 53. 49 Henrickson, 1984: 889-892. 50 Henrickson, 1986: 24 and 2011: 210. 51 Stolper, 1982: 49 and 1984. 52 Henrickson, 1987: 213. 46 Page | 93 phases III2-6 sites over the area. Since settlements from the Early Bronze Age (3000 -2600 BC) have been identified on the Sarfirouzabad and Mahidasht Plains, conducting excavations on the various sites of these plains especially on the Pa-Chogha site might provide valuable information. The plain is spread over quite a wide area and has a significant stratigraphical sequence, which can bring us either a new perspective on the transition from Late Chalcolithic to Early Bronze Age or the nature of the Early Bronze Age of Central Zagros. Moreover, the Pa-Chogha mound has a regular sequence of Godin III2-6. Its data, together with eleven large Late and Middle Bronze Age sites, have been identified before on the Mahidasht Plain,53 which would shed light on the Bronze Age developments of overall Central Zagros. Middle and Late Bronze Age in Tepe Pa-Chogha is the most crucial period for archaeological studying of Central Zagros. Archaeological remains include the pottery of Godin III culture. The pottery from the Middle and Late Bronze ages (Godin III) includes 13 pieces, 12 of which are decorated with motifs and one has extra embellishments. This pottery collection includes four rim shards and nine body shards. The color of the clay used in these pieces is buff, with one red pottery, and their slip is the same color as the clay. The clay used in one of these pieces is gray, whose inner surface slip is the same color as the clay, and whose outer surface slip is creamcolored. All of the pottery pieces contain sand temper, while white particles can be seen mixed into one of the samples. All of the pottery pieces in this collection have been sufficiently fired, and in terms of quality, they fall into the range of average to delicate. Geometric motifs, such as parallel bands, wavy lines between two bands, and side by side triangles (possibly a butterfly?) inside a frame or a range of dark red to dark brown and black colors decorate the outer surface of these pieces. Some of the pottery contains a mix of painting and relief decorations, with the relief motifs appearing on the bottom, and the painted decorations (including thin horizontal bands) appearing on the top section of the containers. One of the identifiable forms in these pottery pieces is small bowls [Fig. 8]. In general, the pottery pieces assemblage from the Middle and Late Bronze Age in Tepe Pa-Chogha are comparable with pottery from Godin Tepe III and Tepe Giyan II-IV (Tab. 4). As we can to comparing Pa-Chogha Middle and Late Bronze age pottery pieces phase by phase, Godin III6/5, Godin III4 and Godin III2 can be identified in Middle and Late Bronze Age pottery assemblage from Tepe Pa-Chogha.54 53 Levine, 1976. Henrickson, 1986: 38, fig. 14.7; Henrickson, 1984: fig. 137.16; see also Niknami et al., 2016: 111; tab. 2. 54 Page | 94 Fig. 8. Pa-Chogha mound; the Middle and Late Bronze Age pottery assemblage Page | 95 First millennium BC. (Iron Age, Achaemenid, Seleucid and Parthian periods) In 1965, Young and Dyson each published articles reviewing the evidence available for the Iranian Iron Age. While differing in approach and some details, they were in general agreement as to conclusions. Young divided the Iron Age into three units, labeled the ‘Early Western Gray Ware Horizon’, the ‘Late Western Gray Ware Horizon’, and the ‘Late Western Buff Ware Horizon’. Dyson replaced Young’s somewhat cumbersome but useful names, calling the first two Iron I and II, and dividing the ‘Late Western Buff Ware Horizon’ into the Iron III and Historic periods. 55 During the archeological studies in Central Zagros, there are four critical sites for the sequence: Baba Jan,56 Godin,57 Nush-i Jan,58 and Jameh Shuran.59 The first is located in Luristan province, while the other three are found in the valleys that are part of the Khorasan Road. For this time in the Pa-Chogha, only Baba Jan and Jameh Shuran represent stratified sequences. Baba Jan consists of two central mounds and a saddle between them. The east mound contains a sequence for the Iron Age. The lowest level reached had a large ‘painted chamber’ attached to a building called a fort.60 This earliest Iron Age Period found, termed Baba Jan III by Goff, is characterized by the handmade painted ceramics that are commonly known as Genre Luristan wares.61 The Genre Luristan wares continued during this Baba Jan II Period. However, a new type of buff, unpainted wheel-made pottery, called ‘micaceous buff ware’,62 appeared alongside the older type. By Baba Jan I, the latest of the periods at the site, the squatter occupation was replaced by a series of the poorly understood house remains on the east mound and in the saddle. The pottery associated with this period was a later form of the wheel-made ceramics of Baba Jan II. The Genre Luristan wares had disappeared entirely. Godin II is the latest period found atop the large mound called Godin Tepe in the Kangavar Valley.63 The ceramic assemblage is similar to Baba Jan II/Nush-i Jan and Baba Jan I buff wares and shares many shapes with both, although parallels to the later Baba Jan I material predominate. While the assemblage probably represents the end of the Godin II occupation, for the most part, the long history of the building and the sealing off of parts of it before the final abandonment would account for the apparent chronological range represented by the pottery.64 In addition to the buff wares from the fortress atop the mound, a small number of graves with 55 Levine, 1987: 232. Goff, 1967. 57 Young & Levine, 1974. 58 Stronach, 1965. 59 Levine, 1987. 60 Goff, 1977. 61 Goff, 1978. 62 Levine, 1987. 63 Young & Levine, 1974. 64 Gopnik, 2011: 350. 56 Page | 96 the characteristic of Early Western Gray Ware shapes were found on the flat southern extension of the mound.65 In this period, Jameh Shuran is very significant because it is a large site lying just south of the town of Mahidasht and east of the Mereg River (Pa-Chogha is located on the northern edge of the Mereg River, southern Sarfirouzabad/Mahidasht Plain). Surface survey of the site in 1975, and again before excavation in 1978, revealed a chronological range from ‘Genre Luristan’ to at least Parthian times. Two small tranches were cut into the east slope of the mound; neither reached virgin soil. On preliminary analysis, the material from the two tranches can be divided into three ceramic assemblages, which were label as Assemblage I to III, starting from the top. 66 Assemblage III was found only in a very restricted area in the next operation (Operation 2) it is characterized by a coarse, straw-tempered hand- and wheel -made white ware which this type is not in the Pa-Chogha. Shapes are few (the total sample was just over fifty diagnostic shards) and simple. One characteristic shape is a goblet like the Elamite and Kassite goblets of the end of the second millennium BC. Assemblage II is marked by ceramics that are part of the ‘micaceous buff ware’ tradition. In Operation 2, it is present in several successive levels in respectable quantity. In Operation 1, it was found only at the bottom of the tranche in a restricted area. On initial analysis, it appears that this assemblage can be divided into an earlier and a later phase. The earlier phase, IIB, included bowls with horizontal handles and goblets with two opposed handles, similar to shapes found at Baba Jan II and Nush-i Jan. No painted ware is associated with this phase. The later phase, Assemblage IIA, has parallels to Godin II and Baba Jan I. It has a wide range of shallow bowl shapes in fine and common wares, a feature that seems to characterize this period. Assemblage IIA also contained the earliest painted ceramics found in an excavation at Jameh Shuran. The painted forms were almost exclusively shallow, flat, or slightly convex rimmed bowls with decoration restricted to the rim. The motifs varied widely but included triangles, parallel lines, bow ties, and the like. Assemblage I was the best represented at the site. It, too, was a buff ware assemblage with a great variety of shapes. Among these were flat bowls (so-called fish plates), pitchers with trefoil rims, several thin-bodied cups, tulip bowls, and canteen fragments. A large number of painted shards were found with the paint usually on the visible surface of the vessel-the exterior on closed shapes, the interior on open shapes. The painting occurred on both highly burnished and smoothed surfaces. While some of the Assemblage II painted bowls and other forms continued to appear in Assemblage I, they did so in small quantities, and the assemblages are markedly different. At Jameh Shuran, neither Genre Luristan nor Clinky Ware appeared in the trenches, although both were 65 66 Young & Levine, 1974. Levine, 1987: 235. Page | 97 present on the surface. Given the limited size of the excavation, such lacunae may be disappointing but are hardly unexpected. Nevertheless, the presence of the Genre Luristan material on the surface leads us to postulate a gap in occupation in the excavated areas between Assemblage III and II. The absence of Clinky Ware is perhaps fortunate, for it provides an approximate terminus ante quem for Assemblage I at the site.67 One last observation needs to be made, not about Jameh Shuran, but about the Mahidasht, where classical Early Western Gray Ware was found on survey. Thus, this material occurs throughout the region. The four significant sites under discussion yield a coherent picture for the sequence in central-western Iran. The earliest stratified material is found in the Mahidasht and is represented by the Assemblage III corpus at Jameh Shuran, with its ‘Elamite/Kassite goblets.’ This material is absent in the Kangavar and Malayer valleys. At Godin, however, we have the Early Western Gray Ware found in the cemetery. The contemporaneity of these will be discussed below. The Genre Luristan wares of BabaJan III appear next, although these are absent in Kangavar and more easterly areas. It remains unclear what, if any, material fits this time range there. The early ‘micaceous buff wares’ are then introduced, appearing by themselves along the Khorasan Road, both at Nush-I Jan and Jameh Shuran IIB, but mixing with the Genre Luristan material at BabaJan in BabaJan II times. Some of the ‘early’ Godin II material may fit here as well. A later buff ware phase is represented by BabaJan I and most of Godin II. It seems that Jameh Shuran IIA is contemporary with this material or slightly later. Finally, the assemblage of Jameh Shuran I appear. While it is still the only such excavated assemblage in the central-western Zagros, it occurs on a survey throughout central-western Iran. The 1st millennium BC potteries in this collection include eighteen pieces: four body parts and 13 rims, along with the base of the container (7 shards dated to Seleucid and Parthian period). The clay used in these pieces is buff to light buff, with a thin outer coating of the same color. Three of the pieces have a thick, creamcolored slip on the outer surface with red painted [Fig. 9.36-39] (Tab 1). All of these pieces of pottery contained sand temper and were made with the use of a pottery wheel. All of the pieces in this collection are fired sufficiently, and in terms of quality, they fall into the classification of delicate pottery. They are all decorated with geometric, and in some cases, floral motifs. Geometrical motifs, such as parallel lines, crosshatching, thin lines between two bands, scalar form, contiguous circles, and sun-(?) or flower-like (?) designs are manifested on the surfaces of the pottery pieces, which appear as red or dark brown on the outer surface for the most part, except two cases where there is painting inside the containers [Fig. 9]. 67 Levine, 1987: 235. Page | 98 Fig. 9. Pa-Chogha mound; first millennium BC. (Iron Age, Achaemenid, Seleucid and Parthian periods) Page | 99 Collection of Luristan wares (common in the Jameh Shoran I and II ) including Gray Ware, Median Pottery Type, Triangle and Festoon Styles have a wider distribution across Iran68 are absent among the 1st millennium BC. Pottery remains of the Pa-Chogha. However, it seems the 1st millennium BC, Pottery pieces assemblage of Tepe Pa-Choga can be compared with Godin II and Jameh Shuran I, II and Bastam,69 Iron III. Small and large bowl types in Godin II1 and Jameh Shoran II-I70 and fine common ware bowl in Baba Jan I.71 All of the painted pottery from Iron Age III can be compared with Baba Jan II painted common wares from,72 which dated to 750 BC to Achaemenid period73 (Tab. 3 and 4). Despite the existence of a series of sources,74 the period between the end of the Achaemenid Empire and the rise of the Sasanian dynasty can be considered one of the ‘dark ages’ in the history of Iran. Archaeological research on this period has been neglected for decades and only in recent years has comprehensive projects dedicated to clarifying the cultural processes of this period. On a historical level, the end of the Achaemenid Empire and its desolation by Alexander the Great, represents a crucial phase in the history of Iran because of the complex process of encounter and fusion between Hellenism and Iranism. Seleucid Empire, founded in 312/311 BC by Seleucus I Nicator, formerly a general in the army of Alexander in Central Zagros on 145 BC, when the region was conquered by Seleucid power, lasted until about the Arsacids.75 Archaeological remains of the Seleucid period in Iran are scarce, and so these remain often in the form of written documents or coins. Archaeological remains of the Seleucid period in Central Zagros were recognized in Kangavar and Nahavand (Laodikeia). The spectacular temple at Kangāvar exemplifies the problems of identifying Seleucid architecture. The massive structure with its great Ionic columns set on a high stone platform has been equated with a Greek temple noted by Isidore of Carax. However, recent excavations support its reconstruction by Sasanians rather than Seleucids.76 Some fifty painted shards of the festoon wares type were recognized in Nahavand excavation. These wares, mainly to be found in Central Western Iran, were however also attested in Fars and Khuzistan, and their production was probably started in the (late?) Achaemenid period but were most common in the Seleucid period until the 1st century BC. At this point, it is also interesting to remember Herzfeld’s 68 Khatchadourian, 2018: 189. Gopnik, 2011: 355, fig. 7.55; Kroll, 1979: 9, fig. 21; tab. 4. 70 Gopnik, 2011: 357, fig. 7.57. 71 Goff, 1985: 5, fig. 2. 72 Goff, 1978: 50, figs. 8, 9. 73 Khatchadourian, 2018. 74 Wiesehöfer, 1994. 75 Callieri & Askari Chaverdi, 2013: 691. 76 Kambakhsh-Fard, 1973: 196-197. 69 Page | 100 rhyton in the shape of a bovid’s head and festoon ware style (now in the British Museum).77 Unlike the Seleucid period, archaeological evidence of the Parthian period (ca. 250 BC-224 AD) has been widely distributed throughout the Central Zagros intermountain plains. In the Central Zagros region, the Parthian period can be clearly identified by the emergence of several distinctive types of pottery, including diagnostic ‘Clinky’ pottery. Concerning settlement density, the Kangavar Plain and Chamchamal Plain have indicated the highest rates of population densities. In the Malayer plain, a large number of sites dating back to the Iron Age III were recorded, but the transition of the Iron Age III into the Achaemenid and Parthians were utterly absent in this area. Another point to be considered is the characteristics of Clinky pottery. Haerinck, 78 Young79 and Stronach80 have demonstrated extensive information on this type and have dated it to the mid-Parthian period (i.e. the 1st half of the 2nd century BC). The 3rd century AD has been suggested as the end of the widespread use of this type of pottery. It was common in an area stretching from Ghasr-e Shirin in west Iran, through Maragheh in the northwest and the Iranian Central Plateau. Considering the diverse forms and shapes of the Clinky form, it seems that they may be in use over a longer time. The morphological analysis of the Clinky pottery also shows a particular type with an angular (boat-shaped) body. Similar pottery pieces are available from the Neo-Assyrian era, Iron Age III and the Achaemenid period. Certain types of delicate Clinky type potteries have also been found in northwest Iran, particularly in Qalaichi and Ziwiye that were resemble the Clinky pottery of western Iran in terms of form and style. The influence of local and regional styles on the structure of Parthian culture deserves more research and discussions. In addition to pottery with specific local features found across remote mountains of the western part of Central Zagros, only imitations of common Parthian period styles are seen in this area. The fabric of the pottery in the remote mountainous areas of west Zagros is coarse, and there is no sign of Clinky or painted pottery at the heart of the mountains. Except for a few pieces inside the jar burials of this period, there are no pottery items in the Salas-e Babajani, Paveh, and Marivan, which were highly influenced by the jar burial culture. Analysis of the pottery reveals a logical relationship between the finds from Marivan and the jartomb (pithos) cemeteries of Germi of Moghan. As for the influence of local and regional styles, evidence suggests independent artistic styles for the Parthian times in Central Zagros. In ancient times, Southwest Asia situated on the border between the East and West was influenced to some extent by the Hellenistic and Roman worlds, but there is no evidence of such influence in the Central Zagros area.81 77 Rahbar et al., 2014: 305. Haerinck, 1991. 79 Young, 1965. 80 Stronach, 1969. 81 Mohammadifar & Niknami, 2013: 8. 78 Page | 101 Fig. 10. Pa-Chogha mound; first millennium BC (Iron Age, Achaemenid, Seleucid and Parthian periods) The pottery from the Seleucid and Parthian periods includes 7 pieces, 6 of which are rim shards and one of them a base piece. The clay used in them is buff and cream-colored, with a thin, buff -colored slip coating. The pieces are made using pottery wheels, and they were fired to completion. The temper of these potteries is made of sand, and in terms of quality, they are categorized to fall into the range of average to delicate pottery. Carved geometrical motifs can be seen on the external surface of three of two pieces, including parallel shoulder lines, parallel wavy lines, and wavy lines contained between two bands in the shoulder section [Fig 10. 41, 42]. The shapes of these pieces include small bowls, round jars, urns and round pots [Fig. 10]. The Seleucid pottery pieces from the Tepe Pa-Chogha can be compared with the festoon ware’ shards explored from the ancient city of Nahavand.82 Parthian pottery pieces from Tepe Pa-Chogha can be compared with ware shards assemblage founded in the Parthian site of Bisotun83 and the ancient city of Nahavand.84 Bisotun is the closest and most crucial Parthian excavated site located about 60 km. to Tepe Pa-Chogha. 82 Rahbar et al., 2014: 317, pl. 6. Alibaigi, 2010: 62, pl. 4; Kleiss 1996: fig. 11, 12. 84 Rahbar et al., 2014:320, pl. 9. 83 Page | 102 Islamic period During the Islamic Period, Mahidasht and Sarfirouzabad plains both were significant because these two areas were located on the Khorasan High Road commercially connected Iran to Iraq and the Mediterranean coast in the west and Central Asia in the east. Moreover, both plains had benefited from easy access to abundant water sources as well as fertile soil supporting food production rates to increase.85 For this reason that our investigations in Sarfirouzabad plain in 2009 field work yielded to identify 114 sites of the Islamic period, among which Pa-Chogha is the most prominent Islamic site in Sarfirousabad plain (about 50000 m2). The pottery from the Islamic period includes eight pieces: one handle, one lid, one base, and five body fragments. The clay used in these pieces is buff. The inner surface of one of the pieces is green-glazed, with the outer surface glazed in turquoise. The inside of another piece is spray glazed in green, black, white, and its outer surface is covered with a thin coating in the same color as the clay. Additionally, a light greenish-white glaze can be seen on the inside surface of a base shard. All of the pieces were made using a pottery wheel and have been adequately fired [Fig. 11]. The Islamic pottery pieces assemblage of Tepe Pa-Choga can be compared with Islamic pottery founded from the Islamic city of Bisotun.86 Bisotun is the closest and most important Islamic site located about 60 Km. to Tepe Pa-Chogha. Fig. 11. The Islamic pottery assemblage 85 86 Levine, 1974. Luschey, 1996: figs. 12, 13, 20, 21. Page | 103 Discussion and Conclusions Due to the limited research on Western Central Zagros chronology and that most of the settlements are now hidden under river sediments, thus, a discussion about the settlements of this period is difficult.87 Further, Excavation in the site of the Pa-Chogha (S073) might solve the problem of identifying Early Bronze Age sites in the region. A regular sequence from Early Chalcolithic to historical periods has been documented at Pa-Chogha mound based on pottery styles (Tabs. 1-3), so the presence of the Early Bronze Age sequence between Late Chalcolithic and Middle Bronze Age layers in this mound is expected to be seen by the future excavations. In general, archaeological remains of Pa-Chogha reveal this point that understanding the transitional periods from Late Chalcolithic to Bronze Age and Bronze Age to Iron Age could be identified and answered to our questions about those periods in the western of Central Zagros. It seems Pa-Chogha data can contribute well to illustrate an archaeological picture of Central Zagros and its contact with Mesopotamia, especially during the Middle and Late Bronze Age. The findings from the surface examinations of Pa-Chogha supports this assumption that further archaeological excavations of Pa-Chogha would provide valuable evidence to the questions regarding the archaeology of Sarfirouzabad plains, Mahidasht, and the Central Zagros. Furthermore, its excavation would also address the problems of transitional phases from the prehistory to the late Islamic periods of the region. In summary, Pa-Chogha is the highest multi-component cultural mound in the plain, but it is suffering from the extensive disturbance made by adjacent villagers or by looters. The northern and eastern parts of the mound were sadly cut through, and soils were removed to build houses around the mound. On top of the mound, there have been ditches made deeply by looters in search of treasures. Now a day was filled by rain penetrating beneath to submerge cultural layers. Although Pa-Chogha is the only one in the region that would represent an accurate chronological order of cultural layers from the early beginning to the most recent, unfortunately, there is no mitigation plan to salvage mound encountering the various threats. 87 Potts, 2013:212. Page | 104 Table 1: The chronology of Central Zagros and adjacent areas during the Neolithic to end of Chalcolithic Age and (after modified Rothman, 2011: 70). BC 3000 Godin Tepe VI:1/V Mesopotamia Pa-Chogha Nippur Inanna LC5 Late Uruk XV-XVI XVII 3200 XVIII Susa Acropole 17 Late 18 LC4 3400 VI:2 3600 Middle uruk Early 18 LC3 XIX-XXI 3800 VI:3 VII LC2 Early Uruk 4000 VIII LC1 Terminal Ubaid 4200 4400 23-27 Susa A Ubaid 4 IX Seh Gabi Middle Chalcolith ic 4600 4800 19-22 Ubaid 3 X Early Chalcolith ic 5000 Ubaid 2 XI 5200 Ubaid 1 Halaf Page | 105 Table 2: The chronology of Central Zagros and adjacent areas during the third and second millennium BC. (after modified Henrickson, 2011: 270). Godin Tepe BC 1400 III:1 1500 Tepe Giyan Giyan II (graves 64,65,71,72, 73,77,79,82) Baba Jan PaChogha Pusht-I Kuh Susa, Ville Royale Mesopotamia Late Bronze Ville Royal I Kassite Trench C Grave 3 Post- III:2 Graves Gap 1600 1700 III:2 Giyan III (graves 83101,105107, 108,110,112, 115) 1800 Level 4 Op. F Graves 1-4 Old Babylon Middle Bronze Strata 3-6 III;3 1900 Isin-Larsa Gap 2000 Giyan IV (graves 11,113,114, 116-119) Ur III III:4 2100 2200 Strata 5-6 Giyan IV (grave 102) 2300 III:5 2400 Post Akkadin Early Bronze II Gap Level 5 Graves 1-2 Strata 7-8 Akkadian Strata 9-12 Early dynastic IIIB 2500 2600 2700 III:6 IV Page | 106 Early Bronze I Early dynastic IIIA Strata 1315 Early dynastic II Table 3: Relative chronology of Central Zagros and adjacent areas during the first millennium BC. (Iron Age, Achaemenid, Seleucid and Parthian periods) (after modified Gopnik, 2011: 344) BC Godin II Nush-I Jan Jameh Shoran Baba Jan PaChogha Susa Pasargadae 300 I II 400 IIa I 500 IIb II:1 600 700 II:2 II 800 III Page | 107 Table 4. Catalogue of the Pottery of Pa-Chogha No. Description: (Shred, temper, color, finish,manufacture, firing, decoration, painted color) Parallels Date 1 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Rothman & Badler, 2011: fig. 4.48 LC 2-5 2 Rim, common, red, red slipped, handmade, well fired. Rothman & Badler, 2011: fig. 4.46 LC 2-5 3 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Young & Levine, 1986: fig. 17-7 LC 2-5 4 Rim, common, red, red slipped, handmade, well fired. Rothman & Badler, 2011: fig. 4.44 LC 2-5 5 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Rothman & Badler, 2011: fig. 4.49 LC 2-5 6 Rim, common, red, red slipped, handmade, well fired. Rothman & Badler, 2011: fig. 4.44 LC 2-5 7 Rim, heavy coarse, grey black, smoothed, handmaid, poor fired. Renette, 2018: fig. VI.9 LC 2-5 8 9 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. 10 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, handmade, well fired. Young & Levine, 1986: fig. 17-13; Rothman & Badler, 2011: fig. 4.45 Young & Levine, 1986: fig. 17-13; Rothman & Badler, 2011: fig. 4.45 Young & Levine, 1986: fig. 20-1 LC 2-5 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, relief decoration, well fired. 11 Rim, coarse, buff, smoothed, handmade, well fired. Young & Levine, 1986: fig. 12-5 LC 2-5 12 Rim, common, buff, red slipped, handmade, poor fired. Rothman & Badler, 2011: fig. 4.46 LC 2-5 13 Rim, coarse, buff, smoothed, handmade, well fired. Renette, 2018: fig. VI.14 LC 2-5 Rim, common, red, smoothed, handmade, relief decoration, poor fired. Rim, common, buff, matte, handmade, well fired, monochrome painted, dark brown. Henrickson, 1984a: fig. 68 Godin III Henrickson, 1984a: fig. 81.12 Godin III6, 5 Rim, common, red, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Henrickson, 1984a: fig. 79. 17 Godin III6, 5 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, handmade, well fired, monochrome painted, black. Henrickson, 1984a: fig. 55.3 Godin III6, 5 14 15 16 17 Page | 108 LC 2-5 LC 2-5 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired, monochrome painted, dark brown. Body, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, poor fired, monochrome painted, dark brown. Henrickson, 1984a: fig. 130.2 Godin III4 Henrickson, 1986: fig 28. 2 Godin III4 20 Body, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired, monochrome painted, brown Henrickson, 1984a: fig. 137.15 Godin III2 Body, common, buff, rough, slow wheel, poor fired, monochrome painted, dark brown. Henrickson, 1986, fig. 10.3 Godin III6, 5 21 22 Body, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired, bichrome painted, red and brown Henrickson, 1984a: fig. 137.16 Godin III2 Body, common, red, smoothed, handmade, well fired, monochrome painted, dark brown. Henrickson, 1986: 45, fig. 28: 7 Godin III2 23 24 Body, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired, monochrome painted, dark brown Henrickson, 1986: 38, fig. 14:7 Godin III2 25 Body, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired, bichrome painted, red and brown. Henrickson, 1984a: fig. 137.16 Godin III2 26 Body, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired, bichrome painted, red and brown Henrickson, 1984a: fig. 137.16 Godin III2 27 Body, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired, bichrome painted, red and brown. Henrickson, 1984a: fig. 137.16 Godin III2 28 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Gopnik, 2011: fig. 7.55, 71 Jameh Shuran I 29 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. 30 Rim, fine, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Khatchadurian, 2018: pl. 4, 9b; Gopnik, 2011: fig. 7.55, 71 Gopnik, 2011: fig. 7.55, 71 Godin II1, Jameh Shuran IIb Godin II1, Jameh Shuran IIb Godin II1, Jameh Shuran IIa, IIb 18 19 31 Rim, fine, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. 32 Rim, fine, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. 33 Rim, fine, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. 34 Rim, fine, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Gopnik, 2011: fig. 7.53, 9; Miroschedji, 1981: 14, fig. 10; Stronach, 1978: fig. 119.24. Gopnik, 2011: fig. 7.55, 60; Stronach, 1978: fig. 111.20 Gopnik, 2011: fig. 7.53, 6; Goff, 1985: 5, fig. 13 Gopnik, 2011: fig. 7.53, 7; Goff, 1985: 5, fig. 4 Godin II1, Jameh Shuran IIb Jameh Shuran IIb Godin II1, Jameh Shuran IIb Page | 109 35 Body, fine, cream slipped, fast wheel, well fired, bichrome painted, black. Goff, 1978: fig. 8, 9 Baba Jan II 36 Body, fine, buff, cream slipped, fast wheel, well fired, bichrome painted, black. Goff, 1978: fig. 8, 9 Baba Jan II 37 Body, fine, red, cream slipped, fast wheel, well fired, bichrome painted, red. Goff, 1978: fig. 8, 9 Baba Jan II 38 Body, fine, red, cream slipped, fast wheel, well fired, bichrome painted, red. Goff, 1978: fig. 8, 9 Baba Jan II 39 Rim, fine, buff, cream slipped, fast wheel, well fired, inside bichrome painted, black. Rahbar et al , 2014: 317, pl. 6 Seleucid period 40 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Alibaigi, 2010: 59, fig. 1 Parthian 41 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Alibaigi, 2010: 60, fig. 2 Parthian 42 Rim, common, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Alibaigi, 2010: 60, fig. 2 Parthian 43 Rim, fine, red, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Alibaigi, 2010: 59, fig. 1 Parthian 44 Rim, common, red, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Alibaigi, 2010: 60; fig. 2 Parthian 45 Base, fine, red, smoothed, fast wheel, well fired. Alibaigi, 2010: 61, fig. 3 Parthian 46 Rim, common, red, smoothed, handmade, relief decoration, poor fired. Khosrvi & Rashno, 2012: fig. 84-82 Islamic period 47 Lid, fine, buff, smoothed, handmade, well fired. Luschey, 1996: 20 Islamic period 48 Handle, fine, buff, smoothed, handmade, well fired. Luschey, 1996: fig. 12 Islamic period 49 Body, fine, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, scribed painted, well fired. Luschey, 1996: fig. 13 Islamic period 50 Body, fine, buff, brown glaze, fast wheel, well fired. Luschey, 1996: fig. 21 Islamic period 51 Body, fine, buff, smoothed, fast wheel, scribed painted, well fired. Luschey, 1996: fig. 12 Islamic period 52 Body, fine, buff, glaze, fast wheel, well fired, with, green and brown. Luschey, 1996: fig. 13 Islamic period 53 Body, fine, buff, green glaze, fast wheel, well fired. Luschey, 1996: fig. 13 Islamic period 54 Base, common, red, smoothed, fast wheel, bichrome painted, black. Luschey, 1996: fig. 12 Islamic period Page | 110 Acknowledgments We want to take the opportunity here to express our gratitude to all the members of the survey team for their great efforts during the fieldwork. We would also like to thank Dr. Sajjad Alibeigi for their co-operation by providing the maps and other necessary data. Bibliography Abdi, K. (1999) ‘Archaeological Research in the Islamabad Plain, Central Western Zagros Mountains: Preliminary Results from the First Season, Summer 1998,’ Iran 37: 32-44. https://doi.org/10.2307 /4299992 Abdi, K. (2003) ‘The Early Development of Pastoralism in the Central Zagros Mountains,’ Journal of World Prehistory 17(4): 398-448. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25801211 Abdi, K., Nokandeh, G., Azadi, A., Biglari, F., Heydari, S., Farmani, D., Rezaii, A., Mashkour, M. 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(1974b) ‘A survey of Prehistoric Settlements in Northern Luristan’, Acta Archaeologica 45: 1-47. Motarjem, A. (2008) An Archaeological Survey of Early Bronz Age Settlement Patterns in the Alvand Basin-Hamadan. Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Archaeology, University of Tehran. [in Persian] Niknami, K.A., Askarpour, V. (2013) ‘A GIS Modeling of Prehistoric Site Distribution in the Sarfirouzabad Plain of Kermanshah, Northwestern Iran’, International Journal of Heritage in the Digital Era 2.3:344-359. Niknami, K.A., Irandoust, H., Tahmasebi, A. (2013) ‘Environmental and Cultural Factors Influencing Parthian Archaeological Site Distribution in the Sarfirouzabad Plain of Kermanshah, Northwest of Iran’, International Journal of Geosciences 4:69-77. https://doi.org/10.1260/2047-4970.2.3.343 Niknami, K.A., Mirghaderi, M.A., Alibeigi, S., Bahramiyan, S. 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(1974) Excavations of the Godin Project: Second Progress Report. Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum. Young, T.C.Jr., Smith, P.E.L. (1966) ‘Research in the Prehistory of Central Western Iran’, American Association for the Advancement of Science 153 (3734): 386-391. https://doi.org/10.1126 /science.153.3734.386 To cite this article: Mirghaderi, M.A., Niknami, K.A. (2022). The Chronology of the Archaeological surface remains of Tepe Pa-Chogha, Central Zagros (Kermanshah, Iran). Historia i Świat 11, 81-114, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.05 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 114 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Patryk SKUPNIEWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Archers from Rag-i Bibi. Notes on the equipment depicted on Rag-i Bibi relief (Northern Afghanistan) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.06 Abstract: The rock relief discovered in Rag-e Bibi in Northern Afghanistan in 2002 remains an archaeological sensation. The archery equipment depicted there has not yet been studied. The article describes the bow cases combined with quivers and associates them with the same type of kit popular in Eurasia related with spread of the recurved bows with stiff bone or horn extensions of Xiong Nu/Hunnic type. This type of bows replaced shorter 'Scythian' type of bows in 1st-2nd century CE. The integrated bow case and quiver went out of use soon before the rise of the Sasanians therefore Rag-e Bibi cannot be linked with this dynastic art, based also on the depicted elements of material culture, as well as on stylistic grounds. Key words: Sasanian, Kushan, the rock relief, Iran, Rag-i Bibi, Afghanistan, archers Introduction The rock relief in Rag-i Bibi, in Northern Afghanistan, has been an archaeological sensation since its discovery in 2002.1 It has been commonly attributed as Sasanian, with a single voice claiming its Late Kushan origin. The aim of the current article is an analyse of the archery kit, depicted on the relief, and locating it within the evolutionary networks of the bows, bow-cases and quivers of the corresponding areas and times. Such an analyse may provide another argument in an attempt to attribute the piece, however, it is treated as a separate study and only from the arms and armour history perspective. The assumption made here is that the elements of the equipment depicted in art would follow the iconographic traditions of their times and illustrate actual kit used by the highest echelons of the society, unless they were not traditional iconographic motifs of symbolic significance, which is easily traceable in visual traditions.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8119-5449. [email protected]; Institute of History. The results of the research carried out under the research theme No. 107/20/B were financed from the science grant granted by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. 1 Grenet, 2005; Grenet et al., 2007; Maksymiuk, 2012; Canepa, 2013; about the Late Kushan origin see Maksymiuk et al., 2020. Page | 115 Fig. 1. Rock relief at Rag-i Bibi, above: photo by François Ory (CNRS); below: the 3D scan by Philippe Martinez (CNRS). Photos courtesy of Frantz Grenet, François Ory and Philippe Martinez. Page | 116 The relief Rag-i Bibi relief is located near village Shamarq, some 10 km from Puli Khumri in Baghlan Province of Afghanistan. The relief is 4.9 m high and 6.5 m wide. It is destroyed in large part and important elements of it are missing, the general layout is preserved and some details survived in surprisingly clear shape. The destruction might partly result from weathering, natural wear and tear and partly from intentional acts of, bigotry-inspired, vandalism. The relief is high, in some places almost round and its depth is deliberately employed stylistic value employing volume, with soft wavy lines and not accentuated contours. The relief depicts the riders hunting the rhinoceroses covered with scales. The scene is composed symmetrically, it consists of two halves on both sides of the vertical axis. The right side is dominated by the main rider on the galloping horse, directed to the right. The rider is shooting from the bow in the direction of the move, which can be deducted from the shape of the remains. His torso and head are preserved only in outline, still protruding from the background. The body of the horse is preserved, however it is missing head and the right foreleg which was apparently independently protruding to the front. Rider’s right leg is also partly preserved. He was depicted wearing wide trousers, with folded surface, which is badly weathered. His upper thigh was covered with a fold of tunic, or kaftan as the outline only survived. The rider’s foot is missing. Behind his leg hangs obliquely a large rectangular quiver with integrated tubular arrow cases. The back and rump strap of the harness are preserved. Above the front leg the strap supports large, round phalera. The smaller phalera is shown on the rump strap. The front part of the strap are decorated with the overlapping sharp arches. A pendant in shape of lunula with sharp spike between the arms is suspended on a chain, obliquely from the saddle.The tail of the horse is tied tightly. Behind the main figure two other riders are shown in smaller scale. The head of the one closer to the front, placed further towards left edge of the relief, is missing, however similar quiver integrated with the tubular arrow cases is visible. The torso of the personage is preserved only in outline, however arms in folded sleeves are partly visible. The left arm is directed down and ends behind horse’s neck while the right arm is raised. The forearm and the hand are missing however it is clear that they were directed up. It seems most likely that the rider carried a javelin or a lance in his raised hand. Behind, another rider is visible with his forearms raised but hands missing. His horse’s head is visible just over the bow case of the frontal figure. In the middle of the relief, in front of the main character’s horse stands partially preserved figure in wide trousers and a kaftan with the lower folds protruding obliquely to the sides. His feet are not seen, partly hidden behind the left front leg of the main characters mount. The personage marks the vertical axis of the composition however stands behind the main personage. This was even more emphasised when the horse’s head was visible, hiding part of man’s torso. His head and left arm are not Page | 117 preserved the left arm was hidden behind the man personage’s horse head, now visible only in outline. Because the head of the standing personage did not leave the outline, it must have been made in round. Also, no trace of the left arm on the surface strongly suggests that it must have been raised. At the bottom of the right side of the relief lies a body of the dead rhinoceros covered with scales, while the second scaled rhinoceros runs away from the riders over the dead one. Both beasts create volumous slope on the left edge of the relief. Behind the escaping rhinoceros a canopy of the mango tree is visible, recognisable by the leaves. The Archers The archery equipment depicted on the Rag-i Bibi relief unmistakably refers to the bows with double reflex and stiff bone extensions which derived from earlier ‘Scythian’ type, being much shorter and worn usually on the left thigh (with only few Greek iconographic examples showing it worn on the right hip) in combined bow and arrows case called gorytos. The new type was extended with stiff ears which allowed greater power at the cost of the size. The emergence of the new type of bow, commonly labelled as ‘Hunnic’ should be linked to the Xiong Nu expansion,2 although it should also be noted the peculiar time lag between the expansion itself and the widespread adaptation of the new type of bow throughout Eurasia, indicating a peculiar conservatism of warriors and fighting techniques. It is also important to note the conventionality of the term. Although, in fact, the first bows with extensions should be associated with the Xiong Nu, but the identification of this ethnos with the later Huns is not clear. Perhaps the conversion of entire ‘armies’ (here we have in mind war bands, hordes and other modes of steppe warfare organisation) to new weapons was so difficult that it did not immediate effect, and required top-down investment. Whatever the reason, the revolution that was the adoption of the ‘Hunnic’ type of bow is noticeable in Western Eurasia at the turn of the era, more often in the 1st-2nd century CE.3 The long, Hunnic bow, with its rigid extensions, did not allow the use of the classical gorytos of the Achaemenid, Scythian, early Parthian and Bosporan versions. However, since the integrated bow and arrow case remained the preferred solution, the gorytos increased in size and took the form of a large, flat case with one or two arrow tubes. The transfer of the design to the right hip also became a significant difference. 2 3 Nikonorov & Khudyakov, 2004: 45-69; Vinogradov & Goroncharovskiy, 2009: 189-193. Mielczarek, 1999: 44; Vinogradov & Goroncharovskiy, 2009: 190. Page | 118 Three factors may have caused the change:  Reaching for the arrows with the longer bow hand became much more difficult, resulting in a change in shooting technique, where the right hand reached for the arrows and pulled the string.  The emergence of long-bladed swords, carried on the left side forced the transfer of shooting equipment to the right side.  Or a combination of both factors occurring almost simutaneously, when the transfer of gorytos to the right hip made it possible to hang a long sword on the left, hitherto carried stuck behind the belt behind the back or avoided as difficult to draw and impractical for the rider. Development of the rigid ‘horned’ saddle, with the wooden frame which allowed manoeuvrability required for wielding the long lance in heavy armour, also enhanced flexibility of the riders on their horses, thus allowing longer swords, greater bows and facilitating change of their sides. Gorytos adapted to a Hunnic-type bow was found at the Niya site in Xinjiang.4 Further examples can also be found in depictions on plaques from Orlat,5 on plaques a Takht-e Sangin,6 where they are shown together with the ‘Hunnic’ type bows just used. Large gorytos with side arrow sleeves are depicted on gold clasps from the Siberian Collection of Peter I.7 The presence of ‘Hunnic’ type bows, corresponding gorytos and long-bladed swords in sheaths suspended on the scabbard-slides, prevents the objects from being frequently dated to the 4th to 2nd centuries BCE and brings them closer to the aforementioned objects from Orlat and Takht-e Sangin, as well as a plaque from Kalala-Gyr 2.8 In the Black Sea region, the 1st century CE is a transitional period where new ‘Hunnic’ type gorytoi appear alongside gorytoi of the older, ‘Scythian’ type.9 This means that the adaptation of the new form of weaponry was not immediate and explains the long time between the appearance of the heavy Xiong Nu bows and their adaptation in the rest of Eurasia. Bosporan monuments, such as the epitaph of Stratonik, son of Zeno, and Matian, son of Zaidar, indicate that the practice of carrying the outstretched bows became widespread. Similarly, as mentioned above, the ‘Scythian’ bow, with the gorytos worn on the left hip, was used in Parthia until at least the 2nd century CE. Perhaps the longer times of drawing of the heavier bows resulted in surviving preference of the latter. It must be borne in mind that the Parthians faced varied opponents and against majority of them traditional 4 Ilyasov, 2013: 100. Pugachenkova, 1987; Brentjes, 1990; Abdullaev, 1995a; 1995b; Nikonorov, 1997: 17, 75, fig. 43a-c; Ilyasov & Rusanov, 1997/1998; Nikonorov & Khudyakov, 1999; Olbrycht, 1999: 204-206. 6 Nikonorov, 1997: 11, 59, fig. 27; Litvinskij, 2001. 7 Simpson & Pankova, 2017: 57 (inv. Si 1727 1/162, 64, inv. Si 1727 1/70). 8 Ilyasov, 2013. 9 Mielczarek, 1999: PL. XVII; Vinogradov & Goroncharovskiy, 2009: 159, 162, 191; Nefedkin, 2011: 139. 5 Page | 119 ‘Scythian’ bow was sufficiently effective with advantage of long tradition of use and manufacturing. A change in the type of bow can also be seen in Parthian art, as evidenced by the reliefs from Elymais such as Tang-e Sarvak,10 as well as terracotta relief from the British Museum,11 where the curious practice of placing a dagger, or short sword, on the surface of the gorytos, between the tubes for the arrows, is illustrated. An identical gorytos, comprising a case for a strung bow and two tubes intended for arrows, carried on the right side is also shown in relief at discussed relief in Rag-i Bibi. The large gorytos with Hunnic bows must have been quite a nuisance to get on horseback or walk on foot. They are depicted almost always with riders. Meanwhile, one of the hurried warriors in the battle scene from the Orlat plaque has a gorytos attached to his belt. Possessing a gorytos at his belt, losing his mount, the warrior was therefore able to conduct firing. It is therefore difficult to say whether the practice of attaching to saddles actually existed, or whether it depended on locals or personal preference. However, there seems to be more argument in favour of the fact that large gorytos for ‘Hunnic’ bows with arrow tubes were worn at the waist, on the right side. As mentioned above, large, heavy bows were also carried unstrung. An interesting source illustrating the transition period between the ‘Scythian’ and ‘Hunnic’ bows is the stele of Athenaios from Kerch, on which the deceased is shown on horseback in two panels; in one, facing left, he has a ‘Scythian’ bow at his left shoulder, and in the panel below, facing right, he is shown with a ‘Hunnic’ type bow with two arrow tubes.12 As an example of a gorytos relic, a model preserved in a burial from Olgakhta of the Tarim Basin with a stick imitating a bow and miniature arrows in a separate case, now in the Hermitage collection,13 can be used. The relic is dated to the late 3rd /early 4th century CE, which may indicate a peculiar conservatism of local military technology or a prolonged other use of the object before being placed in the tomb. Tashtik art appears to show ‘Scythian’ bows despite dating to the 2nd-3rd century CE.14 This may be due to the simplified stylisation of the images. During the Sasanian period, the bow did not lose its symbolic function related to power.15 Among the numerous depictions of horsemen, the king while riding has almost always a quiver with him. The large and long Sasanian quiver, with no room for a bow, seems to have gained in importance. It is possible that by avoiding depictions of integrated bow and arrow cases, the Sasanians intended to visually 10 Colledge, 1977: 92-93; Kawami, 1987: 201-204; 2013: 760; von Gall, 1990: 13-19; Mathiesen, 1992: 130-132; Skupniewicz, 2021a. 11 Inv. 135684; Herrmann, 1989: 766, 794, pl. Vb. 12 Brentjes, 1995/1996: 184, 193; Vinogradov & Goroncharovskiy, 2009: 189-191, il. 92. 13 Inv. 2864/21; Simpson & Pankova, 2017: 351. 14 Pankova, 2011. 15 Skupniewicz, 2021b. Page | 120 separate themselves from the previous dynasty. Of course, in the relief at Firuzabad,16 both sides have distinctive large quivers of the Sasanian type, which may mean that they appeared already earlier and only by the third decade of the 3rd century CE, had definitely replaced the large integrated bow and arrow cases in Iran. It is also possible that the long quivers were perceived as a status marker, by which Firuzabad indicates that fighting was between equal opponents. It seems that the abandonment of the integrated bow and arrow case was gradual, and although the lack of references to such a solution is a prominent feature of Sasanian iconography, the abandonment of the bow and arrow case was more evolutionary and preceded the appearance of the Sasanians. Iconographic material is provided by Palmyrean art, where single tube-shaped quivers with no connection to arrow cases for long bows with extensions, appear alongside gorytos with two or one arrow tubes. The so-called Odaenathus mosaic17 shows a double arrow tube, but no integrated bow case is visible. If the dating of the monument is correct, it would date from the reign of Shapur II, that is, the time after the fall of the Arsacid dynasty, when large gorytos with room for a bow and two arrow tubes ceased appearing in Iranian iconography. Similarly, in the case of the Dura Europos, the synagogue’s wall paintings, unanimously considered to refer to Parthian iconography, as well as the graffiti, depict long, sleeved quivers rather than integrated gorytoi. On the graffiti with the Iaribhol cult scene or lion hunt,18 the tube is divided into two parts, perhaps the depiction should be understood as two connected sleeves, analogous to the ‘Odeanathus mosaic’. It should also be noted that the iconography of the iconic Iarhibol scene from Dura Europos includes the tassels hanging from the saddle, an element characteristic of Sasanid imagery. Single quivers in the shape of a tube were shown in the mithraeum paintings at Dura Europos and graffiti with scenes of pursuit of fleeing game from Hatra.19 It seems that the quivers shown at Dura Europos and Palmyra represent the type known from depictions of Syrian archers from Trajan’s column, which would have been worn on the back in a situation of fighting on foot, but strapped to the waist, or hung so as to be on the hip or thigh, while riding on horseback, while the graffiti from Hatra characterises quite mature, ‘Sasanian’ archery equipment.20 Regardless of the direct inspiration, or the reason for the abandonment of gorytos in favor of separate quivers, a process begun in the Late Parthian period, the graffiti from Dura Europos suggest that double arrow tubes were still in use even after they ceased to be combined with arrow cases. 16 von Gall, 1990; Nikonorov, 2020. Gawlikowski, 2005. 18 Rostovtzeff, 1934: pl. XXV, XXVI. 19 Dirven, 2016. 20 Ricciardi, 1998. 17 Page | 121 Conclusions The archery equipment depicted on the Rag-i Bibi relief clearly represents the stage of development predating Sasanian introduction of long quivers as the representative form of arrow cases, suitable for the kings and nobility. It is certain that the new type did not replace the older ones immediately, however, given the important semantic function of archery kit in Sasanian art, designating the people in power, where the older type does not appear even once, it must be stated that the relief does not belong to Sasanian imagery. It does not share Sasanian stylistic features and therefore cannot be treated as Sasanian. The arms depicted on Rag-i Bibi relief represent earlier stage of the kit development. Bibliography Abdullaev, K. (1995a) ‘Nomadism in Central Asia. The Archaeological Evidence (2nd-1st Centuries B.C.)’, in In the Land of Gryphons: Papers on Central Asian Archaeology in Antiquity, ed. A. Invernizzi, Firenze: Casa Editrica Le Lettere, 151-161. Abdullaev, K. (1995b) ‘Armour of Ancient Bactria’, in In the Land of Gryphons: Papers on Central Asian Archaeology in Antiquity, ed. A. Invernizzi, Firenze: Casa Editrica Le Lettere, 163-180. Brentjes, B. (1990) ‘Zu den Reiterbildern von Kurgan-Tepe’, Iranica Antiqua 25: 173-182. https://doi.org/10.2143/IA.25.0.2002143 Brentjes, B. (1995/1996) ‘Waffen der Steppenvölker (II): Kompositbogen, Goryt und Pfeil – ein Waffenkomplex der Steppenvölker’, Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran 28, 179-210. Canepa, M. (2013) ‘Sasanian Rock Reliefs’, in The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, ed. D.T. Potts, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 856-878. Colledge, M.A.R. (1977) Parthian Art. London: Paul Elek. Dirven, L. (2016) ‘A New Interpretation of the Mounted Hunters in the Mithraeum of Dura Europos’, in Icon, Cult, and Context: Sacred Spaces and Objects in the Classical World, eds. M.K. Heyn, A.I. Steinsapir, Cotsen: Institute of Archaeology Press at UCLA, 17-33. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvdjrqv1.11 Gawlikowski, M. (2005) L’apotheose d’Odeinat sur un mosaïque récemment découverte à Palmyre, Comptes-rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 149.4: 1293-1304. https://doi.org/10.3406/crai.2005.22944 Grenet, F. (2005) ‘Découverte d'un relief sassanide dans le Nord de l’Afghanistan (note d'information)’, Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 149.1: 115-134. https://doi.org/10.3406/crai.2005.22838 Grenet, F., Lee, J., Martinez, Ph., Ory, F. (2007) ‘The Sasanian relief at Rag-i Bibi (Northern Afghanistan)’, in After Alexander: Central Asia before Islam, eds. J. Cribb, G. Herrmann, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 243-267. https://doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263846.003.0012 Page | 122 Herrmann, G. (1989) ‘Parthian and Sasanian saddlery. New Light from the Roman West’, in Archaeologia Iranica et Orientalis. Miscellanea in honorem Louis Vanden Berghe, eds. L. De Meyer, E. Haerink, Gent: Peeters, 757-809. Ilyasov, J. Ya. (2013) ‘Ob izobrazhenii na rogovom predmete s gorodishcha Kalaly-gyr 2 [On the image on a horn object from the settlement of Kalalıgyr 2]’, Rossiyskaya arkheologiya 2, 96-104. [in Russian] Ilyasov, J. Ya., Rusanov, D.V. (1997/1998) ‘A Study on the Bone Plates from Orlat’. Silk Road Art and Archaeology 5: 107-159. Kawami, T.S. (1987) Monumental Art of the Parthian Period in Iran. Leiden: Brill. Kawami, T.S. (2013) ‘Parthian and Elymaean rock reliefs’, in The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, ed. D.T. Potts, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 751-765. Litvinskij, B.A. (2001) Hram Oksa v Baktrii (Yuzhnyj Tadzhikistan), T. 2. Baktrijskoe vooruzhenie v drevnevostochnom i grecheskom kontekste [the temple of Oxus In Bactria (South Tajikistan), vol. 2 Bactrian arm and armour in the ancient Eastern and Greek context]. Moskva: Vostochnaya literatura RAN. Maksymiuk, K. (2012) ‘Datacja reliefów Szapura I. Zarys problematyki’, Historia i Świat 1: 13-43. https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2012.01.01 Maksymiuk, K., Kubik, A., Skupniewicz, P. (2020) ‘The Rock Relief at Rag-Bibi: Can it be considered Sasanian?’, in Drevniye i srednevekovyye kul’tury Tsentral’noy Azii (stanovleniye, razvitiye i vzaimodeystviye urbanizirovannykh i skotovodcheskikh obshchestv) [Ancient and Mediaeval Cultures of Asia (The formation, development and interaction of urbanized and cattle-breeding societies)], eds. V. P. Nikonorov, L. B. Kircho, E. O. Stoyanov, St. Petersburg: Institut Istorii Material’noy Kul’tury RAN, 239243. https://doi.org/10.31600/978-5-907298-09-5-239-243 Mathiesen, H.E. (1992) Sculpture in the Parthian Empire. A Study in Chronology, vol. 1-2. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press. Mielczarek, M. (1999) The Army of the Bosporus Kingdom. Łódź: Oficyna Naukowa MS. Nefedkin, A.K. (2011) Voyennoye delo sarmatov i alanov (po dannym antichnykh istochnikov) [Warfare of the Sarmatians and Alans (according to ancient sources)], St. Petersburg: Historia Militaris. [in Russian] Nikonorov, V.P. (1997) Armies of Bactria, vol 1-2. Stockport: Montvert. Nikonorov, V.P. (2020) ‘Sasanidskiye boyevyye rel'yefy i proiskhozhdeniye temy konnoy dueli na pikakh v proklamativnom iskusstve doislamskogo Irana [The Sasanian combat reliefs and the origin of the theme of equestrian duel with lances in the proclamative art of pre-Islamic Iran]’, Arheologicheskie Vesti 29: 215-238. [in Russian] Nikonorov, V.P., Khudyakov Yu.S. (1999) ‘Izobrazheniya voinov iz Orlatskogo mogil'nika [Representations of Warriors from the Orlat Burial Ground]’, in Evraziya. Kulturnoe nasledye drevnih civilizatsiy [Eurasia. Cultural heritage of ancient civilizations], ed. O.A. Mytko, Novosibirsk: Novosibirskiy Gosudarstvennyi Universitet, 141-156. [in Russian] Olbrycht, M. (1999) ‘Seleucydzi i Kultura Ich Epoki’, in Dzieje i Upadek Imperium Seleucydów, ed. J. Wolski, Kraków: Enigma Press, 136-208. Pankova, S.V. (2011) ‘Voiny tashtykskih miniatur: vozmozhnosti atribucji [Wars of Tashtyk miniatures: the possibilities of attribution]’, in Drevneee iskusstvo v zerkali archeologii [Ancient art in the mirror of archeology], Kemerovo: Kuzbassvuzizdat, 117-141. [in Russian] Pugachenkova, G.A. (1987) ‘Obraz kangyuytsa v sogdiyskom iskusstve. (Iz otkrytiy Uzbekistanskoy iskusstvovedcheskoy ekspeditsii) [The image of a Kangyui in Sogdian art (From the discoveries of the Uzbekistan art expedition)]’ [http://kronk.spb.ru/library/pugachenkova-ga-1987-5.htm (accessed 14/02/2021]. [in Russian] Ricciardi, R.V. (1998) ‘Pictoral graffiti in the city of Hatra’, Electrum 2: 187-205. Rostovtzeff, M.I. (1934) The Excavations at Dura Europos. Preliminary Report Fifth Season. New Haven: Yale University Press. Simpson, St.J., Pankova, S. (2017) The BP exhibition. Scythians, warriors of ancient Siberia. London: Thames&Hudson. Page | 123 Skupniewicz, P. (2021a) ‘Notes on the Combat Scene on Tang-e Sarvak III Rock Relief’, Acta Archaeologica Lodziensia 67: 117-145. https://doi.org/10.26485/AAL/2021/67/9 Skupniewicz, P. (2021b) ‘The bow as an insignia of power in the art of ancient Iran’, Historia i Świat 10: 153-170. https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2021.10.06 Vinogradov, Ju.A., Goroncharovskiy, V.A. (2009) Voyennaya istoriya i voyennoye delo Bospora Kimmeriyskogo (VI do n.e - seredina III v. n.e) [Military history and military affairs of the Cimmerian Bosporus (VI BC - middle of the 3rd century CE)]. Sankt Petersburg: Historia Militaris. [in Russian] von Gall, H. (1990) Das Reiterkampfbild in der iranischen und iranisch beeinflußten Kunst parthischer und sasanidischer Zeit. Berlin: Gebe. Mann Verlag. To cite this article: Skupniewicz, P. (2022). Archers from Rag-i Bibi. Notes on the equipment depicted on Rag-i Bibi relief (Northern Afghanistan). Historia i Świat 11, 115-124, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.06 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 124 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Kaveh FARROKH (Langara College, Vancouver, Canada) Katarzyna MAKSYMIUK (Siedlce University, Poland) Patryk SKUPNIEWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Salam FATHI (Azad University, Tehran, Iran) An Overview of Military Confrontations between of the Assyrian Army against the Medes in the 7th centuries BCE https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.07 Abstract: The article discusses the military confrontation between Neo-Assyrian kingdom and the Median polities in the 7th century BCE. At the beginning the outline of the history of wars between the Medes and Assyria from the 9th century onwards is presented which is followed by the brief description of the Assyrian forces of the era and detailed examination of the events until the fall of the Neo-Assyrian empire. In conclusions an attempt to reconstruct possible principles of the Median warfare was made. Key words: the Assyrian Empire, the Medes, Iran, cavalry, chariot, military system Introduction The Medes were the first Iranian-speakers to play a significant role in the history of the Near East. Although their significance remains beyond any doubt, they remain mysterious ethnos. The nature of their social organization remains obscure and, in light of large and important ethnic groups dwelling large areas in the regions like the Kurds, who never created actual state but remained nevertheless culturally and politically important, their history cannot be expected to be clearly drawn. Their position between two Semitic (Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian) and an Iranian  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5732-2447. [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8709-0333. [email protected]; The results of the research carried out under the research theme No. 107/20/B were financed from the science grant granted by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8119-5449. [email protected]; The results of the research carried out under the research theme No. 107/20/B were financed from the science grant granted by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9281-5412. [email protected]  Page | 125 (Achaemenid) empires somehow induces expectation of imperial nature but that view has been successfully tackled and abolished. The clearest line which defines Median affairs was constituted by the state of affairs between Neo-Assyrian kingdom and the Medes. The relations which were rarely peaceful as relations which Assyria held with most unless all of her neighbors. This emphasizes importance of the research of the history of military confrontation between the Medes and Assyria, being actually the factor defining the Median history until their incorporation into Achaemenid state. In fact, it is justified to say that the history of wars with Assyria is in fact the actual history of the Medes. The article aims in providing an outline of the Assyrian-Median warfare from 9th to 7th century BCE with emphasize on the last century of this period. The 7th century is one of the pivotal periods in the history of the Near East, which marks appearance of the Iranian powers in the region formerly dominated by the Semitic nations and consequent shift which would lead to the period of Iranian overlordship in the region. Sargon II and the Medes The first recorded Assyrian encounter with the Medes was mentioned in the inscription of the so-called Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III (858-824) in 835 BCE:1 “Moving on from the land Namri. I received tribute from twenty-seven kings of the land Parsua. Moving on from the land Parsua I went down to the lands Mēsu, Media (Amadāiia), Araziaš, (and) Ḫarḫār, (and) captured the cities Kuakinda, Ḫazzanabi, Esamul, (and) Kinablila, together with the cities in their environs. I massacred them, plundered them, (and) razed, destroyed, (and) burned (those) cities. I erected my royal statue in the city Ḫarḫār.” According to the Assyrian inscription Šamši-Adad V’s (823-811)2: “I marched to the land of the Medes. They took fright in the face of the angry weapons of Aššur and of my strong warfare, which have no rival, and abandoned their cities. They ascended a rugged mountain (and) I pursued them. I massacred 2,300 soldiers of Ḫanasiruka the Mede. I took away from him 140 of his cavalry (and) carried away his property and possessions in countless quantities. I razed, destroyed, (and) burned Sagbita, (his) royal city, together with 1,200 of his cities.” 1 2 Grayson, 1996: 68 (119-125); Radner, 2003: 38; Dandamayev & Medvedskaya, 2006. Grayson, 1996: 185-186 (iii 27b-36); Radner, 2003: 40-42; Dezső, 2012b: 17, 151; see Diod. 2.1.9-11. Page | 126 It should be noted that “the Medes are described as a settled peoples, living in cities”.3 On the one hand, the Assyrian king’s strategy was focused on undermining (if not destroying) the equestrian base of their Iranian enemies, and on the other this region was a source for horses of Assyrian army.4 The Stela of Tiglath-pileser III (744-727) mentioned of the tribute gained from the Medes5: “I received the payment of ... the Medes, (and) all the eastern mountains: horses (and) mules broken to the yoke, Bactrian camels, oxen, [and] sheep and goats, without number.” In 737, Tiglath-pileser III invaded the lands of the “mighty” (dannu) Medes, reaching as far as Mount Bikni.6 Sargon II (722-705) after assuming the throne of Assyria, was forced to target the northern Israelite kingdom of Samaria.7 With the western marches of the Assyrian Empire secured, he was now able to focus his military might against foes in Mannaea and the country of the Medes. In 716 Sargon II conquered the city Kišesim and renamed the city Kār-Nergal (the capital of the new province).8 Afterwards the king captured Ḫarḫar, who rebelled four years earlier, and turned into an Assyrian province. Sargon ordered the construction of a fortress and the city was given the new name of Kār-Šarrukin.9 Already in the following year, Ḫarḫar revolted, but the revolt was suppressed by the Assyrian army.10 At the same time the Mannaean king Ullusunu, gave some twenty-two border strongholds to the king Rusa I of Urartu (735-714).11 Rusa also encouraged the Median chieftains Daiaukku to sever ties with Assyria. Sargon II 3 Radner, 2003: 41. Reade, 1979: 179; Lanfranchi, 2003: 79; On the creation of the Assyrian provinces in the Zagros see Vér, 2020. 5 Tadmor & Yamada, 2011: 84 (35. 11-14. 6 Tadmor & Yamada, 2011: 97-98 (39. 18): “as far as the city Zakruti of the mighty Medes”; (39. 19-20): “I received the payment of the city rulers of the Medes, as far as Mount Bikni”; Bikni is usually identified with the Damavand mountain to the north of Teheran, or the Alvand, one of the peaks of the Zagros bordering on the Hamadan plain, not far from the city of Hamadan, see Medvedskaya, 2002; contra Alibaigi & Rezaei (2018), that Bikni must be identified with the Karkas mountains; of the economy of the Neo-Assyrian Empire in the Central Zagros see Vér, 2014. 7 Sargon II’s capture of the northern Israelite capital, resulted in the transformation of Samaria into an Assyrian province named ‘Samerina’ with the military consequence of Judah; See Fuchs, 1994: 89; Becking, 1992; Park, 2012; Aster, 2019; Of interest are the Biblical reference to these events: “And the king of Assyria did carry away Israel unto Assyria and put them in Halah and in Habor by the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes” (2 Kings 18:11-12). 8 Levine, 1972: 38-39 (39-40); Radner, 2003: 50. 9 Fuchs, 1994: 102-105, 317-318; Radner 2003: 50-51; the discussion on the identification in Alibaigi, Aminikhah & Fatahi, 2016 with further references. 10 Gopnik, 2011: 291, 293. 11 On the relationship between Urartu and Assyria in the reigns of Sargon and Rusa, see: Chahin, 2001: 85-92; Roaf, 2012; on the land of Urartu and the Mannean provinces, see Potts, 2018: 234, 245-250. 4 Page | 127 counterattacked against the Urartians, defeating them in 715-714,12 Daiaukku and his family were deported.13 In 713 Sargon entered new Median region: “those district of the mighty Medes that had shed the yoke of Assur and roamed the desert and mountains like thieves”.14 The twenty-three Median city lords gave tribute to Sargon.15 It is possible that Sargon II then established an unspecified number of military outposts within recently conquered Iranian territory. Interestingly Sargon II (much like his predecessors) also targeted the Iranian equestrian base by forcing the Medes to cede large numbers of their horses to the Assyrians.16 This is confirmed by the text of the Najafabad stele17: “At that time, the people of the city of Ḫarḫar who are submissive to Aššur (and) perform corvée duty […] They drove off [Kibab]a, their city ruler and withheld the horses (which were) to be given yearly as their tribute.” Sargon II was able to re-focus Assyrian military attentions to the south, having successfully concluded his campaign against the Iranian Medes in 713, he successfully invaded Elam in 710 forcing the Elamite king Šutruk-Nahhunte (717-699) to flee. With his victory in Elam now secured, Sargon II successfully invaded Babylon that same year, forcing Marduk-apla-iddina II (722-710, 703-702) to escape as his armies proved incapable of defending Babylon’s cities against the Assyrian advance.18 Assyrian Military Capabilities in the 7th century Statement that Neo-Assyrian army consisted of chariots, cavalry (or different cavalry types) and infantry (or various infantry types) is as true however of the greatest importance was functional co-operation of the forces of different types.19 Chariots. The Neo Assyrian army of the 7th century BCE employed twowheeled battle carts pulled by four horses which evolved from earlier variety reminding heavier versions of the Bronze Age battle carts, pulled by two horses.20 The main feature of the Neo Assyrian chariots is their large size which allows four men crew. They have also side and front walls reaching well above waists of 12 Marriott & Radner, 2015; Melville, 2016: 116-140; Rollinger, 2018. Luckenbill, 1927: 6 (12); On detail, see Kristensen, 1988: 49-54. The discussion of the Daiukku /Deiokes problem, see in Wiesehöfer, 2004; Gufler, 2016 with further references. 14 Fuchs, 1994: 120-121. 15 Radner, 2003: 56. 16 Roaf, 2012: 199; Fuchs, 1994: 191-194. 17 C.f. Gopnik, 2011: 293. 18 Grayson & Novotny, 2014: 48 (3b-4); During the following years (709-707), Sargon conquered DūrJakīn, and Marduk-apla-iddina escaped; see Brinkman, 1964: 18-22; Dandamaev & Lukonin, 1989: 48; Frame, 2009. 19 De Backer, 2007; Dezső, 2012a: 13-23; Healy, 1991: 8-23; Nadali, 2019. 20 Healy, 1991: 8-23; Fields & Delf, 2006; Dezső, 2012b: 65-144; De Backer, 2013; Dijk-Coombes, 2018. 13 Page | 128 the crew. Their wheels were large, reaching height of the standing man, and had wide rims which allow extra durability and robust spokes. Illustrations of the chariots in action show the driver, the archer and two men actively protecting the others with the round shields. Such tactics derives from Hittite tradition and stands in contrast with earlier Bronze Age chariot tactics.21 Active, movable protection allowed security comparable to static covers with reduced weight but also allowed the shooter greater visibility. The same principle can be observed among Urartian chariots.22 In the royal hunting reliefs the king successfully employs both bows and spears against the lions which suggests that the chariot crews might be also prepared for close combat.23 Clearly these carts vary from nimble, light and fast Bronze Age chariots, manned by the driver and the archer, usually pulled by two horses and designed as high velocity shooting platforms which could not withstand the new, Iron Age force of the mounted archers. The development of the Bronze Age chariotry was possible because of lack of efficient riding force.24 The Neo-Assyrian chariots were slower than the riders but significantly better protected, heavier and thus creating greater impact in clash, combined qualities of movable fortifications with powerful momentum. Neo-Assyrian iconography shows that the similarity constructed enemy war wagons manned by three-four crew members (but pulled seemingly by a single horse), despite their advantages, were not invincible and could be countered by coordinated actions of infantry and cavalry. Naturally, these were not Assyrian but Elamite and they do not have protective walls which might illustrate local varieties of the idea.25 Development of large and heavy chariots acting as movable fortifications was possible or rather enforced by the appearance of the strong and efficient cavalry contingents which left no place for light Bronze Age constructions. The horse mounted warriors appeared around 9th century BCE.26 It is important to state that the invention of double reflex composite bows predates employment of cavalry or creation of mounted archers. Neo-Assyrian army was no exception in adoption of the new force both in shape of lancers and archers. How novel was the skill of tactical employment of horse riding may be attested by the Nimrud reliefs where the shooter is accompanied by an assistant holding his reigns as if following the scheme known in the Bronze Age chariots where one man was responsible for shooting and his comrade drove the wagon. In the 7th century Assyrian warriors were fully capable of shooting in gallop, however they did not adopt the recurved bows and the gorytoi hanging on 21 Moorey, 1986; Crouwel, 2002; Crouwel & Tatton-Brown, 2002; Drews, 2002: 50-56; Fields & Delf, 2006; Kelekina, 2009: 95-98. 22 Gökce, Isik & Degirmencioglu, 2013. 23 Reade, 2018; as was illustrated in Urartian warfare (Dezső, Niederreiter & Bodnár, 2021) and on ivory plaques from Ziwiye (Amelirad, 2019). 24 Even though some argue for knowledge of riding as early as 3500 BC, the actual cavalry appeared in the early last milenium BCE which deprives the opinions of actual riding in 4th millenium BCE of the historical relevance. 25 Nadali, 2018;2019. 26 Nadali, 2019. Page | 129 the left hip, the devices developed by the steppe dwellers archetypal associated with the ancient mounted archery.27 Instead, the Assyrians used typical Mesopotamian bows with single curvature and the quivers carried on the shoulder.28 Both the horse archers and lancers were armoured in the 7th century, wearing lamellar corselets and conical helmets, often riding protected horses.29 The lancers employed no shields. It is possible that the riders were trained to perform both functions depending on tactical necessity. The relief of Ashurbanipal depicting crushing defeat of Elamites by the battle of Tuba shows horse archers and lancers cooperating on tactical level in what seems rather pairs of lancer and archer than separate units. The lancers carry archery equipment, however other reliefs do not confirm such exchangeability.30 Neo-Assyrian infantry was not less remarkable. Again, the main condition of success was cooperation between different troop types as the missile troops were always accompanying those designed for hand-to-hand combat.31 Seventh century Assyrian infantry wore at least helmets but armours were very frequent. Most common were lamellar corselets but the discs covering crucial area of central rib cage were also frequent.32 Armour allowed reduction of losses, increase of morale but in the reliefs it also marks Assyrians from the foe who is usually inferior in equipment. This could be part of propagandistic message but might also arise from actual situation where armour saturation in Assyrian Army could be much higher than among neighbouring nations. Regardless of armour type, Neo-Assyrian army of the 7th century BCE included several types of heavy infantry differentiated by the shield types. Most remarkable are the bearers of the large shields in shape of letter U turned upside down.33 These were formed in deep half-pipe creating a kind of small tower in front of the soldier. These heavy covers were often placed on the ground but were light enough to be carried single handed and lifted against high attacks or covering man behind. These soldiers used spears but were almost always paired with unarmored archers, occasionally additional armoured spearman teamed up. The ‘shield-wall’ packed with spear heads from behind of which the opponent was showered with arrows must have been remarkable obstacle of great tactical efficiency. The other type of heavy infantry were the spearmen carrying large round, deeply domed shields. 27 Chugunov, 2013; Chugunov, Rjabkova & Simpson, 2019; Cunliffe, 2019: 85-110; Karasulas, 2009: 7-12, 18-27; Simpson, 2017. 28 Dezső, 2012b: 23-38; Healy, 1991: 8-23; Poisel, 2009; Nadali, 2019. 29 Barron, 2010: 147-201; De Backer, 2011-2012; Stepanova, 2012; Nadali, 2018; 2019. 30 Dezső, 2012b: 22-23; Healy, 1991: :8-23; Poisel, 2009. 31 Dezső, 2012b: 13-24; Healy, 1991: 8-23. 32 Barron, 2010: 147-178; De Backer, 2011-2012; 2012. 33 De Backer, 2013; Nadali, 2019. Page | 130 Fig. 1. Relief from the Palace of Ashurbanipal in Nineveh (after Place, 1867: pl. 59; https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.3706#0075) Fig. 2. Relief from the Palace of Ashurbanipal in Nineveh (after Place, 1867: pl. 60; https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.3706#0076) Page | 131 Fig. 3. Relief from the Palace of Ashurbanipal in Nineveh (after Place, 1867: pl. 61; https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.3706#0077) The light infantry consisted of unarmored archers, javelin-men and slingers who either swarmed at the flanks of the heavy infantry lines, or stood just behind and were shooting from behind cover provided by the heavier troops. It must be noted that the armoured troops are sometimes depicted using slings and far more often shooting from the bows. Page | 132 Campaigns of Sennacherib and Medes In 702 Sennacherib (705-681) undertook an expedition against the Zagros kingdom of Ellipi.34 According to his inscription the Assyrian king received tribute from “the distant Medes, of whose land none of the kings, my ancestors, had heard mention. (Thus) I made them bow down to my yoke.”35 It’s seems, that the “distant” (ru-qu-ú-ti) Medes living outside of the Assyrian provincial administration.36 Just four years after his ascension as king, Sennacherib attacked westwards against the fortified cities of Judah in c. 701. The Assyrian army captured a number of cities, however Jerusalem, though besieged, was not to be captured.37 Sennacherib undertook military action against Babylonia and Elam.38 In 703 Marduk-apla-iddina II returned from Elam and ignited rebellion in Babylonia. Contrary to him, Aššurnādin-šumi (702-694) Sennacherib’s son, was appointed by his father as the king of Babylon.39 In sometime 694 Elamite king Hallušu-Inšušinak (699-693)40 by attacking into Babylon and capturing Aššurnādin-šumi, who was probably executed in Elam.41 Sennacherib however, himself retaliated successfully by defeating a combined Elamite-Babylonian army.42 Following this defeat, Babylon in c. 692 struck a new anti-Assyrian alliance with Elam and the Parsua (Parsuash).43 In 691 the Assyrians fought a heated battle against the allied forces at the city Ḫalule.44 In 689 Sennacherib decided to destroy the city of Babylon, while Babylonia was annexed to Assyria as an ordinary province.45 Campaigns of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal into Iran and the Rise of the Mede kingdom The Assyrians were now facing a new military threat, as the king of the invading Scythians, Išpakaia, had forged a military pact with the Mannaeans resident in northwest Iran’s Lake Urmia region. In response, the Assyrian king Sennacherib turned the city of Elenzaš (in the Ellipi territory) into a stronghold; Grayson & Novotny, 2014: 79 (15b-17a) “I took the city Elenzaš as a fortress for that district, (and then) I changed its (former) name and called it Kār-Sennacherib. I settled therein the people of the lands that I had conquered. I placed (it) under the authority of the governor of the city Ḫarḫar.” 35 Grayson & Novotny, 2014: 79 (17b). 36 Helm, 1981: 59; Radner, 2003: 58. 37 Kalimi & Richardson, 2014; Kim, 2018. 38 On the chronology of the years 704-689, see Levine, 1982; Elayi, 2018. 39 Grayson & Novotny, 2014: 48 (5); 81 (33-34a). 40 Weisberg, 1984. 41 The Babylonians handed Aššur-nādin-šumi over to the Elamites, see Parpola, 1972. 42 Levine, 1982: 41. 43 A province of the Assyrian empire during the reing of Sargon II (Hansman, 1972: 107, n. 49); on the location of Parsua, in Levine, 1974: 105-113; Farrokh, 2007: 25. 44 Grayson & Novotny, 2014: 315 (34b-37a). 45 Levavi, 2021 with further references. 34 Page | 133 Esarhaddon (680-669) launched a new series of attacks into Iran. The Assyrian army scored successes by defeating Išpakaia’s Scythian-Mannaean force (c. 675),46 followed by another successful military campaign in which Assyrian armies invaded the country of Patušarri,47 which also led to the capture of two Mede leaders. Esarhaddon deported the inhabitants to the Assyria48: “(As for) the land Patušarri, a district in the area of the salt desert, which is in the midst of the land of the distant Medes, borders Mount Bikni, the lapis lazuli mountain, (and) upon the soil of whose land none of the kings, my ancestors, had walked – I carried off to Assyria Šidir-parna (and) E-parna, mighty chieftains, who were not submissive to (my) yoke, together with their people, their riding horses, oxen, sheep and goats, donkeys, (and) Bactrian camels, their heavy plunder.” Before 672, the Median city lords of Partakka, Partukka and Urakazabarna requesting Esarhaddon’s protection and alliance49: “(As for) Uppis, chieftain of the city Partakka, Zanasana, chieftain of the city Partukka, (and) Ramateia, chieftain of the city Urakazabarna, Medes whose country is remote (and) who had not crossed the boundary of Assyria nor trodden on its soil in the time of the kings, my ancestors – the awe some fear of the god Aššur, my lord, overwhelmed them and they brought to Nineveh, my capital city, large thoroughbreds (and blocks of) lapis lazuli, hewn from its mountain, and they kissed my feet. Because of the chieftains who had threatened them, they implored my lordship and begged me for help. I sent my officials, the governors of the boundary areas of their land, with them and they trampled the people living in those cities and made (them) bow down at their feet. I imposed the tribute (and) payment of my lordship upon them yearly.” In 672, a treaty was concluded with the Median chiefs, guaranteeing their loyalty and the security of their possessions, of which the one with Ramataia of Urakazabarna is extant.50 It’s seem, that the result of this treaty was the presence of an armed Median corps at the Assyrian court, as protectors of the crown prince’s 46 Leichty & Frame, 2011: 29-30 (ii 20-23). Most likely an Assyrian reference to territories bordering the Dasht-e Kavir; For location of Patušarra see Medvedskaya, 1992: 78; Dandamayev & Medvedskaya, 2006. 48 Leichty & Frame, 2011: 32 (iii 53-61); On the deportation of indigenous populations from the Iranian Zagros, see MacGinnis, 2020: 48-50; Vér, 2020: 221-223. 49 Leichty & Frame, 2011: 32 (iv 1-20). 50 Wiseman, 1958; the disscusion in Helm, 1981: 57-59; see Liverani, 1995; Scurlock, 2012. 47 Page | 134 body.51 It’s also possible that they were the contingent troops of the crown prince’s army corps.52 Esarhaddon’s victories led him to forge a military alliance with the new king of the Scythians, Bartatua. While the exact chronology of these events remains to be fully ascertained, it is generally agreed that by the early 670s, Bartatua and the Scythians were now supporting the Assyrian army in their on-going operations against the Medes. 53 The last mention of the Medes in the Assyrian sources is the information about the battle (probably in 656)54 of the new king Ashurbanipal (668-c. 630) against three Median city lords55: “At that time Birišatri, a chieftain of the Medes, Šarati, Pariḫia, sons of Gagi, chieftain of the land of Saḫi, who had thrown off the yoke of my dominion – 75 of their strong cities I captured and carried off their spoil. Them I seized alive with my own hands and brought to Nineveh, my royal city.” According to the Babylonian Fall of Nineveh Chronicle Cyaxares (Umakištar), a leader of the Median army, who sacked Assur, and formed an alliance with the Babylonian king Nabopolassar (626-605) in 61456: “They went along [the T]igris and encamped against Baltil (Ashur). They did battle against the city and […] destroyed … [The king of A]kkad and his army, who had gone to help the Medes, did not reach the battle (in time). [The king of Akka]d and C[yax]ares (the king of the Medes)57 met one another by the city 51 Helm, 1981: 59-62. Lanfranchi, 1998: 107-109. 53 “If Esarhaddon gives him a daughter of the king in marriage, will Bartatua, king of the Scythians, truthfully speak with [Esarhaddon, king of Assyria], true and reliable words of peace? Will he guard the treaty of [Esarhaddon, king of Assyria?] Will he do [whatever] is pleasing to Esarhaddon, king of Assyria?”, SAA 4 20, cf. Daneshmand, 2017: 17. 54 Radner, 2003: 62. 55 Luckenbill, 1927: 328 (854). 56 Grayson, 2000: 93 (26-30). 57 Hilary Gopnik (2017: 48) suggests that maybe he wasn’t the king, but the Median bēl-ālāni: “Although one line in the chronicle (l. 38) refers to ‘the king of the Umman-manda’ (an archaic name for powers from the east) seemingly in reference to Umakištar, Umakištar himself is never directly called the king of the Medes.”; but according to the texts of Eḫulḫul-Cylinder, Astyages was the king (Schaudig, 2001: 416-417, lines 15-29): “In the beginning of my everlasting reign they (Marduk and Sin) caused me to see a dream. Marduk, the great lord, and Sin, the luminary of heaven and the underworld, were standing together. Marduk spoke to me: ‘Nabonidus, king of Babylon, carry bricks on your horses, build the Eḫulḫul and establish the dwelling of Sin, the great lord, in its midst’. Reverently I spoke to the Enlil of the gods, Marduk: ‘(but) that temple which you told (me) to build, the Ummān-Manda surrounds it, and his might is excessive’. But Marduk spoke to me: ‘The Ummān-Manda whom you mentioned, he, his country and the kings who march at his side will cease to exist.’ (And indeed), wen the third year arrived, they (Marduk and Sin) had Cyrus, king of Anšan, his young servant,arise against him (the UmmānManda). He scattered the large (armies) of the Ummān-Manda with his small army. He captured Astyages, 52 Page | 135 (and) together they made an entente cordiale. [... Cyaxa]res and his army went home.” In 612 the Medes, led by Cyaxares, and the army of Nabopolassar brutally sacked Nineveh, Assyria’s capital.58 In the Babylonian sources the Medes were mentioned only once, in the sixth year of Nabonidus’s reign (c. 550). According to the Nabonidus Chronicle the Median king Astyages (Ištumegu), was occupied dealing with a military coup, allowing Cyrus, king of Anšan, to loot the Median royal city at Ecbatana.59 The reconstruction of the establishment of Median empire, is a difficult and uncertain affair. There are two main historical sources for the history of Median kingdom: the contemporary accounts of the Assyrian Empire (the mentioned above Assyrian sources and the Babylonian texts), and the informations given by Herodotus60 and Ctesias.61 According to Herodotus the Medes were united by the lawgiver Deioces, son of Phraortes.62 The founder of the Median dynasty ordered a capital to be built, was called Hagmatāna.63 After Deioces’s death, his son Phraortes (647-625) inherited the throne. Phraortes subjugated the Persians and began to conquer other nations of Asia, but was militarily defeated by the Assyrian army, with Phraortes having been killed in battle.64 Herodotus wrote that Phraortes’ successor, Cyaxares (625-585), reorganized the Median army65: “He [Cyaxares] is said to have been a much greater soldier than his ancestors: it was he who first organized the men of Asia in companies and posted each arm the king of the Ummān-Manda, and took him to his country as captive.” (english c.f. Rollinger, 2020: 206), see also Harrān-Cylinder (Schaudig, 2001: 473 lines 7-17). 58 Grayson, 2000: 94 (40-45); Reade, 2003. 59 Grayson, 2000: 106 (1-4): “[The sixth year] mustered (his army) and marched against Cyrus, king of Anšan, for conquest [...] The army rebelled against Astyages and he was taken prisoner. Th[ey handed him over] to Cyrus. ([...]) Cyrus <marched> to Ecbatana, the royal city. The silver, gold, goods, property, [...] which he carried off as booty (from) Ecbatana, he took to Anšan. The goods (and) property of the army of [...].” 60 Hdt. 1.96.1-1.130.3. On the chronological problems of the Median dynasty in Herodotus’s Histories, see Medvedskaya, 2004; Dandamayev & Medvedskaya, 2006; see also Rollinger, 2010; Zournatzi, 2013. 61 Ctesias’ book Persica is lost, but we know of its contents by later compilations and from the work of Diodorus Siculus; Llewellyn-Jones, 2009: 1-87; Wiesehöfer, Rollinger & Lanfranchi, 2011. 62 Hdt. 1.96.1-1.98.1; Hdt. 1.101.1. 63 Hdt. 1.98.2-1.99.1; see Gufler, 2016. 64 Hdt. 1.102.2: “until he marched against the Assyrians ... who held Ninus ... Marching against these Assyrians, then, Phraortes and most of his army perished”; According to Reade (2003: 151) “A plausible reason for this invasion, if it really happened, would be that Nabopolassar had hired the Medes as alies.” 65 Hdt. 1.103.1. Page | 136 apart, the spearmen and archers and cavalry: before this they were all mingled together in confusion.” According to Herodotus he conquered all Asia beyond the Halys river,66 and marched against the Assyria,67 but invading Scythians led by Madyes, launched a decisive offensive in support of the Assyrians to then inflict a comprehensive defeat upon the Medes.68 After 28 years69 Cyaxares disposed of his Scythian overlords, and capturing Nineveh.70 The last king of the Median ‘Empire’ was Cyaxares’ Astyages son (585-550). According to Herodotus, Cyrus, being a grandson of Astyages71 and his vassal, rose in rebellion against him.72 A Median nobleman Harpagos organized a plot against Astyages,73 and during a battle he defected with a large part of the troops to the Cyrus’s side.74 Then Astyages himself commanded the army in the second battle, but the Medes were defeated, and their king was taken prisoner.75 Hdt. 1.103.2: “This was the king who fought against the Lydians when the day was turned to night in the battle, and who united under his dominion all of Asia that is beyond the river Halys”. 67 Hdt. 1.103.2: “Collecting all his subjects, he marched against Ninus, wanting to avenge his father and to destroy the city.” see Medvedskaya, 2004: 97-98. 68 Hdt. 1.103.3-1.104.2: “He defeated the Assyrians in battle; but while he was besieging their city, a great army of Scythians came down upon him, led by their king Madyes son of Protothyes. They had invaded Asia after they had driven the Cimmerians out of Europe: pursuing them in their flight, the Scythians came to the Median country ... the Medes met the Scythians, who defeated them in battle, deprived them of their rule, and made themselves masters of all Asia.” This report contradicts the evidence of the oriental sources; see analysis of Diakonoff (1985: 117-118) and Anderson (2016: 8). 69 According to Herodotus (1.106.1-2) Scythian overlordship of the Medes lasted 28 years, however Pompeius Trogus (Just. II 5.1-7) reports a period of just eight years. 70 Hdt. 1.106.1-2: “the Medes took back their empire and all that they had formerly possessed; and they took Ninus”. This is confirmed by the Fall of Nineveh Chronicle. 71 Hdt. 1.107.1-1.108.3; Similarly by Xenophon (Cyrop. 1.2.1): “His mother, it is generally agreed, was Mandane; and this Mandane was the daughter of Astyages, sometime king of the Medes”; see also Xen. Cyrop. 1.3.1-1.4.1; According Ctesias Cyrus was neither the grandson of Astyages nor even an Achaemenid but rather a man from the nomad tribe of Mardi (Nicolas of Damascus, F8d*, 9); The Babylonian sources don’t mention on the kinship relations; see also Zournatzi, 2013. 72 Hdt. 1.125.1-1.127.2; Xenophon (Cyrop. 8.5.17-19) reported that the reigning Median king was not Astyages but his son Cyaxares, whose daughter was married to Cyrus, with the Median kingdom being a dowry. 73 Hdt. 1.123.2: “Even before this the following had been done by him [Harpagus]: since Astyages was harsh toward the Medes, he associated with each of the chief Medes and persuaded them to make Cyrus their leader and depose Astyages.”; Ctesias (Nicolas of Damascus, F8d*, 14) claims that the initiator of the plot was a Persian named Oebaras; According to Xenophon (Xen. Cyrop. 1.1.4) Cyrus: “became the leader of the Medes by their full consent”. 74 Hdt. 1.127.2-3: “Astyages armed all his Medes ... and appointed him [Harpagus] to command the army. So when the Medes marched out and engaged with the Persians, those who were not in on the plan fought, while others deserted to the enemy, and most were deliberate cowards and ran.”; In Ctesias’ version (Nicolas of Damascus, F8d*, 32-34) the first battle resulted in a complete victory for Astyages. 75 Hdt. 1.128.2-3: “then him [Astyages] armed the Medes who were left in the city, the very young and very old men. Leading these out, and engaging the Persians, he was beaten: Astyages himself was taken prisoner, and lost the Median army which he led.” ; According to Ctesias (Nicolas of Damascus, F8d*, 35-38) in the second battle, near Pasargadae, Cyrus’ army routed the Medes. 66 Page | 137 Despite the fact that the Medikos Logos given by Herodotus, raises a lot of controversy,76 there is no doubt that Cyaxares conquered Assyria at the head of a Median army. Of course, in research on the Median history, especially in the early period, it is important to consider whether it was the realm of the Medes truly existed, or it was “a short-lived confederation of Zagrosian polities, which were united to fight the Neo-Assyrian empire and broke up after defeating the enemy”.77 Conclusions The Median military forces remain possibly more obscure than the political organisation of this ethnos. Because the horses were the tribute imposed on the Medians and in later times the region was also famed for horse breeding, it is justified to believe the significant role of cavalry in Median forces. It seems impossible however to reconstruct the ratio of infantry to cavalry, the tactics, armament, organisation, way of command or type of recruitment. Despite the clues allowing to determine important role of horse troops, it is unlikely that the Medians could represent Scythian type of warfare.78 It is clear that they were sedentary population, therefore the horses were bred by them very different way than by the nomads who travelled with their flocks and the horses were working animals of the basic necessity. Such situation is impossible among sedentary agriculturalists toiling the soil, as such a lifestyle could not support all cavalry armies consisting of all male and often female members of the tribe.79 Similarly identification of the personages in tunics and trousers on the reliefs of Persepolis as the Medes is far from convincing. In Greek iconography of the 5th century BCE such clothes are worn by all Iranians80 and this is confirmed by various iconographic material from Persian Empire with the examples ranging from Tatarli wooden beams81 to Erebuni rhyton,82 Bactrian silver bowl and terracotta figurines.83 There does not seem to be anything specifically Median about the dress, just as the ‘Persian’ or ‘Elamite’ dress does not seem to have ethnic denomination, being rather sign of prestige or representation of power. Even if the Medes were to adopt such grab earlier, it is impossible to determine when would that be and whether in 7th century such adoption would have already taken place.84 On the discussion see also Helm, 1981; Sancisi-Weerdenburg, 1988; Wiesehöfer, 2003, 2004; Tulpin, 2004; Waters, 2005; Radner, 2013; Gopnik, 2017; Balatti, 2017; Rossi, 2017; Rollinger, 2020. 77 Degen & Rollinger, 2020: 273. 78 Chernenko, 1981; 1983; Karasulas, 2009: 7-10; Chugunov, 2013; Chugunov, Rjabkova & Simpson, 2019; Cunliffe, 2019. 79 Woźniak, 2010: 40-42; Head, 1992; Sekunda, 1992. 80 Woźniak, 2010: 75; Boardman, 2001; Tuplin, 2020. 81 Summerer, 2007. 82 Treister, 2015. 83 Stronach, 2009. 84 Gorelik, 1982; Baughan, 2008; Ma, 2008; Briant, 2020. 76 Page | 138 Clearly Median art of war must have went through considerable development but virtually no details of this process are known except that from the easy victims of Assyrian punitive expeditions focused rather on fleeing their persecutors, they turned to one of the forces which destroyed Neo-Assyrian empire. Adoption of the Scythian grab is naturally possible in course of the 8th century but that seems part of the wider process not limited to the Medians only. The fact that both Assyrians and Babylonians refrained from copying these solutions proves only that they were confident in efficiency of their military technology and the Medes attempted to imitate the ‘second best’, the solutions which proved very efficient but required less expenses and less of the tactical finesse of the Neo-Assyrian army. Something that was possible to recreate only for the Achaemenids. The clash of the Neo-Assyrian Empire with the Medes marked an extremely important moment in the history of the Near East, unless one of the pivotal historical events which changed the whole region for centuries and laid foundation for the shape of the world. Strangely, these events are depicted one sided, from Assyrian point of view and later were incorporated into imperial legend of the Achaemenids. 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Wiesehöfer, J., Rollinger, R., Lanfranchi, G. (eds.) (2011) Ktesias’ Welt. Ctesias’ World. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Woźniak, M.A. (2010) Armie starożytnej Persji. Od powstania państwa Achemenidów do upadku imperium sasanidzkiego. Zabrze: INFORTeditions. Young, T.C. (1988) ‘The Early History of the Medes and the Persians and the Achaemenid Empire to the Death of Cambyses’, in The Cambridge ancient history. Vol. 4: Persia, Greece and the Western Mediterranean, c. 525 to 479 B.C., ed. J. Boardman, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1-52. Zournatzi, A. (2013) ‘The Median Logos of Herodotus and the Persians’ Legitimate Rule of Asia’, Iranica Antiqua 48: 221-252. https://doi.org/10.2143/IA.48.0.2184701 To cite this article: Farrokh, K., Maksymiuk, K., Skupniewicz, P., Fathi, S. (2022). An Overview of Military Confrontations between of the Assyrian Army against the Medes in the 7th centuries BCE. Historia i Świat 11, 125-144, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.07 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 144 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Katarzyna MAKSYMIUK (Siedlce University, Poland) Parviz HOSSEIN TALAEE (Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Iran) Consequences of the Battle of Satala (298) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.08 Abstract: The priority for the Sasanid rulers was to eliminate from the throne of Armenia, the Parthian Arsacid dynasty, linked by blood ties to the formerly abolished Iranian ruling dynasty. In 298, the Battle of Satala took place in Armenia, in which the Roman army commanded by Caesar Galerius won a crushing victory over the Sassanian troops headed by King Narseh. The Romans captured huge amounts of booty and captured the Persian royal family. The campaign ended with a peace treaty very favourable to Rome, in which Narseh renounced Trans-Tigritania, pledged non-intervention in Armenia, and recognised the Roman protectorate in Iberia. The revision of the so-called Treaty of Nisibis was the foundation of the Persian-Roman wars in the 4th century carried out by Shapur II. In this study, it is aimed to give information about the effect of the Battle of Satala on the beginning of the Persian-Roman wars in the 4th century and its results. Key words: Sasanians, Iran, Rome, Armenia, Wars, Satala, Narseh, Diocletian, Nisibis, Shapur II, Peace Treaty Introduction The strongest bastion of resistance against the Sasanian dynasty was Armenia, whose kings were tied with the Arsacid rulers by blood.1 After the battle on the plain of Hormzdagān (224), in defense of the Parthian royal house stood the Arsacids of Armenia, the Parthian clan of Kārin, and the countries of Media Atropatene, Albania, and Iberia.2 Armenia was conquered by the Sasanian forces only in 252/253,3 and Shapur I (242-272) gave the title of wuzurg šāh Arminān to HormizdArdashir, his eldest son.4 In order to prevent a Roman intervention in support of  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8709-0333. [email protected]; Institute of History. The results of the research carried out under the research theme No. 107/20/B were financed from the science grant granted by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8846-9617. [email protected] Dąbrowa, 2018: 77-80. Cass. Dio 80.3.3; Zonar. 12.15; Agathangelos 1.19; Moses Khorenatsʿi 2.71. 3 Disscusion in Hartmann, 2006: 106, note 5. 4 ŠKZ 23/18/41: Ohrmezd Ardašīr vuzurg šāh Arminān/ Ohrmezd Ardašīr vuzurg šāh Arminīn / Ὁρμισδαρταξιρ τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως Ἀρμενίας ‘Hormizd-Ardashir, great king of Armenia’. 1 2 Page | 145 the Arsacids in Armenia, Shapur attacked Syria and Cappadocia. The military actions of the Persian army consisted of three individual actions: the attack on Syria in 253, the attack on Cappadocia in 253, and the attack on Dura and Circesium in 256.5 In 260, the direct clash of the Persian king with the Emperor ended with the defeat of Valerian (253-260) in the battle of Edessa.6 Shapur I with his victorious campaigns against Rome, not only secured Sasanian power in Armenia, but strengthened its influence in the lands of the Caucasus.7 In the late 3rd century CE, the restoration of influence in Armenia became a priority in the eastern policy of the Roman empire. In 283, Roman emperor Carus (282-283) conquered Ctesiphon,8 but this success was annulled by the victory of Sasanian king Wahram II (276-293) in northern Mesopotamia.9 In 290, emperor Diocletian (284-305) was to introduce Trdat of the Arsacid dynasty to the Armenian throne.10 This situation would lead to weakening of the position of the šāh Arminān Narseh (272-293) the youngest son of Shapur I, who ruled Persarmenia (Armenia Maior) after his father’s death.11 Although Agathangelos testified that the Sasanians were forced out of Armenia,12 however, following the great Paikuli inscription describing the events of 293 it must be assumed that Narseh retained the power.13 The coronation of Wahram III in 293, which, against established rules of succession resulted in the mutiny of the aristocracy in course of which the power in Ērānšahr took over Narseh (293-302).14 What’s interesting, the Paikuli inscription names the Roman emperor in the list of the rulers sending regards to the new Sasanian king.15 The Battle of Satala In 296, taking advantage of Diocletian’s engagement in Egypt, šāhān šāh Narseh attacked Roman Armenia and Syria.16 The army dispatched against him, commanded by caesar Galerius, was crushed by the Iranian forces between Carrhae 5 Kettenhofen, 1982: 79-83; Mosig-Walburg, 2009: 43-44. ŠKZ 14-15/11/24-25; Eutr. 9.7; Fest. 23; Lactant. De mort. pers. 7.13; Goltz & Hartmann, 2008. 7 The king of Iberia is mentioned in the ŠKZ 31/25/60: (H)amāzāsp Wiruzān šāh / (H)amāzāsp Wiržān šāh / Ἀμαζάσπου τοῦ βασιλέως τῆς Ἰβηρίας ‘Hamazāsp, king of Georgia’; Stickler, 2021. 8 Eutr. 9.18; Fest. 24; Moses Khorenatsʿi 2.79; Winter, 1988: 130-137. 9 Felix, 1985: 100-102. 10 Moses Khorenatsʿi 2.82; Agathangelos 3.18; Winter, 1988: 141-142; see Kettenhofen, 1995: 48-55. 11 The date cannot be precisely specified, when Narseh became King of the Armenians; Weber, 2012: 153; Cereti, 2021: 69-70. 12 Agathangelos 3.21. 13 Kettenhofen, 2008: 484-490; Weber & Wiesehöfer, 2010: 103-105. 14 Agath. 4.24. 6-8. Weber, 2010: 353-394; Cereti, 2021: 71-72. 15 NPi 3.1, sec. 91, pārsīg: APn kysly W hlwm’|[dyk?] PWN l’pyklyhy W ’št|[yhy] W ’lmy YKOY[M]WN[d]; pahlav: [ …] | W ’štpy W šyrkmkpy | HQAYMWnt ‘and Caesar and the Romans were in gratitude (?) and peace and friendship with me’. 16 Amm. Marc. 23.5.11; Eutr. 9.22; Moses Khorenatsʿi 2.79-82; Zonar. 12.31; on the aims of Narseh see Jackson Bonner, 2020: 62. 6 Page | 146 and Callinicum.17 The Narseh’s army then retreated to the southwest border of Armenia.18 Diocletian went to Antioch in 298,19 at the same time ordering Galerius to call up frontier troops from Dacia, Illyricum and Moesia, and, presumably, mustering also a Gothic contingent.20 Once the Romans had regrouped, Diocletian with the core of the army moved from Syria to northern Mesopotamia, while the newly recruited army under command of Galerius headed for Satala, the garrison town on the Cappadocian region limes. The maneuver aimed in launching an attack on Mesopotamia from the north. Galerius’ army unexpectedly encountered Narseh’s camp at Osḫa in the Basean region, not far from Satala.21 The Roman sources do not describe the course of the battle in detail, being limited to information about seizing the harem and the royal treasury, a great victory, and inglorious escape of Narseh. The account in Festus’ Breviarium is an exception here. “Arriving in Greater Armenia, the commander himself, along with two cavalrymen, reconnoitred the enemy. He suddenly came upon the enemy camp with twenty five thousand troops and, attacking the countless columns of the Persians, he cut them down in a massacre.” (Fest. 25; trans. M.H. Dodgeon) A description of the actions of Galerius is provided by the Armenian text: “He left his own army around the city of Satał and personally selected two leading wise men from the Armenian army, namely Aršawir and Andovk … And so, disguised as a peasant selling cabbages, the emperor went in person together with them into the Persian camp. As the camp of the Persian king was pitched in the district of Basean in the village called Osχay, they went and entered into it, observed, examined, and reckoned the size and strength of its forces and returned from it to their own camp, prepared and made ready. [Then] they marched forth and found the camp of the Persian king pitched in the very same place in idle, unconcerned, and unwary tranquility. They attacked the Persian king at daybreak, put the entire camp to the sword, and left not a single man alive. They sacked and pillaged the camp and captured the king’s wives, the [chief] queen [bambišn], and the ladies accompanying them, together with their furnishings and possessions, and took into captivity their women, treasures, provisions, and supplies. But the king alone managed to escape…” (the Epic Histories 3.21; trans. N. Garsoïan) 17 Oros. 7.25.9; Eutr. 9.24; Aur. Vict. Caes. 39.33-34. Amm. Marc. 23.5.11. 19 Malal. 13.6. 20 Fest. 25; Eutr. 9.25; Jord. Get. 21; Oros. 7.25.9-11. 21 the Epic Histories 3.21; Aur. Vict. Caes. 39.34; Eutr. 9.25; Lactant. De mort. pers. 9.6; Zuckerman, 1993; Leadbetter, 2002; Mosig-Walburg, 2009: 91-121; Maksymiuk, 2015: 48-49. 18 Page | 147 Taking into consideration the above accounts, it can be assumed that the Armenian naxarars, who provided intelligence information, played a major role in Galerius’ success, but it is not possible to reconstruct the actual course of the battle. The Peace of 298 “After he had recovered from his wound, Narses sent delegations to Diocletian and Gallerius, asking that his children and wives be returned to him and that a peace treaty be made”. (Zonar. 12.31; trans. T. Banchich & E. Lane) The terms of the treaty (called the Treaty of Nisibis)22 was a result of peace negotiations which were led from the Iranian side by hazāruft Affarbān, the commander of elite forces and Diocletian’s magister memoriae, Sicorius Probus.23 According to summary of its content by Peter the Patrician, Narseh withdrew from Armenia and renounced his claim to the Trans-Tigritania and established Roman protectorate in Iberia.24 “The main points of the ambassador’s message were the following: that in the eastern region the Romans should receive Ingilēnē together with Sōphēnē,25 Arzanēnē together with Karduēnē and Zabdikēnē and that the river Tigris should be the boundary line between the two states, that the fortress of Zintha, which was located on the border of Media, should mark the border of Armenia, that the king of Ibēria should owe his royal status to the Romans, and that the city of Nisibis, which lies on the Tigris, should be the place of trade.” (Petrus Patricius, frag. 14; trans. B. Dignas & E. Winter). The Trans-Tigritania to be administered and ruled by the Armenian naxarars, whose loyalty towards the Empire was attested. “But influence over these lands gave Rome control over the approach to the Tigris River through the Anti-Taurus Mountain range, as well as access to the Bitlis Pass, and mastery of the great plain of Tur-ʻAbdin.”26 In addition to territorial changes, an economically crucial decision was taken regarding Nisibis. Diocletian enforced a clause in the treaty under which Nisibis was to be the only place of commercial exchange between the two states.27 22 According to Petrus Patricius (frag. 14) the peace was concluded near the Asproudis, a river in Media. Blockley, 1984: 29-36; Winter, 1989: 555-571. 24 Petrus Patricius, frag. 13-14; Amm. Marc. 25.7.9; Winter, 1988, 152-215; Dignas & Winter, 2007: 122-130; Mosig-Walburg, 2009: 122-157; on the diverging accounts of Peter the Patrician and Festus (14.25) and on the territorial clauses see Dignas & Winter, 2007: 126-128. 25 Yildirim, 2016. 26 Jackson Bonner, 2020: 64. 27 Winter, 1988: 192-199. 23 Page | 148 Fig. 1. Territorial changes due to the treaty of 298 (drawing by K. Maksymiuk) The Sasanian-Roman wars of 337-363 The terms of the treaty of 298 had been greatly to Ērānšahr’s disadvantage, and the Sasanian King would not long endure Roman influence over the northern Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Iberia. Adoption of Christianity in Armenia by Trdat during the early years of Shapur II’s (309-379), and the Constantine’s (306-337) religious policies resulted in tighten the teis the kingdom with Rome. 28 Probably c. 336, Shapur intervened in Armenia and succeeded in capturing Armenian King.29 In 337, the Shapur’s army invaded north Mesopotamia. Even though they defeated the Roman army in the vicinity of Singara (in 344 and 348) twice, despite several attempts Shapur was not able to achieve the main goal of his expedition, namely Nisibis (in 337, 346, 350), which still remained under the Roman control.30 Euseb. Hist. eccl. 9.8.2-4; Sozom. Hist. eccl. 2.8.1; Moses Khorenatsʿi 3.5; Kettenhofen, 2002: 45-104; Jackson Bonner, 2017: 97-98. 29 the Epic Histories 3.20; but Shapur agreed to the release of the royal family in 338. 30 Maksymiuk, 2018 with further references. 28 Page | 149 The invasion of nomadic invaders from Central Asia forced Shapur to pay attention to the East.31 The sudden break in the military operations in Mesopotamia in 350, and Shapur’s agreement to enthrone Arshak II (c. 350-364) in Armenia, show how serious a threat this was.32 Warfare with Rome was resumed in the spring of the year 359. Unexpectedly for the Roman army, Shapur attacked Amida.33 The city was captured after a 73-day siege, on October 4, 359.34 In the next year, Shapur captured two more Roman strongholds, Singara and Bezabde.35 The Persian expedition of Julian the Apostate (361-363) proved of utmost importance to the balance of power at the Sasanian-Roman border. After the conquest of strongholds in the southern Mesopotamia, the Roman army reached the walls of Ctesiphon, they were not able to capture the city itself.36 The campaign finished with the emperor’s death in the battle of Toummara on June 26, 363.37 The Peace of 363 Shapur dictated the terms of ignobili decreto (shameful treaty)38 to the new emperor.39 According to the treaty, Jovian (363-364) renounced his rights to the TransTigritania, including Singara, Castra Maurorum, Nisibis and fifteen other fortresses. This suggests that the river Nymphios was the border between the Roman and Sasanian empires. The treaty demanded the withdrawal of Rome’s backing for Armenian rulers.40 “Now the king ... required as our ransom five provinces on the far side of the Tigris: Arzanena, Moxoëna, and Zabdicena, as well as Rehimena and Corduena with fifteen fortresses, besides Nisibis, Singara and Castra Maurorum … To these conditions there was added … that … Arsaces, our steadfast and faithful friend should never, if he asked it, be given help against the Persians.” (Amm. Marc. 25.7.9-12; trans. J.C. Rolfe) 31 Amm. Marc. 14.3.1; 16.9.3; Jackson Bonner, 2017; While uncertain, it is possible that this was referring to the ruling clan of the Huns – Kidarites, a part of the Chionite tribes, see Payne, 2015: 284; Rezakhani, 2017: 87-93. 32 Howard-Johnston, 2010: 41-43. 33 Amm. Marc. 18.8.1. 34 Amm. Marc. 18.9.1-4; 19.1.1-9.9; Yildirim, 2012; Farrokh, Maksymiuk & Sánchez Gracia, 2018. 35 Amm. Marc. 20.6.1-9; 20.7.1-15; Maksymiuk, 2018. 36 Amm. Marc. 24.7.1-8.7; Zos. 3.25.5-7; Mosig-Walburg, 2009: 283-304, 76-105; Woods, 2020. 37 Amm. Marc. 25.3.1-8; Zos. 3.29.1-4; contra Ṭabarī 842. 38 Amm. Marc., 25.7.13. 39 The Roman negotiators were Arintheus and Salutius, two officers among Jovian’s senior staff (Amm. Marc. 25.7.7). Shapur’s ambassador was a commander of Iranian army – a member of the Surēn clan (Amm. Marc. 25.7.5). 40 Amm. Marc. 25.7.9; 24.7.12; Fest. 29; Zos. 3.31.1-2; Eutr. 10.17; Blockley, 1984: 34-37; Seager, 1996; Dignas & Winter, 2007: 131-134; Mosig-Walburg, 2009: 305-324. Page | 150 Fig. 2. Territorial changes due to the treaty of 363 (drawing by K. Maksymiuk) Although Shapur took Nisibis, its residents were allowed to leave the city. The inhabitants of Singara were treated similarly.41 According to Ammianus Marcellinus the treaty of 363 was supposed to last for 30 years,42 but Joshua the Stylite wrote that the Persians would take possession of Nisibis for 120 years.43 Admittedly Shapur did not reconquer all the lands lost according to the the provisions of the peace treaty of 298, but the acquisition of four-fifths of the South Caucasus into the Iranian sphere of influence gave it a clear strategic advantage. Conclusions Roman propaganda greatly publicized the triumph over the Sasanian empire near Satala. All four members of the Tetrarchy were awarded the epithet of Persicus 41 Amm. Marc. 25.7.11. Amm. Marc. 25.7.14. 43 Yeshu‘Stylite 7; and Yeshu‘Stylite 18: “The taxes of Nisibis which you receive are enough for you, which for many years past have been due to the Romans” (trans. W. Wright) ; on the financial regulations in the Roman-Persian relations, see Maksymiuk, 2016. 42 Page | 151 Maximus,44 and Galerius erected a monumental arch in Thessaloniki.45 For the Romans the capture of Narseh’s family was the revenge for the capture of Valerian.46 In reality, of key importance were the provisions regarding the Trans-Tigritania and Armenia. It was a high priority of the Sasanian monarch in their Westward activities to eradicate the Arsacid dynasty in Armenia. The provisions of the ‘Treaty of Nisibis’ were greatly disadvantageous for Iran and the Sasanian court would not long endure Roman influence over Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Iberia. The stipulations of the treaty were providing constant impulse for western wars of Shapur II. It needs to be emphasized that only the division of Armenia between Iran and Rome at the end of the 4th century CE47 and imminent threat of Hunnic raids and invasions over the Caucasus Mountains,48 resulted in Ērānšahr suspending the western expansion and the frontier remained stable for another century. In the 363 peace made between the Persians and Rome, the arrival of the Huns and their possible military campaigns were effective. Bibliography Sources Agathangelos. History of the Armenians. tr. R.W. Thomson, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1976. Agathiae Myrinaei Historiarum libri quinque. tr. R. Keydell, Berlin: De Gruyter, 1967. Ammianus Marcellinus. History. ed. J.C. Rolfe, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982-1986. Aurelius Victor. Livre des Césars. tr. P. Dufraigne, Paris: Belles Lettres, 1975. Back, M. (1978) Die sassanidischen Staatsinschriften. 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(1985) Antike literarische Quellen zur Außenpolitik des Sasanidenstaates, I: 224–309. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Goltz, A., Hartmann, U. (2008) ‘Valerianus und Gallienus’, in Die Zeit der Soldatenkaiser: Krise und Transformation des Römischen Reiches im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (235-284), ed. K.P. Johne, Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 223-295. Greatrex, G. (2000) ‘The background and aftermath of the partition of Armenia in AD 387’, The Ancient History Bulletin14: 35-48. Hartmann, U. (2006) ‘Mareades–ein sasanidischer Quisling?’, in Erān ud Anērān: Studien zu den Beziehungen zwischen dem Sasanidenreich und der Mittelmeerwelt; Beiträge des internationalen Colloquiums in Eutin, 8. - 9. Juni 2000, eds. J. Wiesehöfer, Ph. Huyse, Stuttgart: Steiner, 105-142. Howard-Johnston, J. (2010) ‘The Sasanian Strategic Dilemma’, in Commutatio et contentio : studies in the Late Roman, Sasanian, and Early Islamic Near East: in memory of Zeev Rubin, eds. H. Börm, J. Wiesehöfer, Düsseldorf: Wellem, 37-69. Jackson Bonner, M.R. (2017) ‘A Brief Military History of the Later Reign of Šāpur II’, Historia i Świat 6: 97-105. Jackson Bonner, M.R. (2020) The Last Empire of Iran. Piscataway: Gorgias Press. Kettenhofen, E. (1982) Die römisch-persischen Kriege des 3. Jahrhunderts. n. Chr. Nach der Inschrift Sāhpuhrs I. an der Ka’be-ye Zartošt (ŠKZ). Wiesbaden: L. Reichert. Kettenhofen, E. (1995) Tirdād und die Inschrift von Paikuli : Kritik der Quellen zur Geschichte Armeniens im späten 3. und frühen 4. Jh. n. Chr.. Wiesbaden: L. Reichert. Kettenhofen, E. (2002) ‘Die Anfänge des Christentums in Armenien’, Handēs Amsōreay 116: 45-104. Kettenhofen, E. (2008), ‘Die kaukasischen Reiche’, in Die Zeit der Soldatenkaiser: Krise und Transformation des Römischen Reiches im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (235-284), ed. K.P. Johne, Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 475-500. Leadbetter, B. (2002) ‘Galerius and the Eastern Frontier’, in Limes XVIII : proceedings of the XVIIIth International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies held in Amman, Jordan (September 2000), ed. Ph. Freeman, Oxford: Archaeopress, 85-89. Page | 153 Maksymiuk, K. (2015) Geography of Roman-Iranian wars: military operations of Rome and Sasanian Iran. Siedlce: Siedlce University Press. Maksymiuk, K. (2016) ‘Die finanziellen Abrechnungen in den persisch-römischen Kriegen in den Zeiten der Sasaniden’, Historia i Świat 5: 149-157. Maksymiuk, K. (2018) ‘Strategic aims of Šāpur II during the campaign in northern Mesopotamia (359-360)’, Historia i Świat 7: 87-97. Mosig-Walburg, K. (2009) Römer und Perser: vom 3. Jahrhundert bis zum Jahr 363 n. Chr.. Gutenberg: Computus. Payne, R. (2015) ‘The Reinvention of Iran: The Sasanian Empire and the Huns’, in The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Attila, ed. M. Maas, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 282-299. Rezakhani, K. (2017) Reorienting the Sasanians: Eastern Iran in Late Antiquity. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Seager, R. (1996) ‘Ammianus and the Status of Armenia in the Peace of 363’, Chiron 26: 275-284. https://doi.org/10.34780/b66a-169w Stickler, T. (2021) ‘Armenien und Iberien zwischen Rom und Iran: wechselseitige Bezüge, parallele Entwicklungen’, Electrum 28: 189-206. https://doi.org/ 10.4467/20800909EL.21.013.13371 Weber, U. (2010) ‘Wahrām III., König der Könige von Ērān und Anērān’, Iranica Antiqua 45: 353-394. https://doi.org/10.2143/IA.45.0.2047126 Weber, U. (2012) ‘Narseh, König der Könige von Ērān und Anērān’, Iranica Antiqua 47: 153-302. https://doi.org/10.2143/IA.47.0.2141965 Weber, U., Wiesehöfer, J. (2010) ‘König Narsehs Herrschaftsverständnis’, in Commutatio et contentio: studies in the Late Roman, Sasanian, and Early Islamic Near East : in memory of Zeev Rubin, eds. H. Börm, J. Wiesehöfer, Düsseldorf: Wellem, 89-132. Winter, E. (1988) Die sasanidisch-römischen Friedensverträge des 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. - ein Beitrag zum Verständnis der aussenpolitischen Beziehungen zwischen den beiden Grossmächten. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang. Winter, E. (1989) ‘On the regulation of the Eastern frontier of the Roman empire in 298’, in The Eastern Frontier of the Roman Empire, eds. D. French, C.S. Lightfoot, Oxford: B.A.R, 555-571. Woods, D. (2020) ‘Hormisdas and the Romano-Persian Treaty of 363’, Mnemosyne 73.3: 501-509. https://doi.org/10.1163/1568525X-12342811 Yildirim, E. (2012) ’II. Şapur’un 359 Yılındaki Amida Kenti Kuşatmasında Roma ve Parth Ordularının Kullandıkları Silahlar [In 359 Sapor II Siege of the city of Amida, Roman and Parthian Armies Used Weapons]’, Uluslararası Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi 23: 455-475. [in Turkish] Yildirim, E. (2016) ‘Antik Yazarların Eserlerinde Sophene Bölgesi ile İlgili Anlatımlar [Sophene Region Related Expressions on the Works of Ancient Authors]’, Gazi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 3. 7: 51-73. [in Turkish] Zuckerman, C. (1993) ‘Les campagnes des tétrarques, 296-298. Notes de chronologie’, Antiquité Tardive 2.2: 65-70. https://doi.org/10.1484/J.AT.2.301153 To cite this article: Maksymiuk, K., Hossein Talaee, P. (2022). Consequences of the Battle of Satala (298). Historia i Świat 11, 145-154, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.08 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 154 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Henrik KHACHATRYAN (NAS RA, Yerevan, Armenia) The Northern kʻustak administrative units of the Sasanian Iran in 6th century CE https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.09 Abstract: In the 6th century CE, the Sasanian empire was divided into four administrative units already during the second reign of Kavad I, however, it was during the time of Khosrov Anushirvan that these regions were transformed into the military-administrative units – kʻustaks, where the administrative power belonged to the padgospan and the military to the spahbed. The northern kʻustak or kʻust-i-Kapkoh was included the marzpanates: Armenia (divided into the three military-administrative units – Tanutirakan gund, Vaspurakan gund, Syunikʻ), Georgia, Albania and the šahrs: Adharbādhakān, Gīlān, Dlmunkʻ, Zanjān, Ghazvīn, Ṭabaristān and Ray. This paper reviews the administrative of the northern kʻustak based on the Classical Armenian, Arabic and Persian primary sources. Key words: Sasanians, northern kʻustak, military-administrative units, Khosrov Anushirvan, Byzantine, the marzpanate of Armenia Introduction The Sasanian empire from 226 till the 651ss had different borders and administrative divisions. The history of Ēranšahr (Iran) in 6th century CE, can be described like a long period of the war against the Eastern Roman empire (Byzantine).1 During the reign of Khosrov I Anushirvan (531-579) son of the Kavad I (488-496, 498/499-531), Sasanian Iran became a centralized state. The reason was the tax and military-administrative reforms of the šāhān šāh. Earlier the military power in Iran belonged to the Erānspāhbed, who was the chief commander of the Iranian army. Realizing that how powerful was the Erānspāhbed, Khosrov Anushirvan eliminated the post of the chief commander of army and divided the military power between four spāhbeds.2 According to Ṭabarī it becomes clear that Khosrov Anushirvan having ascended the throne sent letters to the four pāygōspān, who were the rulers of each part  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8518-9564. [email protected]; Department of Medieval History at the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia. 1 Maksymiuk, 2015a; The Sasanian kings also forced against to Huns in the Transcaucasia and to the Hephthalites in the north-east of the Iran, see Pourshariati, 2008. 2 Ṭabarī 894; Maksymiuk, 2015b: 173-174. Page | 155 of Iran.3 The latest mention shows that the division of the country into the four sides was before Khosrov Anushirvan’s reign. That is, the šāhān šāh introduced a military reform in accordance with the existing administrative division and appointed four spahbeds in each of the parts.4 But it is possible that the king carried out some administrative changes, because he expanded the state borders. The sources reports that in the 6th century CE (rather in the first half), Sasanian Iran was divided into the four large military-administrative units kʻustaks. These were divided into lands (šahr) and districts (ōstān).5 These were the northern kʻustak (kust ï Ādurbādagān / arm. Kapkoh, the southern kʻustak (kust ī nēmrōz), the eastern kʻustak (kust ï xwarāsān) and the western kʻustak (kust ï xwarbārān).6 There are opinions that the number of kʻustaks was not four but five. According to the inscription (ŠKZ) of the šāhān šāh Shapur I (241-272) and the Ašxarhac‘oyc‘ (the Armenian geographical treatise) the state form of government was carried out by the principle the šāhān šāh and by four kings. That is, separately from the southern kʻustak there should have been the Vostan (ōstān) of the Sasanian king. The Vostan of the king should have been a separate administrative unit, which was mistakenly included in the southern kʻustak.7 Administrative division of the northern kʻustak The sequence of administrative units included in the northern kʻustak is given according to three primary sources. Although in the Shahnameh or in other Arabic sources there are references to the units included in the northern kʻustak, but they either repeat the main ones or are indefinite. Therefore, these three sources were taken as the basis. Ṭabarī 893. Pourshariati, 2008: 83-101. 5 See commentary of Hewsen (1992: 227). It should be noted, that all the land were not called šahrs, the borderlands were called marzpanates. 6 Ašxarhac‘oyc‘, 2157; Šahrestānīhā ī Ērānšahr, 13-16; Ṭabarī 893-894; Arab matenagirner 9.-10. Darer, 206-207, 437-438, 445-446, 449, 489-490, 514; The Shahnameh, 1047; The historicity of the kʻustaks as well as their military-administrative nature are confirmed by the Sasanian seals, which belong to the spahbeds of the kʻust-i Khorasan, kʻust-i Khwarbaran, kʻust-i Nimruz and kʻust-i Adurbadagan (Gyselen, 2007: 48; Daryaee & Safdari, 2010: 5-13; Khurshudian, 2015: 213-217). In this case Alison Vacca (2017: 66) noted, that the second seal treats Armenia as separate from kūst- ī Ādurbādakān. Since the seals do not explicitly define the province, they cannot be definitive proof of the veracity of the Šahrestānīhā ī Ērānšahr or Ašxarhac‘oyc‘. 7 ŠKZ 25-26/20-21/48-49: “Vahrām, king of Gēlān; and Šābuhr, king of Mesene; and Ohrmazdardašēr, great king of Armenia; and Narsē, king of Sakestān”; Ohanyan, 2021: 238-261. 3 4 Page | 156 According to the extensive recension of the Ašxarhac‘oyc‘, Kʻusti Kapkoh (the northern kʻustak) consisted of fourteen ašxarhs (šahrs).8 Քուստի Կապկոհ, որ է կողմն Կաւկասու լերանց, յորում են աշխարհ երեքտասան. Ատրպատական, Արմն (որ է) Հայք, Վարջան՝ որ է Վիրք, Ռան՝ որ է Աղուանք, Բալասական, Սիսական, Առէ, Գեղան, Շանճան, Դլմունք, Դմբաւանդ, Տապրըստան, Ռւան, Ամլ... “Kʻusti Kapkoh, which is the region of the Caucasian mountains, in which there are thirteen lands – Atrpatakan, Armn [which is] Armenia, Varjan which is Iberia (Georgia), Ṙan which is Albania (Ałuankʻ), Bałasakan, Sisakan, Aṙē, Gełan, Shanchan, Dlmunkʻ, Dmbawand, Taprĕstan, Ṙwan, Aml…” Arab historian Yakubi included into the northern kʻustak following lands:9 “Ṭabaristān, al-Rayy, Qazwīn, Zanjān, Qumm, Iṣbahān, Hamadhān, Nihāwand, al-Dīnawar, Ḥulwān, Māsabadhān, Mihrajan-qadhaq, Shahrazūr, al-Ṣāmaghān, and Ādharbayjān”. Another Arab historian Ibn Khordadbeh included following lands:10 “Armenia, Adharbādhakān (Azerbaijan), Rayy, Damāwand, Shalanba, Ṭabaristān, Rūyān, Amul, Sārya, Shalush, al-Lāriza, al-Shirgh (Shiriz), Ṭamīs, Dihistān, al-Qalab (Kalār), Jīlān, Badashwārjar,11 al-Babr, al-Ṭaylasān, al-Khazar, al-Lān and al-Ṣaqālib”. The order of the territories is given by the aforementioned sources, giving preference to the Armenian source in terms of reliability:  ‘Atrpatakan’ – has been known since ancient sources, so the localization is clear. Its capital, the city of Gandzak Shahastan, was the center of the northern kʻustak, which was known under the name of kust-ī Ādurbādagān.12  ‘Armenia’ – i.e. the marzpanate of Armenia. Under Armenia, mentioned in the Arabic source, should be understand not only the marzpanate of Armenia, Ašxarhac‘oyc‘, 2157; Vacca, 2017: 65-66. Unlike the two short recensions, the extended edition contains a more complete list. As we see there are mentioned not 13 but 14 names of the lands. 9 The Works of Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-Yaʻqūbı̄ , 477. 10 Arab matenagirner 9.-10. Darer, 445-446; Vacca, 2017: 68. 11 This is another name of Tabaristan (Kolesnikov, 1970: 101). 12 Šahrestānīhā ī Ērānšahr, 16; Gyselen, 2007: 48; Shahinyan, 2016. 8 Page | 157     but also Iberia and Albania.13 It should be noted that in the second half of the 6th century CE, as a result of the reforms of Khosrov Anushirvan, the marzpanate of Armenia was divided into the three military-administrative units – Tanutirakan gund, Vaspurakan gund and Syunikʻ.14 ‘Varjan’ – Iberia, which from 428 had the marzpanate status, although the royal power preserved. Only in 523 in fact, and in 532 de jure, the Sasanians abolished the royal power and completely put the country under the marzpans ruling.15 ‘Ṙan’ – i.e. the marzpanate of Arrān/Albania. Here it is represented by the following borders – proper Albania and the Armenian regions of Utikʻ and Artsʻakh. The Trans-Caspian territories that were part of the marzpanate of Albania, are mentioned separately, which was called Bałasakan. The Trans-Caspian part of the marzpanate of Albania in the 6th century CE included two district: Vostan-i-Marzpanan (Chor) and Dasht-i-Bałasakan (Bałasakan).16 The capital of the marzpanate of Albania from Chora was moved to the new city of Peroz-Kawad or Partaw. The Catholicosate was also moved here, which can be dated back to the 510s.17 ‘Bałasakan’ – which were situated on the left bank of the lower stream of the river Kur. In the first half of the 6th century CE as an administrative unit reached to the Derbent.18 As Bazgun, in the Syriac source is also represented separately from the Arrān/Albania, which extended “to the Caspian Gates and sea, the Gates in the land of the Huns”.19 The fact that the land to the east of proper Albania was called Bałasakan is also evidenced by the Middle Persian seal belonging to the Great Catholicos of Albania and Bałasakan “kust-ī Albān ud Balāsagān wuzurg kātolikōs”, dating from the end of the 5th to the beginning of the 6th centuries CE.20 ‘Sisakan’ – is the province of Siwnikʻ (Syunikʻ), which as a result of the reforms of Khosrov Anushirvan, became an independent military-administrative unit within the marzpanate of Armenia.21 Although here are mixed the information, that 13 Ter-Ghevondian, 1958, 74; Also the Syrian source (Zachariah of Mitylene, 328) notes that Georgia or Iberia and Albania were under Armenia: “Further Gurzan a country in Armenia…, Further the country of Arrān in the country of Armenia”. This explains only the mention of Armenia in the source. 14 Khachatryan, 2018: 72. 15 Shahinyan, 2011: 46. 16 Harutyunyan, 2012: 70. 17 Yakobean, 2020: 105. 18 Yakobean, 2020: 167. 19 Zachariah of Mitylene, 328. 20 Khorikyan, 2014: 366. 21 Zachariah of Mitylene (328) mentions the country of Sisakan after Gurzan and Arrān, which in our opinion was connected with the division of the marzpanate of Armenia into the three militaryadministrative units. The correct date of Zachariah’s death is unknown, but it is considered that he must have been dead no later than 553. So he couldn’t meant the division of Sisakan (Siwnikʻ) from the marzpanate of Armenia in 571. Page | 158 of in 571 Sisakan was separated from the marzpanate of Armenia and was included in the census of Atrpatakan.22  ‘Aṙē’ – In two short recensions of the Ašxarhac‘oyc‘ it’s given in the form of Ṙē.23 Given the fact that Arabic sources mention Rayy or al-Rayy, it can be argued that Aṙē is a distorted form of al-Ray.24 Ray is located a few kilometers southern from the modern Tehran. Given the central location of the province, bordering with the Tabaristan in the north and Ghazvin in the west, it can be assumed that Ray, as a province, was part of the northern kʻustak. The territories that are supposedly included in the northern part of the country reported by the Armenian source:  ‘Gełan’ is the Gilan.  ‘Shanchan’ is the Zanjan.  ‘Dlmunkʻ’ was a Daylams settlement, which is now the mountainous part of the Gilan.25  ‘Dmbawand’ is the current Damavand, the city of the district of Damavand, which enters to the province of the Tehran. To the north of the Damavand, in Mazandaran, there is Mount Damavand.  ‘Taprĕstan’ is the Tabaristan (Mazandaran).  ‘Ṙwan’ (Ṙuan) is the city of Ruyan, which is located in the current Mazandaran. According to V. Barthold, the composition of Deylem (Dlmunkʻ) originally included the mountainous region of Ruyan (it included also the city of Shalus), occupies a territory immediately to the north of Rey.26 He also notes, that only in the 8th century the province was given to the Tabaristan. It seems that at that time Ruyan was not an independent administrative unit, because it was part at the first of Dlmunkʻ and then of the Tabaristan.  ‘Aml’ is modern Amol, which was the capital of Tabaristan.27 As can be seen from the above mentioned, there are only four coincidence at the Ašxarhac‘oyc‘ and the Yakubi՚s report: Taprĕstan – Ṭabaristān, Aṙē – al-Rayy, Shanchan – Zanjān, Atrpatakan – Ādharbayjān. Patmutʻiwn Sebēosi, 67-68. Ašxarhac‘oyc‘, 2190. 24 Kolesnikov, 1970: 101. 25 Barthold, 2003: 199; Kolesnikov, 1970: 101. 26 Barthold, 2003: 217; Aliy Kolesnikov (1970: 101) agreed that in the time of the Sasanians, the region of Ruyan was part of the Dlmunkʻ. 27 Kolesnikov (1970: 101) mentions that in 553 Gilan and Amol formed one Nestorian diocese. 22 23 Page | 159 According to the Ašxarhac‘oyc‘ and the Ibn Khordadbeh՚s report there are eight: Armn – Armenia, Atrpatakan – Adharbādhakān, Aṙē – Rayy, Dmbawand – Damāwand, Taprĕstan – Ṭabaristān, Ṙwan – Rūyān, Aml – Amul, Gełan – Jīlān. According to Yakubi, the next territory was:  ‘Ghazvin’ – Based on the geographic location of the Ghazvin, it must have been part of the northern kʻustak, since Zanjan (to the northwest) and Ray (to the southeast) were entere.  ‘Qumm’ – is the modern city Qom, which today is located about 150 km southwest from the Tehran on the same name river. It is believed that during the Sasanian period it was one of the districts of Isfahan.28 The Arab historian Omar Ibn Rusta states in the chapter of his work the Parts of Iranshahr, that: “Qom is one of the provinces of Iraq”.29 Iraq with the adjacent regions would certainly have been part of the western kʻustak, that is, Qom was not included in the northern region.  Isfahan, Hamadan, Nihawand (about 65 km southwest from Hamadan), al-Dinawar (northeast from modern Kermanshah), Khulvan (a Kurdish village in the modern Kurdistan region of Iran, about 54 km southwest from Sanandaj), Masabadan, Mihrajan-qadhaq, Shahrazur (in the province of Sulaimaniya of modern Iraq),30 Dihistan, the provinces-cities are known for their geography and were also not included in the northern region.31 For example can noted the mention of the Arab chronicler Ibn Rusta that “The regions of Jabal are these: Masabadan, Mihrajanqadhaq, Mah al-Qufa, Mah al-Basra, Hamadan”.32 The province of Jabal or Jibal belonged to the Hamadan region, therefore the cities of Hamadan, Masabadan, Mihrajan-qadhaq, Nihavand, al-Dinawar, Khulvan, Shahrazur should have been part of the western region, Isfahan in the south, and Dihistan, being north of Vrkan (Hirkaniya), was not at all belonged to the Sasanid state.33  ‘Shalanba’ – (Shalambeh) is located in the province of Tehran, 73 km eastern from the city of Tehran. That is, it was part of the province of Rey.  ‘Shalush’ – is the modern city Chalus in the Mazandaran. As noted the Shalush entered to the region of Ruyan. 28 Kolesnikov, 1970: 102. Arab matenagirner 9.-10. Darer, 515. 30 In the work of Kudama Ibn Jaafar it is said that “And then Mosul and its districts follows: Shahrzur, Samghan and Darabad” (Arab matenagirner 9.-10. Darer, 550). This evidence shows that Shahrazur was located near the Mosul, which suggests that it must have been part of the western region. At the same time, it should be noted that on the territory of modern Iran, in the province of western Azerbaijan, there is a village called Shahrezur or Shahruz. However, they should not be identified, since the latter, being an ordinary village, was part of the Atrpatakan. 31 Kolesnikov, 1970: 102-104. 32 Arab matenagirner 9.-10. Darer, 515. The Ašxarhac‘oyc‘ (2157) puts the Maymasptan (Masabadan) and Mihrankʻatak (Mihrajan-qadhaq) into the western kʻustak. 33 The Map of Sāsānid Persia (Ērānšahr) c. 500-590, by I. Mladjov. 29 Page | 160  ‘Sārya’ – (Sari) also was in Tabaristan-Mazandaran.  ‘Ṭamīs’ –was between Tabaristan and Vrkan.34 Concluding the consideration of the countries of the northern kʻustak, we can note that most of the mentioned names were cities, at least five of which were part of the Tabaristan-Mazandaran, therefore they were not separate administrative units. Conclusion Thus, Sasanian Iran was divided into four administrative units already during the second reign of Kavad I, however, it was during the time of Khosrov Anushirvan that these regions were transformed into the military-administrative units – kʻustaks, where the administrative power belonged to the padgospan and the military to the spahbed.35 These administrative units were created, generally, with the aim of protecting Iran from the threats of the nomads from the Derbent and the Darial passages. The administrative unit of the Arab Khaliphate “Arminiya” served the same purposes as the northern kʻustak. It is believed that the division of the Sasanian Iran into the militaryadministrative units did not lasted a long period36, that is, in particular, after 591 it had to be liquidated. Of course, after the partition of 591, the north-western part of the northern kʻustak, as well as some parts of the western kʻustak, passed to the Byzantine Empire. However, one of the Sasanian seals, which belonged to Pirag Shahrvaraz37, a spahbed of the southern kʻustak, who was probably KhoremShahrvaraz38 the general of Khosrov II (590, 591-628) Parvez, suggests that the kʻustaks, as an military-administrative units nevertheless preserved. Although it is clear that in the 7th century the kʻustaks could not have the former territory and the administrative borders were to be changed. During the Persian-Byzantine wars, the borders of the powers either expanded or contracted, so it is difficult to say what the exact administrative boundaries of the kʻustaks were. Summing up, it can be noted, that the northern kʻustak or kʻust-i-Kapkoh was a military-administrative unit. They were created by Khosrov Anushirvan in the first half of the 6th century CE by the security reasons of the Persian Empire. The northern kʻustak was included the marzpanates: Armenia (divided into the three militaryadministrative units – Tanutirakan gund, Vaspurakan gund, Syunikʻ), Georgia, Albania and the šahrs: Adharbādhakān, Gīlān, Dlmunkʻ, Zanjān, Ghazvīn, Ṭabaristān and Ray. 34 Barthold, 2003: 216. Dmitriev, 2008: 58; Ghodrat-Dizaji, 2010: 76. 36 Khurshudian, 2015: 212. 37 Gyselen, 2007: 49. 38 Gyselen, 2007: 50; Pourshariati, 2008: 102; Dashkov, 2008: 186-187. 35 Page | 161 Bibliography Sources Arab matenagirner 9.-10. Darer, ed. A. Ter-Ghevondian, in Arabakan ałbyurner III, Awtar ałbyurnerĕ Hayastani ew hayeri masin 16 [Arab sources III, Foreign sources about Armenia and Armenians 16], Yerevan: Erevani hamalsarani hratarakchʻutʻyun, 2005. Ašxarhac‘oyc‘, ed. B.H. Harutyunyan, in Matenagirkʻ Hayotsʻ [Armenian Classical Authors], vol. II (5th Century), Antelias & Lebanon: Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia, 2003, 2123-2192. Back, M. (1978) Die sassanidischen Staatsinschriften. 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[in Armenian] Vacca, A. (2017) Non-Muslim provinces under Early Islam: Islamic rule and Iranian legitimacy in Armenia and Caucasian Albania. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781316979853 Yakobean, A. (2020) Arkʻayatohmern u ishkhanatohmerĕ bun Ałwankʻum ew Hayotsʻ Arewelitsʻ kołmankʻum antikitsʻ minchʻew 13 dar (Patma-ałbyuragitakan kʻnnutʻyun) [The dynasties and princely families in Aghuank itself and in the eastern part of Armenia from antiquity to the 17th century. (historical-source research)], Yerevan: Gitutʻiwn. [in Armenian] To cite this article: Khachatryan, H., (2022). The Northern kʻustak administrative units of the Sasanian Iran in 6th century CE. Historia i Świat 11, 155-163, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.09 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 163 Page | 164 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Nika KHOPERIA (GIPA / Ilia State University, Tbilisi, Georgia) The Daylamite Involvement in the Lazic War (541-562) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.10 Abstract: In the Late Antiquity, the Caucasus region had become a battle ground for the Byzantines and the Sasanians. The conflict between the two great empires escalated in the 6th century, when both sides overcame internal conflicts and pursued active foreign policies. The Lazic War (541-562 CE), fought on the territory of modern western Georgia, then the Lazic Kingdom, was one of the most important conflicts of the Late Antiquity and an integral part of the unremitting wars of the Byzantine Emperor Justinian. The conflict witnessed both sides employing combatant populations residing within the borders of their empires. Among them were the Daylamites, a kin-group from the rugged mountains of northern Iran, just south of the Caspian Sea who had long served as mercenaries for various powers. This article discusses the combat culture, tactics, equipment, and role of the Daylamites in the Sasanian military campaigns in the Caucasus in the 6th century CE. Key words: Lazic War, Sasanians, Iran, Byzantine empire, Daylamites, infantry, Justinian, Khosrow Anushirvan During the Lazic War between Iran and Byzantium (541-562), both sides employed forces gathered from across the vast reaches of their respective empires. The Iranian army, in particular, engaged a large number of the Daylamite warriors from the mountains of northern Iran. Several historic regions can be identified along the southern shores of the Caspian Sea: Daylam, Tabaristan, Gilan, and Gurgan. The historic Daylam encompassed the southwestern corner of the Caspian littoral where the remote and inaccessible Alborz Mountain range created a rugged and barren environment that the ancient Iranians viewed as outright infernal. According to the Avesta, the sacred book of Zoroastrianism, the supreme deity Ahura Mazda created the southern Caspian amongst the lesser regions of the world, the hostile and threatening “fourteenth place” that was populated by the destructive spirit that caused “abnormal issues in women” and “barbarian oppression”.1 Mount Damavend, the highest peak in the Alborz range, had long been associated in Zoroastrian cosmology with a mountain that offered the gateway to/from hell. Within ancient  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3076-965X. Georgian Institute of Public Affairs. 1 [email protected]; Vendidad 1.17; For an interesting discussion see Bromberger, 2011; 2013. Page | 165 cosmogony, one’s place of origin and its climate determined ethnic attributes and behaviors. Thus, the Daylamites long held a reputation for belligerence, rebellion, and heresy. Within the Zoroastrian mythology, the inhabitants of the southern Caspian did not descend from the same peoples who gave rise to the Iranian people and were thus perceived as foreigners who resided in a “strange, forbidding land where demons and strange beasts reputedly lived.”2 Living in such inhospitable environment, the Daylamites had thus gained a reputation as strong, resilient, fierce, and capable warriors who were renowned for their skills with the sword, spear, and dagger. They were first mentioned in the writings of Polybius (2nd century BCE) and Claudius Ptolemy (2nd century CE), although Iranian sources speak of them only from the Sasanian period.3 In the 6th century, Byzantine scholar Procopius of Caesarea observed that “these Daylami are barbarians who live in the middle of Persia, but have never been subject to the king of the Persians. They inhabit sheer mountain-sides that are altogether inaccessible, and so they have continued to live autonomously from ancient times down to the present day.”4 Another important Byzantine writer of the Justinian era, Agathias of Myrina, commented that the Daylamites were “accustomed for the most part to fight alongside the Persians, though not as the conscript contingents of a subject people since they are in fact free and independent and it is not in their nature to submit to any form of compulsion.”5 The Byzantine authors seem to have a fairly good understanding of the internal political situation in Iran, as the obedience of the Daylamites to the Shah of Iran took the form of an alliance rather than that of imperial subjugation. During the fall of the Parthian kingdom and the rise to power of the Sasanid dynasty in Iran, Daylam was a part of the Gushnasp kingdom, which remained loyal to the Sasanian Shah Ardashir I (224-242 CE). The ruling dynasty of Gushnasp existed as late as the reign of Shah Peroz in the late 5th century. Procopius informs us that towards the end of his reign, Sasanid Shah Kavad I (488-531 CE) had “sent a considerable army against Gourgenes and the Iberians, and as general a Persian with the rank of varizes (Wahriz), Boes by name.”6 The title of Wahriz was traditionally held by the rulers of Daylam – for 2 Bundahishn 15.25-31. Frye, 1963: 8. Minorsky, 1991: 190. 4 Procop. Pers. 8.14. 5 Agath. 3.17-18. 6 Procop. Pers. 1.12; Felix & Madelung, 1995: 342-347. As Vladimir Minorsky (1991: 190) mentions, Khosrow I’s expedition to the Yemen (ca. 570 C.E.) consisted of 800 prisoners from Daylam and 3 Page | 166 example, Wahriz who occupied Yemen in the 570s was also acknowledged as the ruler of Daylam.7 Mohsen Zakeri notes that Sasanid monarchs were in need of strong garrisons in city of Qazvin, a strategic point for the defense of the Persian heartland against northern invaders, such as self-willed and aggressive Daylamites.8 The Daylamites began to play a more prominent role in the Sasanian army in the 6th century.9 The military reforms of Kavad and Khosrow I Anushirvan (531-579 CE) transformed the Iranian Spah into a more powerful, numerous, and better balanced military force. Historian James Howard-Johnston correctly points out that during this period the Sasanians possessed an advantage in both heavy cavalry and heavy infantry but lost it by the 6th century when the Romans were able to overcome their shortcomings and developed heavier units for both offensive and defensive warfare.10 Confronted by the vast challenge of fighting the Byzantines in Lazica, the Sasanians, whose main advantage remained in the heavy and light cavalry, sought a better equipped and trained infantry that was suitable for operations in mountainous and wooded terrain and well-fortified locations.11 They partly addressed this need by recruiting greater numbers of the Daylamites into their army. Most of the information about the Daylamites fighting in the Sasanid army comes from the surviving sources about the Lazic War, especially the writings of Procopius of Caesarea and Agathias of Myrina. The Daylamites are first mentioned in the accounts of the siege of the Archaeopolis, a strategically important fortress in Lazica. When the Iranian commander, Mermeroes, prepared an attack on this fortress, he initially dispatched the Daylamite (Greek: Dolomitai) warriors and instructed them to harass and pin down the enemy. According to Prokopios, Daylamites could run as fast over cliffs and mountain peaks just they did on flat plains.12 With the Daylamites launching a diversion, Mermeroes led the rest of the army, including battering rams and war elephants, to the lower gates of the fortress. While the Iranian and Sabir archers fired their arrows at the walls, the Daylamites climbed the nearby cliffs and threw their javelins with such precision neighbouring places, and was led by an old man, also released from prison, bearing the title of wahriz. When under Kavad and Khosrow the passes of the Caucasus were fortified and military colonies settled near them, the names of the latter reflected their origin from Daylam and its neighbourhood. 7 Felix & Madelung, 1995: 342-347. When the Muslim Arabs invaded Yemen in the 7th century, the commander of the Daylamites of Yemen, Fayrouz (Peroz) al-Daylam, converted to Islam with his people and joined them; Nicolle, 1996: 68. 8 Zakeri, 1995: 118-119. 9 Farrokh & Khorasani, 2020: 31-32, with further references. 10 Howard-Johnston, 2012: 112. 11 According to Kaveh Farrokh (2017: 36), due to Daylamite infantry, military capabilities of Sasanian Spah greatly increased, especially in the mountainous, forested countries, where the potential of heavy or light cavalry is significantly limited. 12 Procop. Pers. 8.14. Page | 167 and intensity that that the Byzantine defenders were almost forced to leave their positions.13 Taking advantage of this protective cover of arrows and javelins, Mermeroes attempted to take the city with a powerful assault. Yet, his battle plan went awry. A Byzantine counterattack surprised the attackers. “When confusion thus fell upon the army of the Medes”, describes Procopius, “those stationed in back, seeing the confusion of those in front of them but having no real knowledge of what had happened, became panic-stricken and turned to retreat in great disorder. The Daylamites also experienced this (for they were fighting from the higher positions and could see all that was happening), and they too began to flee in a disgraceful manner, so the rout became decisive.”14 The Sasanians had thus suffered a major defeat at the Archaeopolis and were forced to retreat. The Daylamites are discussed in Agathias’ account of the fighting following the siege of Archaeopolis.15 The Byzantine scholars in fact offers a lengthy account of the night raid launched by the Daylamites against the Byzantines, during which the Lazian guide managed to escape and warn the Byzantines, which resulted in a crushing defeat of the Daylamites.16 Even though these accounts describe the Daylamites as having no particular success during the Lazic War, both Byzantine chroniclers speak very highly of the Daylamites as redoubtable warriors and fearsome opponents. Their failures were largely due to the formidable defensive positions that the Byzantines and the Lazians held in the region, as well as the unremitting logistical and communication problems that the Sasanians experienced during this war. Moreover, the frequent references to the Daylamites during the Lazic War testify to their continued relevance and importance for the Sasanians, who needed large numbers of infantry to sustain offensive operations in mountainous terrain and to capture and garrison towns and fortresses. It was probably the exhaustion from the Byzantine-Sasanian Wars that made the Daylamites some of the first units of the Sasanian army to switch sides and support the invading Muslim Arab forces in 630s.; on one occasion, some 4 000 Daylamites 13 Procop. Pers. 8.14. Procop. Pers. 8.14. 15 Agath. 3.17-18, 22; 25-28; 4.13-14. 16 Agath. 3.18. the Romans had placed 2,000 Nachoragan sent 3,000 Daylamite footmen to surprise them during the night. Instead, the Sabirs ambushed the Daylamites when they entered the empty Sabir encampment. The Sabirs killed 800 of their enemies and when the defenders of Archaeopolis saw what had happened in the morning they sent their cavalry in pursuit and they managed to kill more of them; Syvänne, 2021: 315. 14 Page | 168 converted to Islam and became allies of Banū Tamīm tribe.17 The Daylamites, together with the other Iranians who joined the Arabs, were called Hamrā or the Red People,18 and often distinguished themselves among the Islamic military elite. Nusayr Abu Hamza, the Abbasid commander who was sent to quell the powerful Zinji uprising (869-883 CE), is believed to have been a Daylamite. The Daylamites were among the ‘Ghilman’ guard of the Abbasid caliphs, and, in general, served in various parts of the caliph’s army.19 The spread of the Shia Islam amongst the Daylamites, however, engendered a prolonged conflict with the caliphs, who never fully conquered northern Iran. In fact, in the 11th century, the Daylam dynasty, the Buyids,20 established their own state where they consciously revived symbols and practices of the Sasanian Empire and claimed a more solid foundation for their influence in wider Iran.21 Discussing the Daylamite performance during the Lazic War, Prokopios and Agathias of Myrina offers us interesting details on their weapons, tactics, and military culture. The Daylamites stood out in the Sasanian ranks because of their remarkable valor and formidable skills not just with bows and javelins but also with the cold steel weapons. According to Prokopios, the Daylamites were all foot soldiers, each man carrying a sword, shield and three two-pronged javelins (zhupin) that could be used both for stabbing and throwing. Some warriors were also equipped with a battle axe, ‘tabardzin’, that was particularly effective in breaking through the enemy armour.22 Prokopios’ description of the Daylamite armament is noteworthy for the latter-day references found in the Muslim chronicles. During the Buyid period, the Daylamites continued to fight on foot and employed swords, painted shields, battle axes, bows and arrows, and, more notably, two zhupin javelins – ‘mazrak’ in Arabic – which differed greatly from the long spears carried by the Arab warriors in the Buyid employment. In the Daylam, the zhupins were part of the daily accoutrement of the males and were allowed even at the communal and tribal gatherings. Moreover, the zhupin javelin acquired a ceremonial role as well and was a characteristic of a Daylamite guardsman, just like the maces of the Ghaznavid ghulams. 23 Descriptions of the Daylamite warriors’s armament can be found in the Persian epic poem Vis u Ramin, which exercised considerable influence on the Georgian 17 Mohsen Zakeri (1995: 191-192) notes that 4 thousand Daylamite soldiers were the members of the imperial guard of the Sasanid shah Khosrow II Parwiz, who joined the Muslims during the course of the conquest. Their number increased as other units of the Daylamite soldiers from Qazwin resided in Kufa. 18 Kennedy, 2001: 5. Zakeri, 1995: 117. 19 Kennedy, 2001: 151-152, 157, 162. 20 The Būyids were conscious of their Daylamite identity and depended on Daylamite soldiers but were not fashioned as ‘rulers of the Daylamites’; Haldon, 2021: 103. 21 Nagel, 1990: 578-586; Baker, 2016: 281-288; Buyids ruled Fars, Ray, Jibal and Baghdad in late 10th and in the first half of 11th century. Their rule and its political tradition disappeared in the 11th century, just as Gothic, Burgundian, or Lombard rule had disappeared from the West centuries ago; Pohl, 2021: 60. 22 Procop. Pers. 8.14; For discussion of the Daylamite weaponry see also Farrokh, 2017: 123. 23 Minorsky, 1991: 190. Page | 169 literary tradition, where it became very popular through a twelfth-century free translation entitled Visramiani. The poem makes references to the zhupin, shield and ‘nawak’, i.e. cross-bow or somoe similar contrivance for firing arrows from a tube.24 These terms entered the Georgian vocabulary. Compiling his famed dictionary of the Georgian language, the seventeenth century Georgian scholar Sulkhan-Saba Orbeliani included short hurling spear ‘zufan’, longer ‘mazrak’ spear, and ‘tabari’ and ‘tabardzeni’ battle axes.25 Georgian military historian Mamuka Tsurtsumia pointed out recently that none of these weapons were widespread in medieval Georgia and that javelins are rarely mentioned in Georgian sources, mostly in reference to combat in mountainous areas.26 In Late Antiquity, the Daylamites enjoyed a reputation of versatile warriors who could navigate difficult terrain, capably operate bows, engage in hand-to-hand combat, and break through enemy lines. The Daylamites were obviously well-trained tactically and were able to deploy and rearrange their formations according to the situation on the battlefield. Agathias points out that the Daylamites moved fast on the battlefield and typically sought to secure the strategic high grounds so they could be better positioned to pursue the retreating enemy. “Well-versed as they are in practically every type of warfare, they inflict considerable harm on their enemies”, concluded the Byzantine scholar.27 Discussing the advantages the Sasanians possessed against their opponents, military historian James Howard-Johnston correctly includes the Daylamite light infantry capable of skillfully operating in the rugged and mountainous landscape.28 The Daylamites should not be, however, considered a classic light infantry, whose task it was to shower the enemy with javelins or arrows and then shelter behind the heavy infantry and serve in auxiliary capacity. The Daylamites serve as a hybrid model that combined elements of heavy infantry – heavier equipment, tactical employment against the Byzantine heavy infantry – with the flexibility of light infantry that could be employed in rough terrain or maneuvered quickly into the desired position. Equipment, similar to that of the Daylamites; a sword, a shield and two javelins, was considered almost optimal, and even standard, in the infantry armies of the various states of the Mediterranean or the Middle East, starting from the Antiquity Period. In antiquity, the Thracians and Greeks had light infantry warriors called ‘Peltasts’ after their shield (Pelte). They were armed with several javelins. The term ‘psiloi’ combined all types of light infantry in the ancient Greek armies – archers, peltasts, slingers. Throwing spears, named Pilums (traditionally, there were two), were used by Roman legionaries armed with oval shields and short swords (Gladius) starting 24 Bosworth, 1965: 149. Orbeliani, 1949: 130, 188, 333. 26 Tsurtsumia, 2016: 424; Book of the Feudals, 108. 27 Agath. 3.17. 28 Howard-Johnston, 2012: 112. 25 Page | 170 as early as the Republican period.29 The Roman light infantry, the Velites, were equipped with javelins. Their function was to harass the enemy, weaken their ranks, and give chase after winning the battle.30 In the late Roman Period, the main model of heavy infantry equipment consisted of three main components: a sword (spatha), a shield, and a throwing weapon (a short javelin Veruta, and darts: Martiobarbuli or Plumbatae). As can be seen from the Maurice’s Strategikon works, the same equipment was dominant in the Byzantine infantry in the 6th-7th centuries.31 In the Byzantine Empire, light infantry peltasts can be found in the early medieval military manual Maurice’s Strategikon, and in the 11th century, in the Byzantine army of the Komnenian era, as the infantry, who, unlike the ancient peltasts, apart from fulfilling the role of the infantry, also participated in hand-to-hand combat actively.32 It seems that the Daylamites were, functionally, closest to this type of light infantry. In summary, we can conclude that the Daylamites served as a crucial element of the Sasanian military, allowing the shahs to complement their armies, cavalry dominated as they were, with a well trained and equipped infantry force. This military contingent grew in importance during the reigns of Kavad I and Khosrow I Anushirvan and their emergence as the military elite is well illustrated by the prolonged employment in the wars in the Caucasus. Bibliography Sources Agathias. The Histories. tr. J.D. Frendo, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1975. Bundahishn. tr. E.W. West, in Sacred Books of the East, vol. 5.1, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1880. Procopius. The Wars of Justinian. tr. H.B. Dewing. Revised and Modernized, with an Introduction and Notes, by A. Kaldellis, Indianapolis & Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2014. Book of the Feudals (Dzegli Eristavta), vol. I., ed. I. Dolidze, Tbilisi: Metsniereba, 1965 [in Georgian] Venidad. tr. J. Darmesteter, in Sacred Books of the East, vol. 4.1, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1880. Literature Baker, C. (2016) ‘The Lost Origins of the Daylamites: The Construction of a New Ethnic Legacy for the Buyids’, in The Routledge Handbook of Identity and the Environment in the Classical and Medieval Worlds, eds. R.F. Kennedy, M. Jones-Lewis, London: Routledge, 281-296. Birkenmeier, J.W. (2002) The Development of the Komnenian Army: 1081-1180. Leiden: Brill. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004476431 29 Erdkamp, 2011: 18, 69. Erdkamp, 2011: 69. 31 MacDowall, 1995: 11. 32 Birkenmeier, 2002: 61, 65-66, 73, 86, 132, 163, 216. 30 Page | 171 Bosworth, C.E. (1965) ‘Military Organisation under the Būyids of Persia and Iraq’, Oriens 18/19: 143-167. https://doi.org/10.2307/1579733 Bromberger, C. (2011) ‘Gilān. Popular and Literary Perceptions of Identity’, Encyclopædia Iranica, online edition, 2011, available at https://iranicaonline.org/articles/gilan-xv-identity (accessed on 12 May 2022). Bromberger, C. (2013) Un autre Iran: Un ethnologue au Gilan. Paris: Armand Colin. Erdkamp, P. (2011) A Companion to the Roman army. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell. Farrokh, K. (2017) The Armies of Ancient Persia: The Sassanians. Barnsley: Pen & Sword Military. Farrokh, K., Khorasani, M.M. (2020) ‘Die Sassanidische Infantrie’, Pallasch 71: 25-35. Felix, W., Madelung, W. (1995) ‘Deylamites’, Encyclopaedia Iranica 7.4: 342-347. Frye, R.N. (1963) The Heritage of Persia: The Pre-Islamic History of One of the World’s Great Civilizations. New York: World Publishing Company. Haldon, J. (2021) ‘Historicizing Resilience. The Paradox of the Medieval East Roman State-Collapse, Adaptation, and Survival’, in Empires and Communities in the Post-Roman and Islamic World, c. 400-1000 CE, eds. W. Pohl, R. Kramer, New York: Oxford University Press, 89-120. Howard-Johnston, J. (2012) ‘Late Sasanian Army’, in Late Antiquity: Eastern perspectives, eds. T. Bernheimer, A. Silverstein, Cambridge: Gibb Memorial Trust, 87-127. Kennedy, H. (2001) The Armies of the Caliphs: Military and Society in the Early Islamic State. Milton: Taylor & Francis. MacDowall, S. (1994) Late Roman Infantrymen 236-565 A.D. London: Osprey. Minorsky, V. (1991) ‘Daylam’, in Encyclopedia of Islam, C-G, Vol. 2, ed. R. Martin, Leiden: Brill, 189-194. Nagel, T. (1990) ‘Buyids’, Encyclopedia Iranica 4.6: 578-586. Nicolle, D. (1996) Sassanian Armies: The Iranian Empire in Early 3rd to Mid-7th Centuries AD. Stockport: Montvert. Orbeliani, S.-S. (1949) ‘zufan’, ‘mazrak’, ‘tabari’, ‘tabardzeni’, in Georgian Dictionary. Introduction and editing by S. Iordanashvili. Tbilisi: Georgian SSR publishing house, 1949, 130, 188, 333. [in Georgian] Pohl, W. (2021) ‘The Emergence of New Polities in the Breakup of the Western Roman Empire’, in Empires and Communities in the Post-Roman and Islamic World, c. 400-1000 CE, eds. W. Pohl, R. Kramer, New York: Oxford University Press, 28-63. Syvänne, I. (2021) Military history of late Rome, 518-565. Barnsley & Havertown: Pen & Sword Military. Tsurtsumia, M. (2016) Medieval Georgian Army (900-1700): Organization, Tactics, Armament (Shua saukuneebis Kartuli lashqari (900-1700): organizatsia, taktika, sheiaragheba). Tbilisi: Mkhedari. [in Georgian] Zakeri, M. (1995) Sasanid Soldiers in Early Muslim Society: The Origins of Ayyaran and Futuwwa. Harrassowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden. To cite this article: Khoperia, N., (2022). The Daylamite Involvement in the Lazic War (541-562). Historia i Świat 11, 165-172, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.10 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 172 ACTA HISTORICA Page | 173 Page | 174 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Pedro David CONESA NAVARRO (University of Murcia / University of Oviedo, Spain) Anita SMYK (Siedlce University, Poland) Goddess Venus on Julia Domna’s coins. The Political Use of the Coinage of an Augusta of the Severan Dynasty https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.11 Abstract: : In this paper we aim to study the monetary examples of Venus dedicated to Julia Domna. The goddess appears in the numismatic records with a series of epithets and although they were initially created with specific connotations, they evolved and were widely employed on the coins of imperial women. The social and political context encouraged some types to be produced more than others at certain times. This is precisely one of the most important aspects that will be reflected upon in this study. Beyond responding to virtues related to the conjugal or maternal sphere, the policy developed by Septimius Severus and continued by his son Caracalla may have been decisive in encouraging the creation of certain coin types in order to transmit a message that was convenient for the state apparatus. Key words: Imperial Politicy, Julia Domna, Venus, Religion, Numismatic Introduction In the imperial Roman period, in line with specific religious precepts and political practices, the coinage, as well as most of the statues and inscriptions, reflected the leading role of the princeps and, to a lesser extent, his relatives. The message and iconography presented on coins were more important than ‘communication’ by  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/ 0000-0003-2802-3178. [email protected]; This article has been possible thanks to a postdoctoral fellowship for the Requalification of the Spanish University System, Margarita Salas modality, granted by the University of Murcia and supported by the Ministry of Universities of the Government of Spain. In addition, it is part of the R+D+I project “Vulnerabilidad intrafamiliar y política en el mundo antiguo” (PID2020116349GB-100), whose principal researchers are Dr Susana Reboreda Morillo (University of Vigo) and Dr Rosa María Cid López (University of Oviedo).  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6006-7309. [email protected]; Institute of History / Siedlce University Doctoral School. Page | 175 other ancient mass media, at least for two compelling reasons. Firstly, illiteracy of the vast majority of the Empire’s population meant that legends on coins were more accessible and comprehensible to an average person than text in inscriptions. Secondly, in contrast to communication of certain ideas via portraits and reliefs, the availability and high circulation of coins made it possible to bring the established imperial symbols to a wider range of recipients. This meant that the messages and symbols on coins were always tailor-made to meet specific political needs and aspirations at the moment, despite the fact that provincial mints also used to employ specific iconographic motifs related to a particular issuance centre.1 The princeps, acting as a real intermediary between gods and mortals, would create a series of symbols to legitimize and strengthen his authority and become guarantor of Roma aeterna and stability of the whole Roman ecumene.2 Emperor’s wives and women also gained a significant role as messengers and legitimizers of imperial family’s interests. Such a step was to a priori get rid of stereotypes of a woman confined solely to the domestic sphere.3 Taking the above considerations into account, it becomes apparent that the depictions and legends presented on coins were consistent with contemporary Roman politics and were supervised, either directly or indirectly, by the emperor himself.4 They constituted one of the most effective instruments of exerting influence on people, especially on the Senate and the army. 5 In parallel to the iconographic evolution of emperors’ depictions on coins, their meanings also underwent some mutations. Instead of concrete and personal motivation for the choice of symbolic language, more global concepts started to gain popularity later.6 The scope of the present paper is a case study of Julia Domna’s coins with a view to analyzing the reference to Venus in terms of an array of epithets related to this goddess and the evolution of their meanings. Venus and her multifaceted meanings When Speidel7 wrote his chapter to ANRW edited by Haase, Venus was celebrated classical poets as the goddess of love. In the literature of the late Roman Republic and in the first years of the Principate the goddess was portrayed as guarantor Rowan, 2011: 243; Ghedini, 2020: 163-164; Ruíz Vivas, 2021: 192. Noreña, 2001: 146. 3 Morelli, 2010: 459; Domínguez Arranz, 2013: 254; 2017: 100-101. 4 However, as pointed out by Rowan (2011: 243-244), an assumption that there was a uniform policy may be questionable. Various emperors could exhibit various levels of personal engagement in controlling their own numismatic images. Moreover, due to different family situations some of the imperial women could, but some could not, exert influence on their own coin depictions. A similar situation may have referred to the selection of concrete images or allegories thanks to which particular Augustae were portrayed on the coin reverse. 5 De Santiago Fernández, 1999: 147-148. 6 Morelli, 2009: 24. 7 Speidel, 1984: 2225. 1 2 Page | 176 of marriage and the patroness of such virtues as chastity, modesty and harmony.8 However, her Roman genesis was generally connected with plant growth, and gardens in particular. Only in the second century BC did she assimilate to Aphrodite.9 At the fall of the Republic she was recognized as a goddess deciding about military triumphs of generals and dictators. The practice of ascribing personal triumphs of certain individuals to the workings of Venus stems from the Hellenic concept of the “victorious king”, dominating in the Republican and Imperial period.10 In reality, at the twilight of the Republic various members of aristocratic and senatorial families started to adopt certain ethical and moral virtues with which they wanted to identify. For instance, Q. Cecilius Metellus gave himself the epithet Pius, identifying himself with Pietas, the virtue which until then had belonged to populus romanus. The same may be said about Gnaeus Pompeius (Pompey) who in 79 BC adopted the epithet Magnus.11 Exactly in such a context goddess Venus gained her epithets of Felix, Victrix and Genetrix, which started to have both political and religious connotations.12 In order to understand the origin of Venus Felix one must move back to the triumphs gained by Lucius Cornelius Sulla in the East. In 82 BC Sulla offered the temple in Aphrodisias a golden crown and a double axe as ex-voto to goddess Aphrodite, after, as he claimed, he had seen her with Mars’s weapons in his dream. After his return to Rome, Sulla marched in triumph to commemorate his victories, and, more importantly, he then adopted the epithet Felix to show that he had been supported by the goddess.13 It is likely that Sulla dedicated a temple to Venus Felix (before Pompey did so later for Venus Victrix and Julius Caesar for Venus Genetrix), yet such a fact was not noted down in any literary or epigraphic sources.14 What has been preserved from that time, however, are the coins whose obverse carries a portrait of Venus accompanied by Cupid and the legend L. SVLLA. The first numismatic records related directly to Venus Felix date back to 54 BC and are in the form of coinage issued by Faustus Cornelius Sulla, who was Pompey’s son-in-law.15 After defeating the ruler of the Kingdom of Pontus, Mithridates VI Eupator, Pompey promoted the cult of Ponessa Salathé, 2000: 877. Rodríguez Cortés, 1986 -1987: 137; Zedelius, 1989: 57; Conesa Navarro, 2021: 49. 10 Seelentag, 2017: 183. 11 Balsdon, 1951: 1; Noreña, 2011: 47-48. 12 Jeličić-Radonić, 2011: 385. It was in this period (i.e. at the end of the Republic and the beginning of the Imperial Epoch) that the apogee of various depictions of Venus took place. Cf. Schmidt, 1997: 228. 13 Plut. Sulla, XXXIV 1-3; Schiling, 1982: 277; Zeledius, 1989: 57; Rowan, 2012: 12; Orlin, 2007: 67; del Prete Mainer, 2017: 38; Steel, 2019: 29. 14 Balson (1951: 5-6) sugested that epigraphic sources should play a decive role in confirmation of this proposal, enumerating 3 examples from Rome. The first one was the inscription found near Horti Sallustiani, founded by Fadia Rhodope, (CIL VI, 781). The second one was the inscription at the base of a statue of Venus and Cupid, founded by Sallustia Helpidus (CIL VI, 782 = D 3166) and the third example was connected with “aedituus Veneris” (CIL VI, 8710). Although these inscriptions could provide some support for the existence of a certain cult, they are not crucial for our argumentation because they come from a much later period, namely from about the second or the third century AD. Moreover, they are not helpful for a proposal of building sacral enclosure. 15 Rowan, 2012: 12; Conesa Navarro, 2021a: 50. 8 9 Page | 177 Venus Victrix.16 In contrast to the earlier mentioned uncertainty concerning erection of a temple by Sulla, the erection of a temple for Venus by Pompey is recorded in the historical sources. In 55 BC he had a temple to Venus Victrix built near the top of the theatre’s seating, which was located on the Campus Martius in Rome. The main iconography corresponds to Venus holding a palm branch and an apple accompanied by a figure of a child at the bottom plane.17 According to Alexandridis,18 only in iconography of Venus Victrix the goddess is depicted with armour (helmet, shield and/or spear). However, any precise specification of her attributes is very complicated, as pointed out by Jeličić-Radonić, saying that “the types of Venus shown on coins were not specific iconographies for each of the epithets that marked one or other functions of the goddess”.19 Finally, let us turn to probably the best known epithet of the goddess, namely Venus Genetrix. The goddess was associated with Aeneas, the mythical founder of Rome and the forefather of gens Iulia from which Caesar came, and hence the whole Julio-Claudian dynasty. This genealogical concept was made use of on September 26, 46 BC, when the temple in the Forum of Caesar in Rome was dedicated to Venus Genetrix.20 In contrast to his predecessors, at the time of Caesar an important quality step occurred. The cult of Venus Genetrix did not longer correspond to a single event or personal ambition of a victorious leader but went beyond that to elevate the concept of maternity of the whole dynastic line.21 In this way, starting from Caesar’s adopted son, Gaius Augustus Octavius, the person of the princeps acquired new quality due to making the goddess his personal ancestress. Thus, from then on the divine lineage constituted the foundation of the ruler’s authority. Venus was ascribed certain maternal features connected with power, which was reflected on coins, especially on the ones of Roman emperors who were responsible for generating heirs predestined to rule the Roman state. In short, two conclusions may be drawn from the above line of reasoning. On the one hand, the role of the epithets Felix and Victrix was to commemorate military victories which ensured peace and security of Imperium. On the other hand, the epithet Genetrix, was more related to a personal concept confined only to 16 Schiling, 1982: 296; Levick, 2007: 66. Schmidt, 1997: 211, 228; Temelini, 2006: 7; Orlin, 2007: 68. What is interesting here is a dream Pompey had and which was reported by Plutarch (Pomp. LVIII 2-4). The general visited the temple which he had erected himself for the goddess. On the one hand, this comforted him but, on the other hand, he also experienced the feeling of fear as he realized that Caesar’s lineage originated directly from Venus. 18 Alexandridis, 2004: 280. 19 Jeličić-Radonić, 2011: 385. This situation was pointed out earlier by Scmidt, 1997: 228. 20 App. Bell. Civ. 2.68; Schilling, 1982: 271, 301-302; Speidel, 1984: 2225; Rives, 1994: 294; Levick, 2007: 66; Beard, 2007: 22-23; Orlin, 2007: 68; Domínguez Arranz, 2009: 229; Rowan, 2012: 12; Amela Valverde, 2014: 73, Vilogorac Brčić, 2018: 385-386; Oya García, 2019: 151; Conesa Navarro, 2021a: 49. 21 Rives, 1994: 294; Morelli, 2009: 26. In our opinion what is particularly revealing is Suetonius’s testimony (Caes. 6.2-3), in which he makes reference to the Julio-Claudian dynasty who ruled over and subjugated to themselves even kings: “the divine majesty of Gods, to whom kings themselves are subject”. 17 Page | 178 the emperor’s family. Continuity of the dynasty was important, hence the reference to the maternal aspect of the goddess, even though this was initially limited only to the Julio-Claudian dynasty.22 Furthermore, this idea of fertility and imperial well-being was eagerly adopted by the following dynasties. Since the subject matter of the current study is examination of Empress Julia Domna’s coins, it seems logical to assume that the primary focus will be on female and maternal aspects of Venus rather than some other ones. Although indeed so, the goal of the present study is to verify this view and to show that the actual situation was much more complex, namely that various types of coins were created to meet the needs of actual social and political circumstances. At a certain point this lead to some curious instances in which Venus started to be associated with military aspects, which seems to be somehow incongruous with her female nature. Julia Domna and Venus coin emissions: between tradition and a current political situation Julia Domna’s Venus coins under the rule of Septimius Severus When Septimius Severus became emperor in 193 AD,23 there appeared coins in honour of Julia Domna.24 The number of different types was substantial but one must take into account the fact that until the end of her son Caracalla’s reign, i.e. until 217 AD, she was the only woman who held the important role of Augusta.25 According to Lusnia26 25 reverses were differentiated in total, while a quantitative analysis of Nadolny27 stresses that among 280 types ascribed in RIC to Julia Domna 209 correspond to the reign of Septimius Severus and only 65 to the rule of Caracalla. Among the earliest allegories the following ones may be distinguished: Fecunditas, Iuno Regina, Iuno Lucina, Vesta, Venus Victrix and Venus Genetrix. In general, they are related to protective deities dedicated to marriage and family bonds, and were meant in some sense to evoke the Roman origin and the continuity with the first imperial dynasty, i.e. gens Iulia. One can also discern here the references to Caesar’s politics (Venus Victrix) and the Antonines, by following the patterns of two Faustinas, especially that of Faustina the Younger, the wife of We refer here to the conclusion of Mikocki (1995: 48), that iconography of Venus Genetrix as “mère de la famille julienne” was widespread. 23 He was proclaimed emperor by his troops on 9 April, 193 AD in Carnuntum. Cf. Kienast, Eck & Heil, 2017: 149. 24 Although in some other catalogued numismatic collections one can find coins with the legend AVGVSTA dated as early as 193 AD, according to Lusnia (1995: 122), they were struck in the Roman mint no earlier than in 194 AD. 25 In the years 201-205 AD apart from Julia Domna there was another Augusta - Fulvia Plautilla, the wife of Caracalla who was murdered in 211 AD. Cf. Conesa Navarro and González Fernández, 2016. 26 Lusnia, 1995: 120. 27 Nadolny, 2016: 26-27. 22 Page | 179 Emperor Marcus Aurelius.28 Venus, together with Juno are the two most frequently presented goddesses on coins not only in the case of Septimius Severus’s wife, but also in the case of majority of the imperial women representing the Severan family.29 Material sources referring to Julia Domna were very numerous and scattered all over the various parts of the Imperium.30 This vast quantity of available materials was one of the key arguments for many historians to advocate the thesis that political decisions could have impact on coinage.31 This assumption, however, must be nuanced because literary sources demonstrate that with the exception of specific moments, such as confrontation with C. Fulvius Plautianus or running official imperial correspondence in the final period of her son’s rule,32 Julia Domna did not go beyond the confines of her role as Augusta, all the time supporting Septimius Severus and Caracalla but remaining always in their background.33 Even in the case of correspondence this information must be accurately verified. Apart from the fact that it was not an isolated case of such practice, as Livia acted in the same way under rule of Tiberius,34 one must remember that this information comes from Cassius Dio, whose aim was to discredit Caracalla. All this leads us to assume that to a large extent the presence of Julia Domna in the inscriptions, sculptures and coins was merely a consequence of her husband’s policy of showing himself as a continuator of the Antonine dynasty and demonstrating through it that had a united and strong domus, which was to guarantee stability and continuity of the Empire.35 Therefore it seems far from being surprising that the material related to Julia Domna was so large. In sum, she was the most important Augusta that Rome had within 24 years,36 and her portrayal was also used by her son 28 Williams, 1902: 303-303; Kettenhofen, 1979: 122; Morelli, 2009: 129; Claes, 2013: 104. Günter, 2016: 138. 30 Lusnia, 1995: 119: “She was perhaps the most celebrated of all Roman Imperial women, appearing in both Greek and Latin dedicatory inscriptions and receiving more honorific titles than any preceding female of the Imperial court”. 31 Conesa Navarro & González Fernández, 2021: 190. 32 Cass. Dio 77(78), 18.2-3; Ghedini, 2020: 139-140. It seems that literary sources can be helpful here, however, it still remains a problematic issue. As Bertolazzi (2015: 419-423, 431-432) remarks, apart from classical authors’ intentions and manner in which they tended to describe such actions, what could have been decisive here were also specific circumstances and the socio-political context in which some women would take over specific duties. Cf. Conesa Navarro, 2021b: 31-34. 33 It seems, if we adopt Cassius Dio’s narration, that on receiving the news of Caracalla’s death in 217 AD, Julia Domna attempted to make some maneouvers to defeat Macrinus in order to restore the rule of the Severan dynasty by taking over herself the helm of the empire. Cf. Cass. Dio 78(79), 23.1-3; Conesa Navarro, 2019b: 78-79. When it comes to literary sources, we agree with Kettenhofen’s (1979: 75) statement that even though they can sometimes provide data which allows us to sense the political role played by Augustae from the Severan dynasty, they still remain mere hypotheses. 34 Cass. Dio 57, 12.2-3. According to this text, appart from running correspondence she also gave audiences, a simmilar case to Julia Dommna. This issue is also mentioned in Bertolazzi, 2019: 480. 35 Rowan, 2011: 253; Langford, 2013: 16. 36 Rowan, 2011: 249. 29 Page | 180 to legitimize his position as a new emperor after the death of his father and the murder of his brother.37 Septimius Severus was always accompanied by his family. This is known on the basis of the locations visited by the princeps in which he struck coins. For example, in the East during his struggle for emperor’ position with Pescennius Niger (193-194 AD).38 Exactly from this time comes the emission of Julia Domna’s 39 coins whose reverses referred to military confrontations. One cannot but mention here some legionary denarii with the legend Venus Victrix which were of the similar types as the ones issued in honour of her husband and were clearly created with the purpose of gaining the legions’ loyalty and thanking them for their support.40 As far as examples of Venus Victrix dating back to 193-195/196 AD are concerned, apart from these from the eastern part, there is evidence for other coins produced in Rome carrying the same depictions. The difference between these minting centres lies in the fact that while in the provincial mints the legend on the reverse was given either in Nominative or Dative,41 the legend of the coins struck in the capital of the empire appeared only in the Dative case. With regard to the obverse, apart from a similar portrayal showing a bust of the Augusta draped and turned right, it is worthy of note that the obverse legend was always in the same grammatical case (IVLIA DOMNA AVG.).42 On the reverse of coins with the legend in Dative there is Venus standing with her back turned, with drapery falling below her hips and the head facing right. She is holding an apple in her extended right hand and a palm branch sloped to the left in her left hand while her left elbow is resting on a column.43 [Fig. 1] In some of the instances of provincial coins 37 About death Geta, cf. Cass. Dio 77(78), 2.1-6; Hdn. IV 4.2-4; SHA Car. 3.3-4; Geta 7.3-4. It is not easy to indicate the exact number of provincial mints. Mattingly and Sydelnham estimated the number of them to be three across all Syria but it is likely that there were even more. The problem results from the fact that often provincial centres used patterns emanating directly from Rome. Possibly one of them was situated in Laodycea ad Mare, which remained loyal to Septimius Severus, and another one in Antiochia, supporting Pescennius Niger. The third could be in Emesa cf. RIC IV/1, 56-58. Recently Brenot (2000: 339) has claimed that these three easter mints are Emesa, Laodycea ad Mare and Aleksandria. Gitler and Poting (2007: 376) maintain that these easter mints were Emesa and Laodycea ad Mare, but they do not determine the specific number of them. 39 Nadolny, 2016: 32. The latest resume of Julia Domna’s biography, cf. Gordón Zan, 2022: 242-243. 40 Lusnia, 1995: 121-122; Brenot, 2000: 339; Royo Martínez, 2017: 199-300; 2019: 118. On Septimius Severus’s legionary issuances, cf. RIC IV/1, 92-94 n. º 1-24; BMC V, lxxxii- lxxxiv; 20-23 n. º 5-25. 41 A) in Nominative: RIC IV/1, 176 n. º 630-631A; 177 n.º 633; BMC V, 104 n. º 422, 105 n. º 423-424. B) in Dative: RIC IV/1, 177 n.º 632, n.º 633A. 42 Ghedini, 2020: 165. Mattingly and Sydelnham established chronology on the basis of how Augusta was represented in their legends which still hold 1) IVLIA DOMNA AVG. (193-196 d.C.); 2) IVLIA AVGVSTA (196-211 d.C.); 3) IVLIA PIA FELIX AVG. (211-218 d.C.) cf. RIC IV/1, 63. 43 Roma: RIC IV/1, 165 n. º 536; BMC V, 27 n. º 47-50, 28 n. º 51-53. Also in this group one should mention the cases in which the acronym SC (senatus consulto) with the identical depictions, being a variant of the reverse legend, is VENERI VICTR. SC. Cf. RIC IV/1, 207 n. º 842, 846; BMC V, 123 n. º 488-490, 124 n. º 498. 38 Page | 181 the symbol of palm is replaced with the sceptre.44 The palm branch symbolized victory45 and was interpreted as a forerunner of victorious outcome of the battles in favour of Septimius Severus. The sceptre, however, referred to the goddess’s domain and sovereignty.46 Schmidt47 explains that although the iconography of Venus Victrix had remained unchanged since the epoch of Augustus Octavius, its meaning mutated and became a widely reproduced epithet on female coins. On the basis of this reflection we can assume that Venus Victrix was found on Julia Domna’s coins due to the fact that it simply imitated a widespread model. Moreover, as Rowan48 remarks, one of the features that distinguished types of coins not only in the case of Julia Domna but all of the Augustae from the Severan dynasty, was the practice of repeating the patterns created by the predecessors, although also some new innovative elements appeared on their coins.49 In the case under consideration the inscription Venus Victrix coincided with the war confrontation which Septimius Severus waged against Pescennius Niger, and the fact that in the same context ‘Legionary denarii’ with the depiction of Augusta on the obverse were issued. This leads us to the conclusion that the type of Venus Victrix coins rather than being just a reproduction of an earlier existing pattern used by imperial women, was a response to the current social context. It must be pointed out here that one possibility does not exclude the other and both of these interpretations may be right, though in this case the military aspect seems to dominate. Venus Genetrix50 examples also come from this early period. In this case one cannot deny the fact that apart from the associations with the Julio-Claudian dynasty (it must be borne in mind that until the times of Hadrian it had not been a common allegory on female coins) and apart from the inclusion of Septimius Severus as a relative to the Antonine dynasty, it is likely that Venus Genetrix was meant to constituted an allusion to Julia Domna’s fertility.51 In reference to the former of these hypotheses, one may mention a similar case of Faustina the Younger when she gave birth to her first daughter, Domicia Faustina, on 30 November 147 AD. In order to commemorate the event Marcus Aurelius received the title of tribunicia potestas, whereas his wife that of Augusta. In addition, the event was also celebrated by minting 44 Laodicea ad Mare: A) with a sceptre: RIC IV/1, 176 n. º 630-631A; BMC V, 105 n. º 423-424. B) with a palm branch: RIC IV /1, 177 n. º 632-633A; BMC V, 105 n. º 423-424. 45 On a palm branch as a symbol of victory cf. Hünemörder, 2000: cols. 938-939. 46 BMC V, lxxxvi; 27 n. º 27-28 n. º 47-54; Zedelius, 1989: 57; Filippini, 2010a: 478; Nadolny, 2016: 32-34. 47 Schmidt, 1997: 228. The same can be said about Venus Genetrix coins, the allegory which had not developed in female coins until the times of Hadrian. Cf. Lusnia, 1995: 125. 48 Rowan, 2011: 248-249. 49 For instance the earlier coins of Julia Domna there are such virtues as Venus, Diana or Iuno. Cf. Gorrie, 2004: 66. 50 RIC IV/1, 165 n. º 537; BMC V, 28 n. º 55. 51 Boatwright, 2021: 144. Page | 182 coins with Venus Genetrix holding a child on her arm.52 In Julia Domna’s issuance of Venus Genetrix the goddess is seated on the throne turning left, holding an apple in her right hand and a transverse sceptre in the left. To the left there is a small, winged, naked Cupid standing right and holding out both hands. [Fig. 2] In the case of Septimius Severus’s wife the event of birth giving itself was not celebrated but Julia Domna was revered for the fact that she offered Imperium two male heirs, Caracalla and Geta.53 As Morelli notes, thanks to it she gained special significance, because she assumed a role of the guardian of the whole state and the people constituting it, and by her offspring she also contributed to the wealth of Imperium.54 This hypothesis becomes particularly meaningful when we scrutinize the depictions on the reverses of coins with the legend Fecunditas. The goddess on the throne is holding one child on her lap while the other one is in front of her. One may be struck by an irresistible impression that we have got here a straightforward allusion to the Augusta herself and her two sons, by still it remains just a hypothesis.55 In the Roman world it was fertility that was viewed primarily as a guarantee of security and well-being of all its inhabitants. The motif of fertility also constituted the direct link with Faustina the Younger, as Fecunditas was one of the earliest virtues found on coins minted in honour of Marcus Aurelius’s wife.56 In short, one can conclude, in line with Ghedini57 in his times, that in the case of the first emissions of coins devoted to Venus Genetrix and Venus Victrix, to which one should also add emissions of Fecunditas, there must have co-existed different reasons for their production. Apart from the clear allusion to Caesar’s (Venus Victrix) or Augustus Octavius’s (Venus Genetrix) policies, in our opinion there were three other aspects of paramount importance. First of all, the main goal of the coinage was to glorify the military victory thanks to which the princeps gave stability and wealth to the empire. Simultaneously, they manifested the relationship to the Antonine dynasty. Septimius Severus sought to show that though he was an ‘African’ emperor, his policy was the continuation of his predecessors. He proclaimed himself to be the son of Marcus Aurelius and the brother of Commodus, going in genealogy back to Nerva.58 Moreover, Julia Domna assumed patterns created by previous Augustae, Faustina 52 Fittschen, 1982: 22-23. As Filippini (2010b: 84) observes, both allegories, Fecunditas and Venus, embodied conjugal and maternal roles. At the same time we agree with Morelli (2006: 69), stating that Julia Domna played an important role as Mother of the future emperors for the dynastic legitimization of Septimius Severus’s sons as successors. 54 Morelli, 2006: 70. On Julia Domna’s maternity on coins, cf. Bertolazzi, 2019. 55 RIC IV/1, 73; Morelli, 2009: 129-130; Bertolazzi, 2019: 466-467. Earlier he stated to Brenot (2000: 339): “L’allusion à ses deux fils dont l’un est né à Lyon en 189 et l’autre à Rome un an plus tard, n’est guère voilée”. 56 Lusnia, 1995: 122; Morelli, 2009: 129; Muñoz & Martínez López, 2014: 161; Bertolazzi, 2019: 466. On Julia Domna’s coins bearing the legend Fecunditas on the reverse. cf. RIC IV/1, 165 n. º 534; BMC V, 27 n. º 46. 57 Ghedini, 2020: 165 58 González Fernández & Conesa Navarro, 2017: 137-138. 53 Page | 183 the Younger in particular, which is apparent when it comes to the hairstyle,59 but also allegories carried on her coins. Finally, we would like to put emphasis on the idea of dynastic continuity, in which, as the mother of imperial heirs, the Augusta played a central role. This was naturally reflected by coinage. In this respect we follow an earlier statement by Morelli, saying that she assumed a very important symbolic role where one of the aspects through which this prestige manifested itself was honour of gaining the title of mater castrorum. In this way she embodied the symbolic and widely comprehended concept of maternity, which was not limited only to domus divina and the dynasty, but covered the whole Imperium.60 The emissions of coins on the obverse of which Septimius Severus’s wife is simply called IVLIA AVGVSTA,61 can be dated to the years from 195/196 AD to 211 AD. In other words, she used the same nomenclature as Livia, who was included to gens Iulia after the death of Augustus Octavius in 14 AD. This could have been a result of the fact that the cognomen Domna may have been considered foreign and omitting it could have been considered as a way of bringing her closer to the Roman tradition.62 According to Lusnia,63 this period was characterized by stronger focus on Julia Domna’s role in the imperial court through the reverses of her coins. Except female deities (Juno, Vesta, Venus), or personifications of appropriate Imperial virtues (Fecunditas, Hilaritas, Pietas), there also appeared values such as harmony or continuity of the dynasty (Aeternitas Imperi or Concordia Aeterna). Conversely to the situation of Septimius Severus, who came to power after a period of instability marked by domestic war, generally the princeps handed down Imperium to his sons in a peaceful manner. Therefore, so that the whole Roman society would have no doubt who was predestined to be his successor, Caracalla and Geta, apart from having their own coins, also appeared on their parents’ coins.64 Moreover, before the death of Septimius Severus they received the title of Augusti.65 However, the above mentioned military elements of Julia Domna’s coinage remained, especially when we take into account the fact that until February 197 AD the other of the pretenders to the emperor’s throne, Clodius Albinus, was still not defeated.66 Around 195/196 AD Julia Domna received the title of Mater Castrorum, 59 Especially in the earliest examples, though some differences can also be noted. Cf. Baharal, 1992: 114-115. 60 Saavedra-Guerrero, 2006: 721. 61 This significant change of cognomen in the legend resulted, as Lusnia (1995: 121) maintains, from the change in the status of officina. 62 Morelli, 2009: 142; Ghedini, 2020: 165-166. 63 Lusnia, 1995: 120-121. 64 RIC IV/1, 73. In this case the reference here is to these with Julia Domna. 65 According to Kienast, Eck & Heil (2017: 156, 160) Caracalla was designated Augustus in 197 AD. and Geta in 209 AD. Earlier Rubin (1975: 432-435) and Mastino (1981: 15, 31, 37-38) maintained that Caracalla received the title of Augustus in 198 AD after the conquest of Ctesiphon, while Geta in 209 AD. 66 Kienast, Eck & Heil, 2017: 155. Page | 184 which was used not only on coins but also in inscriptions.67 Once again such a manoeuvre must be interpreted as an element of policy of identification with the Antonine dynasty, although traditionally it was simply regarded to be a honorary title offered to Domna as a token of gratitude for the fact that she accompanied her husband on military campaigns.68 Faustina the Younger69 was the first woman who was given this title. When Septimius Severus’s wife became ‘mother of the camps’, and by extension the whole army, the army was in a sense entrusted to her care. Thus, it was a strategy to guarantee the loyalty of legions since any attack on the emperor meant also an attack on his mother because the princeps was responsible for the protection of the Augusta.70 Although it cannot be confirmed, it is likely that this symbolic military maternity was one of the reasons why Julia Domna’s coins with the Roman military standards were issued. What can be observed in the first phase, and in the early instances of Venus Victrix, the appearance of the Augusta in the military context was seen in the light of her maternity and due to the fact that she was present in military camps, supporting her husband. In the second phase of issuance of coins as IVLIA AVGVSTA some changes can be observed. Three types of them have been documented for the Roman mint. The first type encompasses some examples where the legend on the reverse appears in Dative, i.e. VENERI VICTR., and whose iconography corresponds to Venus standing with her back turned, with drapery falling below the hips, her head turned right, holding an apple in her extended right hand and a palm leaf sloped to the left in her left hand while resting her left elbow on a column.71 As far as the second type of coins is concerned, apart from the fact that the legend on the reverse is in Nominative, i.e. VENVS VICTRIX, there are certain other differences concerning the depiction of the goddess. Venus appears on them as standing halfnaked, holding a helmet in the right hand and a palm branch in the left, and leaning on a column while at her feet there is a shield.72 [Fig. 3] The third corresponds to the series of the dupondius and the as with the identical depiction to the previous type 67 According to Kienast, Eck & Heil (2017: 135) the conferral of the title mater castrorum to Julia Domna can be dated to 14 April 196 AD or even 195 AD. Brenot (2000: 340) and Ghedini (2020: 166) placed the event on 14 April 195 AD and this year was also accepted by Mañasa Romero (2021: 965). Other authors, such as Heil (2006: 64) or recently Bertolazzi (2015: 423) shift the even to one year later. There are even scholars who postulate 14 April 194 AD, cf. Hidalgo de la Vega, 2012: 140-141. 68 Conesa Navarro, 2019a: 287-288. 69 Aleandridis (2004: 91) points out that apart from the similarity of Faustina the Younger’s coins to Julia Domna’s ones consisting in both having the title mater castrorum, from the second century AD allegories related to the military world started to prevail. On emissions of Faustina the Younger’s coins whose chronology may not be well established (171-174 AD). Cf. SHA. Marc. Aur. 26.4-9; Cenerini, 2016: 37; Kienast, Eck & Heil, 2017: 137; Smyk, 2019: 24; Conesa Navarro, 2019a: 284-285; Conesa Navarro, 2019b: 75 because the Julia Domna types carrying the legend mater castrorum have been recently re-analysed, see Morelli, 2009: 136-138; Conesa Navarro, 2019a, 289-290 together with the information on main corpora of coins. 70 Kuhoff, 1993: 252-253; Morelli, 2006: 70; Langford, 2013: 32; Tuori, 2016: 184; Conesa Navarro, 2019a: 287-289; Martínez López & Oria Segura, 2021: 38-39. 71 RIC IV/1, 170 n. º 579; BMC V, 167 n. º . 72 RIC IV/1, 171 n. º 581; BMC V, 168 n. º 90. Page | 185 on the obverse and the reverse: Venus holding a helmet and a shield on the bottom margin. The legend on the reverse is changed due to the addition of the acronym SC, senatus consulto.73 On the other hand, in RIC there have been some other variants distinguished with regard to the last of these types. Despite the fact that the legend on the reverse has also VENVS VICTRIX S. C., on one of them there is no shield and on some other there is a cuirass behind the column on which Venus is resting her left arm.74 As far as provincial emissions from the mint in Laodicea ad Mare are concerned, similarly to the central mint, two variants with the obverse patterns from the capital have been documented. Their legend is IVLIA AVGVSTA and the depiction corresponds to Julia Domna’s draped bust turned right.75 These data are interesting for a proposal that although the provincial mints were independent and managed by local administrators, certain criteria coming directly from Rome were imposed on all the territories of the empire. These ideas and criteria, as we mentioned in the introduction to this paper, were supervised and controlled by the emperor yielding the ultimate authority. Therefore, unsurprisingly, the concept of victory bringing peace and stability thanks to Septimius Severus’s actions aiming at elimination of his enemies was so widespread in various places of the empire, among other things, thanks to Julia Domna’s coins. In BMC there have been two examples in the case of which the mint has not been specified. It has only been stated that they correspond to “barbaourom”. In both of these instances the legend appears in Dative, VENERI VICTR., and the main differences correspond to the depiction on the obverse because the other side of the coins contains similar text and iconography. As far as the first of them is concerned, Venus is standing upright with her figure naked to the line of her hips and turned right. She is holding an apple in her right hand and a patera in the left one while her left arm is resting on a column on which some fragment of her robe is also placed.76 The other example depicts her from behind. She is standing upright with the head turned right and, as in the previous instance, she appears naked from the top to the hips. Her right hand is holding a helmet and the left arm, as in the previous case, is resting on a column.77 With regard to the Venus Genetrix coins from the Roman mint, the only example of the second phase contains the legend on the reverse in the Dative case, i.e. VENVS GENETRICI. Its iconography corresponds to Venus seen from front, draped and wearing stephane, with her head RIC IV/1, 211 n. º 890; BMC V, 314 n. º 795. With the legend VENVS VICTRIX S.C. RIC IV /1, 211 n. º 888 (without a shield); RIC IV /1, 211 n. º 889 (with a cuirass). In both cases the legend on the reverse is in Nominative: VENVS VICTRIX S.C. 75 With the legend VENERI VICT. Cf. RIC IV/1, 178 n. º 645A; BMC V, 279 n. º .With the legend VENVS VICTRIX. Cf. RIC IV/1, 178 n. º 647; BMC V, 279 n. º †. 76 BMC V, 379 n. º 123. 77 BMC V, 383 n. º 148. 73 74 Page | 186 facing left. She is holding a patera in her extended right hand and a vertical sceptre in the left one.78 [Fig. 4] Venus Felix and Venus Caelestis types are more interesting because they represent a considerable change in comparison to the previous period. These allegories were created during this phase and they did not reappear when Caracalla ruled as the only emperor. The examples of Venus Caelestis, struck in an unidentified mint, have been traditionally regarded as an allegory limited only to Julia Soemias.79 Such a conclusion may have been drawn on the grounds that the deity was of eastern provenance, and this was associated with the Syrian origin of these Augustae. In contrast to his dynastic predecessors, Elagabal often promoted eastern, rather than Roman, customs. This, in turn, lead to the rise of two factions. The one closest to proper Roman traditions was connected with Julia Maesa, and later with Julia Mamaea, Alexander Sever’s mother. The other side was represented by Julia Soemias and her son, who without any scruples would introduce foreign cults to the heart of Rome.80 However, the emission of coins with the same allegory for Julia Domna 81 cannot go unnoticed. There are several variants of this emission with regard to different numismatic corpora. RIC distinguished two types depending on the reverse (as the obverse of both is similar: a draped bust of Julia Domna turned right accompanied by the legend IVLIA AVGVSTA). In both variants of the reverse draped standing Venus with a tiara is turning left, holding an apple in extended right hand and sceptre in left hand. Additionally, the field of the coin contains a star. The difference between them lies in attributes that the goddess is shown with. On one type of coins she is holding a patera and a sceptre, on the other a patera is replaced with an apple. 82 The existence of the third variant is signalled in BMC. While the obverse repeats the conventional patterns (draped bust of the Augusta turned right), the reverse depicts draped standing Venus seen from front with her head turned left and holding an apple in her right hand and a sceptre in the left one. A star in the field on the right margin.83 completes the composition. This could have been reference to a goddess originating from an ancient cult of Dea Caelestis in Emesa, which was reminiscent of goddess Tanit worshipped in Carthago, who apart from, fertility of women embodied fertility of any life and earth.84 Among the Venus Felix coins struck for Julia Domna the following variants have been found. The first type includes coins with the legend VENVS FELIX bearing RIC IV/1, 170 n. º 578; BMC V, 167 n. º 83-84. Kosmetatou, 2002: 405; Rowan, 2011: 261; Claes, 2013: 106-107; Nadolny, 2016: 40; Conesa Navarro, 2019c: 210. 80 Nadolny, 2016: 40-41. 81 On this issue see Günter, 2016: 140 note 171. 82 RIC IV/1, 173 n. º 604-605. 83 BMC V, 383 n. º 149. The legend on the obverse is similar to the previous examples: IVLIA AVGVSTA. 84 Claes, 2013: 107-108; Conesa Navarro, 2019c: 210-211. 78 79 Page | 187 the picture of Venus standing and facing front, her head turned left, with an apple in her right hand and holding drapery of her attire, sliding from her left shoulder, in her left hand.85 [Fig. 5] The second type contains a similar legend and the only difference in comparison to the previous type consists in modifications concerning attributes the goddess is displaying. Here Venus is holding an apple in her raised right hand and a vertical sceptre in the left one.86 The remaining four variants correspond to the emissions containing the acronym SC senatus consulto: VENVS FELIX S.C. In the first of these standing Venus is seen from front, wearing draped attire, with her head to the left and holding an apple in her extended right hand and drapery from left shoulder in her left hand.87 In the second type the goddess is standing naked to the hips with her head turned left and is holding a helmet in her right hand while her left hand, resting on some sort of a column, is shown with a palm branch.88 The third variant is similar to the latter, the only difference being a cuirass89 behind the column. In the fourth type there is additionally a shield90 at the feet of the goddess. Even though the second phase is characterized by the appearance of various types of Venus on Julia Domna’s coins, still the theme par excellence was maternity. According to Morelli, a more frequent use of Nominative could suggest an attempt to make the Augusta equal to the goddess. It is possible that the allegory of Venus Felix91 was connected with ludi saeculares taking place in Rome in 204 AD. Felix is an epithet closely related to Felicitas, and in this context it could be seen as expression of joy and fertility brought about by inauguration of saeculum aureum. If we adopt such an hypothesis, once again we have a type of coins, which, even though were reminiscent of coins of earlier Augustae, coincided with a specific socio-political context, in this case celebration of an event of great significance not only for Rome but also for all the other parts of the empire. Once again then, it may be assumed that the current social-political situation could constitute the main motivation for the issuance of such coins. Julia Domna’s coins with Venus Genetrix issued under Caracalla’s rule. Glorification of maternity The third modification of the legend on the obverse was the result of the inclusion of the epithets Pia and Felix to the titles possessed by Julia Domna. Some researchers have maintained that she received them after the death of Septimius RIC IV/1, 170 n. º 580; BMC V, 167 n. º 85-86, 168 n. º 87-89. RIC IV/1, 178 n. º 646; BMC V, 279 n. º 619-621. 87 RIC IV/1, 209 n. º 866; BMC V, 310 n. º 775-777, 313 n. º 794. 88 RIC IV/1, 211 n. º 888. 89 RIC IV/1, 211 n. º 889. 90 RIC IV/1, 211 n. º 890; BMC V, 314 n. º 795. 91 Morelli, 2009: 132. 85 86 Page | 188 Severus in 211 AD.92 However, some other scholars are inclined to shift this date by one year, namely to 210 AD.93 It appears that under the rule of Caracalla there was a significant increase in the number of emissions devoted to his mother. Perhaps it was a new manoeuvre of the new princeps aiming at dispelling any doubts concerning his coming to power after the death of Septimius Severus.94 The epithet Pia, which had been given earlier to two Faustinas after their deification, had connotations with loyalty, piety and dedication to gods while Felix could be associated with the Augusta’s role as a caretaker of the state.95 Proclaiming Caracalla new emperor after the death of his father and the murder of his brother Geta meant that domus divina consisted only of him and his mother. It seems to be a logical conclusion that the rise in the frequency of references to Julia Domna’s maternity at that time was to guarantee the legitimization of Caracalla’s succession to the throne. We are of an opinion that it was clearly expressed by creation of Julia Domna’s coins with the allegory Venus Genetrix. In contrast to the analysis of the above examples, in which we did not pay so much attention to the way in which Julia Domna was represented on the obverse,96 in this part of the article we will consider the main elements of her depiction, focusing on possible nuances they may be indicative of. The double-denarius coin carries the legend in Dative, i.e. VENERI GENETRICI, and the obverse depicts a draped bust of the Augusta looking right, wearing stephane, and her new title: IVLIA PIA FELIX AVG. On the reverse one can see Venus draped and standing frontally, with her head turned left, holding a patera in her extended right hand and a vertical sceptre in the left one.97 There also exists a type with the text on the reverse in Dative, and a similar depiction of the goddess, but the difference lies in the fact that it additionally contains the acronym S.C. (VENERI GENETRICI S.C.).98 The remaining types from the Roman mint exhibit the legend on the reverse formulated in Nominative. In some cases they also include the reference to the senate, senatus consulto. As far as the examples with the legend VENVS GENETRIX are concerned, these are the aureus, the antoninianus and the dupondius. Here Venus is seated, her figure turning left, her right hand is extended and the left one is holding 92 On the death of Septimius Severus, cf. Kienast, Eck & Heil, 2017: 150. On dating Pia and Felix Julia Domna after the death of Septimius Severus in 211 AD cf. Williams, 1902: 284; Lusnia, 1995: 121, 133; Levick, 2007: XXX; Morelli, 2009: 132-133, 139, 143; Günter, 2016: 126; Bertolazzi, 2020: 136-137 note 232. 93 Kolb, 2010: 28 n. º 21; Kienast, Eck & Heil, 2017: 152. 94 Nadolny, 2016: 56. What is of interest here are Mattingly and Sydenham’s words: “The titles PIA FELIX were presumably conferred on the death of Severus; they have an imperial ring and mark the exceptional position of Julia as queen – mother. Even in the lifetime of Severus Julia had been more than an ordinary consort”, cf. RIC IV/1, 63. 95 Lusnia, 1995: 133; Bleckmann, 2002: 276; Bertolazzi, 2019: 477. 96 On the evolution of the hairstyle and physiognomic features of Julia Domna, cf. RIC IV/1, 63. 97 BMC V, 433 n. º 20. 98 RIC IV/1, 311 n. º 591; BMC V, 470 n. º †. Page | 189 a transverse sceptre. The difference in this case boils down to the depiction on the obverse because the legend on all of them is IVLIA PIA FELIX AVG. Whereas in some types of Julia Domna’s busts her hair is elaborately waved in ridges and turned up low at the back, her robe is draped and the head is turned right, which is in the style of most of the examined items [Fig. 6],99 in some other instances the Augusta is wearing a tiara and she is accompanied by a crescent100 or we can see her wearing stephane, but without a crescent.101. The same situation can be observed on coins with the legend VENVS GENETRIX S.C., on which the Augusta has stephane, but not a crescent.102 Seated and turned left Venus holding an apple and a sceptre with the figure of Cupid in front of her is a depiction that can also be found on other coins. In the case of these coins whose legends on the obverse and the reverse appear in Nominative, the main difference refers to the depiction on the obverse. Next to the bust of the Augusta, who is turning right, draped and wearing a tiara, there may appear a crescent.103 There are also some examples with the acronym S.C. without a crescent and a tiara104 or the ones with stephane only.105 A similar iconography on the reverse, with a small difference consisting in the fact that Venus is shown without an apple but with her arm stretching towards Cupid,106 can be found on some of the sestertius coins. As the legend on the reverse of all coins is the same, i.e. VENVS GENETRIX S.C., the differences correspond to the depictions on the obverse. In one of the distinguished types the bust of Julia Domna is shown turned right in a draped robe with her hair elaborately waved in ridges and turned up low at the back and topped with a tiara.107 There is also a similar example but with the Augusta’s head turned left.108 As Bertolazzi states,109 it is worth pointing out that although the theme of Venus Victrix had already been present on Julia Domna’s coins under the rule of Septimius Severus, the symbolism it gained in the period of Caracalla was significant. For the first time this allegory is connected with the coins of the princeps exactly under the rule of Caracalla. Moreover, it is worth mentioning in this context a well-known relief from the collection of the National Museum in Warsaw, displaying Julia Domna as the goddess with a palm leaf in her left hand and placing a wreath on Caracalla’s RIC IV /1, 274 n. º 388c; BMC V, 434 n. º 23B-26. RIC IV/1, 274 n. º 388a; BMC V, 433 n. º 21, 434 n. º 22-23A. 101 RIC IV/1, 274 n. º 388b. 102 BMC V, 470 n. º 216, 472 n. º 229, 473n. º 230. 103 RIC IV/1, 274 n. º 389a; BMC V, 434 n. º 27. The legend on the reverse: VENVS GENETRIX. 104 RIC VI /1, 274 n. º 389b; BMC V, 434 n. º 28. 105 BMC V, 473 n. º . The legend on the reverse: VENVS GENETRIX S.C. 106 Only in one of them there is no Cupid. On the obverse the Augusta is wearing a tiara. Cf. RIC IV/1, 311 n. º 592A. 107 RIC IV/1, 311 n. º 592a. 108 RIC IV /1, 311 n. º 592b. 109 Bertolazzi, 2019: 480. 99 100 Page | 190 head with her right hand.110 [Fig. 7] Gathering all these elements together enabled the Italian scholar to determine the true significance of the Augusta for legitimacy of her son’s rule. Therefore, we conclude that the proliferation of Julia Domna’s coins devoted to Venus Genetrix struck in the Roman mint was far from being accidental. One can add here that at that time Julia Domna and her son Caracalla were the only representatives of domus divina because Caracalla had no offspring with Fulvia Plautilla. Therefore, he could not show political strength of the family in any other way but by emphasizing the figure of his mother. Conclusiones The epithets Felix and Victrix coined for Venus at the end of the Republic were associated with the victorious leaders who attempted to validate their triumphs by showing them as divine interventions. Caesar and his promotion of the cult of Venus Genetrix constitute a significant qualitative step forward and the beginning of marked intensity of such practice. Then the goddess became to be worshipped as the creator of the entire Julio-Claudian dynasty and thus the one who bestowed certain divine elements on the figure of the emperor. Exactly this aspect, strengthened by evolution of meanings of the remaining epithets, which started to have more global connotations, was the reason for its inclusion into the numismatic field of female coins. The specificity of Septimius Severus’s rule manifesting itself by the fact that he was the founder of the dynasty and, after the elimination of other pretenders, the sole emperor, lead to a situation where one of the main strategies was using domus as an element of unity and power. For this purpose, apart from highlighting the durability of the imperial dynasty, he also tried to demonstrate that his policies did not mean cessation of past traditions but, on the contrary, they were continuation of the golden era of Rome in the form of the Antonine dynasty. It should not be anything surprising then that such a large number of coins, somehow reminiscent of those devoted to Faustina the Younger, were struck in honour of Julia Domna. Moreover, it should be borne in mind that this significant number of coins must have been also motivated by the fact that during the reign of Caracalla Julia Domna was the most important Augusta of Imperium. Traditional values widely associated with women such as maternity and marriage were embodied in the allegories of Venus Genetrix and Venus Felix , to which later on those of a more oriental character, i.e. Venus Caelestis, were also added. The meaning of the latter evolved in a similar direction and came to stand for glorification of fertility – the most important task women in Rome could aspire to. A more interesting case is that of Venus Victrix because the reason for its production lay in the contemporary political context, namely military confrontations of Septimius 110 National Museum in Warsaw, inv. nº 139678. Page | 191 Severus with his rivals. However, the main motivation for the production of these coins was the Augusta’s symbolic maternity and her protection over the military as otherwise it would have been difficult to explain their appearance in the military context. The allegories and associations used were not accidental but deliberately used to strengthen the imperial rule along the lines of the princeps’s policy from Leptis Magna and later the policy continued by Julia Domna’s son, who would use the figure of his mother in the public sphere without any scruples to his own advantage. Page | 192 Figures Fig. 1. Aureus of Julia Domna, Reverse: VENERI VICTR; BM inv. 1860,0326.15 © The Trustees of the British Museum Fig. 2. Aureus of Julia Domna, Reverse: VENVS GENETRIX; BM inv. 1864,1128.284 © The Trustees of the British Museum Fig. 3. Denarius of Julia Domna. Reverse: VENVS VICTRIX; BM inv.1844,0425.1398 © The Trustees of the British Museum Page | 193 Fig. 4. Aureus of Julia Domna, Reverse: VENERI GENETRICI; BM inv. 1864,1128.100 © The Trustees of the British Museum Fig. 5. Denarius of Julia Domna. Reverse: VENVS FELIX; BM inv. 1946,1004.833 © The Trustees of the British Museum Fig. 6. Antoninianus of Julia Domna. Reverse: VENVS GENETRIX; BM inv. 1867,0101.1726 © The Trustees of the British Museum Page | 194 Fig. 7. Relief with Caracalla and Julia Domna, National Museum in Warsaw inv. 139678; © Z. Doliński, P. Ligier (after Żelazowski, 2019: 14, fig. 9). Page | 195 Bibliography Source Appian. Roman History, Volume I. ed and tr. B. 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Le emissioni in oro di Giulia Domnaʼ, in Oreficeria in Emilia Romagna. Archeologia e storia tra età romana e medioevo, eds. A.L. Morelli, I. Baldini Lippolis, Bologna: Ante Quem, 79-96. Fittschen, K. (1982) Die Bidnistypen der Faustina minor und die Fecunditas Augustae. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Ghedini, F. (2020) Giulia Domna. Una siriaca sul trono dei Cesari. Roma: Carocci editore. Gitler, H., Ponting, M. (2007) ʽRome and the East. A Study of the Chemical Composition of Roman Silver Coinage During the Reign of Septimius Severus AD 193-211ʼ, Topoi suppl. 8: 375-397. González Fernández, R., Conesa Navarro, P.D. (2017) ʽLa dinastía severa y el nomen Aurellius. Septimio Severo y la gens Aureliaʼ, Ahenaeum 105.1: 137-152. Page | 197 Gordón Zan, A. (2022) ʽ178. Julia Domnaʼ, in 250 mujeres de la Antigua Roma, ed. P. Pavon, Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 242-243. Gorrie, Ch. (2004) ʽJulia Domna’s Building Patronage, Imperial Family Roles and the Severan Revival of Moral Legislationʼ, Historia 53.1: 61-72. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4436715 Günther, E. (2016) ʽFemaleness Matters: Identity and Identification Processes in the Severan Dynastyʼ, Marburger Beiträge zur Antiken Handels-, Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte 34, 113-168. Heil, M. (2006) ʽClodius Albinus und der Bürgerkieg von 197ʼ, in Staatlichkeit und politisches Handeln in der römischen Kaiserzeit, ed. H.-U. Wiemer, Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 55-86. Hidalgo de la Vega, M.J. (2012) Emperatrices romanas. Sueños de púrpura y poder oculto. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca. Hünemörder, Ch. (2000) s. v. ʽHoinix (6)ʼ, in DNP, 9, Stuttgart-Weimar, cols. 938-939. Jeličić-Radonić, J. (2011) ʽVenus Victrix in the Salona Urbs Orientalisʼ, in Roma y las provincias: modelo y difusión, vol. 1, eds. T. Nogales, I. Rodà, Roma: L’Erma di Bretschneider, 383-389. Kettenhofen, E. (1979) Die syrischen Augustae in der historischen Überlieferung. Ein Beitrag zum Problem der Orientalisierung. Bonn: Habelt. Kienast, D., Eck, W., Heil, M. (2017) Römische Kaisertabelle. Grundzüge einer römischen Kaiserchronologie. 6., überbeitete Auflage. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Kolb, A. (2010) ʽAugustae- Zielsetzung, Definition, prosopographsicher Überblickʼ, in Augustae: Machtbewusste Frauen am römischen Kaiserhof? Herrschaftsstrukturen und Herrschaftspraxis II. Akten der Tagung in Zürich 18.-20.9.2008, ed. A. Kolb, Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 11-35. Kosmetatou, E. (2002) ʽThe Public Image of Julia Mamaea. An Epigraphic and Numismatic Inquiryʼ, Latomus 61.2: 398-414. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41539794 Kuhoff, W. (1993) ʽZur Titulatur der römischen Kaiserinnen während der Prinzipatszeitʼ, Klio. Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte 75: 244-256. https://doi.org/10.1524/klio.1993.75.75.244 Langford J. (2013) Maternal Megalomania. Julia Domna and the Imperial Politics of Motherhood. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Levick, B. (2007) Julia Domna. Syrian Empress. London & New York: Routledge. Lusnia, S.S. (1995) ʽJulia Domna´s Coinage and Severan Dynastic Propagandaʼ, Latomus 54.1: 119-140. Mañas Romero, I. (2021) ʽLa imagen de Juno Lucina en las monedas de las princesas de la dinastía Severaʼ, in Abantos. Homenaje a Paloma Cabrera Bonet, Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura y Deporte, 961-969. Martínez López, C., Oria Segura, M. (2021) ʽEntre la guerra y la paz: aproximaciones metodológicas al estudio de las mujeres y la guerra en el mundo antiguoʼ, in De Ilipa a Munda. Guerra e conflito no Sul da Hispânia, eds. C. Pereira et al., Lisboa: Centro de Arqueologia da Universidade de Lisboa, 31-48. Mastino, A. (1981) Le Titolature di Caracalla e Geta attraverso le iscrizioni (indici). Bologna: Editrice CLUEB. Meyer, M. (2017) ʽJulia – ‹‹Braut des besten Mannes, Mutter des besten Kindes, assyrische Göttin der Liebe, nie untergehender Mond››ʼ, in Portraits. 50 Years of Roman Coins Portraits, ed. A. Pangerl, München, 365-373. Mikocki, T. (1995) Sub Specie Deae. Les impératrices et princesses romaines assimilées à des déeses. Étude iconologique. Roma: G. Bretschneider. Morelli, A.L. (2006) ʽIl ruolo della mater come símbolo di continuità nella moneta romanaʼ, in Misurare il tempo, misurare lo spazio. Atti del Colloquio AIEGL-Borghesi 2005, eds. M.G. Angeli Bertinelli, A. Donati, Faenza: Fratelli Lega, 57-77. Morelli, A.L. (2009) Madre di uomini e di dèi. La rappresentazione della maternità attraverso la documentazione numismastica di época romana, Bologna: Ante Quem. Morelli, A.L. (2010) ʽPotere femminile, potere della Materʼ, in Tyrannis, Basileia, Imperium. Forme, prassi e simboli del potere político nel mondo greco e romano. Atti del Giornate seminariali in onore di S. Nerina Consolo Langher: (Messina 17-19 Dicembre 2007), eds. M. Caccamo Caltabiano, C. Raccuia, E. Santagati, Messina: DiScAM, 459-476. Page | 198 Muñoz, F.A., Martínez López, C. (2014) ʽLas virtudes en las monedas imperiales romanasʼ, in Virtudes clásicas para la paz, eds. F.A. Muñoz, B. Molina Rueda, Granada: Universidad de Granada, 113-200. Nadolny, S. (2016) Die severischen Kaiserfrauen. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. Noreña, C.F. (2001) ʽThe Communication of the Emperor´s Virtuesʼ, The Journal of Roman Studies 91, 146-168. https://doi.org/10.2307/3184774 Noreña, C.F. (2011) Imperial Ideals in the Roman West. Representation, Circulation, Power. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Orlin, E. (2007) ʽUrban Religion in the Middle and Late Republicʼ, in A Companion to Roman Religion, ed. J. Rüpke, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 58-70. Oya García, G. (2019) ʽGenetrix Orbis. Madre de la dinastía Julio – Claudia, madre del Imperio, madre del orbe. La imagen de Livia Drusila en el territorio de la Béticaʼ, Habis 50: 147-166. Ponessa Salathé, J. (2000) ʽVenus and the Representation of Virtue on Third-Century Sarcophagiʼ, Latomus 59.4: 873-888. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41542237 Priwtzer, S. (2021) ʽThe Faustinasʼ, in The Routledge Companion to Women and Monarchy in the Ancient Mediterranean World, eds. E.D. Carney, S. Müller, London & New York: Routledge, 439-451. Rives, J. (1994) ʽVenus Genetrix outside Romeʼ, Phoenix 48: 294-306. https://doi.org/10.2307/1192570 Rodríguez Torres, J. (1986-1987) ʽVenus en la Bética a través de la epigrafíaʼ, Studia historica. Historia antigua 4-5: 137-143. Royo Martínez, M. del M. (2017) ʽPropaganda dinástica, militar y religiosa en las monedas de Julia Domnaʼ, Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie II. Historia Antigua 30: 299-322. https://doi.org /10.5944/etfii.30.2017.18852 Royo Martínez, M. del M. (2019) ʽLas emperatrices sirias y las excepcionales series monetales de Julia Domna y Julia Mameaʼ, Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie II. Historia Antigua 32, 115-136. https://doi.org/10.5944/etfii.32.2019.24181 Royo Martínez, M. del M. (2020) ʽConsideraciones y reflexiones sobre la tipología originaria del antoninianoʼ, Rivista italiana di numismática e scienze affini 122: 187-212. Rowan, C. (2011) ʽThe Public Image of the Severan Womenʼ, Papers of the British School at Rome 79: 241-273. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41725307 Rowan, C. (2012) Under Divine Auspices. Divine Ideology and the Visualisation of Imperial Power in the Severan Period. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rubin, Z. (1975) ‘Dio, Herodian, and Severus’ Second Parthian War’, Chiron 5: 419-441. https://doi.org/10.34780/xtc4-1741 Ruíz Vivas, C. (2021) ʽAlcanzar la gloria tras la muerte: “Pietas y Aeternitas”. Virtudes de feminidad en las monedas romanas de las emperatrices antoninasʼ, Eikón Imago 10: 191-210. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/eiko.74145 Saavedra-Guerrero, M. D. (2006) ʽAugustae, uxores, mulieres et matres. Mujeres y ficción en la dinastía de los Severosʼ, Mélanges de l’école française de Rome 118.2: 719-728. Schilling, R. (1982) La religion romaine de Vénus depuis les origines jusqu’au temps d’Auguste. Paris: De Boccard. Schmidt, E. (1997) s. v. ʽVenusʼ, in Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae VIII.1, Zürich & Düsseldorf, 192-230. Seelentag, G. (2017) ʽDie Dynamik von Herrschaftsdarstellung und Triumphideologie im ausgehenden 1. und früher 2. Jhʼ, in Der römische Triumph in Prinzipat und Spätantike, eds. F. Goldbeck and J. Wienand, Berlin & Boston: De Gruyter, 177-214. Smyk, A. (2019) ʽJulia Domna w polityce dynastycznej Septymiusza Sewera – wprowadzenie do problematykiʼ, Officina Historiae 2: 21-27. Speidel, M. (1984) ʽVenus Victrix- Roman and Orientalʼ, in Religion (Heidentum: Römische Götterkulte, Orientalische Kulte in der römischen Welt. Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt, 2/17 (4), ed. W. Haase, Berlin & New York: De Gruyter, 2225-2238. Page | 199 Steel, C. (2019) ʽSulla the Oratorʼ, in Sulla. Politics and Reception, eds. A. Eckert, A. Thein, Berlin & Boston: de Gruyter, 19-32. Temelini, M.A. (2006) ʽPompey’s Politics and the Presentation of his Theatre- Temple Complex, 61-52 BCEʼ, Studia Humanioria Tatuensia 7: 1-14. https://doi.org/10.12697/sht.2006.7.A.4 Tuori, K. (2016) ʽJudge Julia Domna? A Historical Mystery and the Emergence of Imperial Legal Administrationʼ, The Journal of Legal History 37.2: 180-197. https://doi.org/10.1080 /01440365.2016.1191590 Vilogorac Brčić, I. (2018) ʽVenus et Cybeles – matres romanorumʼ in The Century of the Brave. Roman Conquest and Indigenous Resistance in Illyricum during the Time of Augustus and his heirs / Stoljeće Hrabrih, Romsko osvajanje I otrop starosjedilaca u Iliriku za vrijeme Augusta I njegovih nasljednika, eds. M. Milićević Bradač, D. Demicheli, Zagreb: Odsjek za arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, 385-396. Williams, M.G. (1902) ʽStudies in the Lives of Roman Empressesʼ, American Journal of Archaeology 6.3, 259-305. https://doi.org/10.2307/496790 Zedelius, V. (1989) Venus Victrix. Ein seltener Denar der Iulia Domna im Rheinischen Landesmuseum Bonn. Bonn: Berichte aus dem Rheinischen Landesmuseum Bonn. Żelazowski, J. (2019) ‘Kilka uwag o sztuce rzymskiej w Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie’, Ad Rem 3: 3-21. To cite this article: Conesa Navarro, P.D., Smyk, A. (2022). Goddess Venus on Julia Domna’s coins. The Political Use of the Coinage of an Augusta of the Severan Dynasty. Historia i Świat 11, 175-200, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.11 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 200 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Agnieszka WITKOWSKA (AMU, Poznań, Poland) Sources of the history of the Jewish community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą (1507-1939) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.12 Abstract: No full monograph has yet been devoted to the history of the Jewish community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą. This paper, whose subject is the almost completely unknown history of Jews from Dobrzyń in the years 1507-1939, stems not only from the author’s own interests, but also from the need to fill the above-mentioned gap. To study the topic, the author used mainly archival sources, which were the legacy of administrative and political authorities. Fragments of source materials are currently kept in the State Archive in Bydgoszcz and the State Archive in Toruń, and the branch in Włocławek. Especially noteworthy sources include: the vital records of Jewish people (1826-1936), the records of the Pomeranian Voivodeship Office in Toruń (1920-1939), the town records of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą (1917 -1937), and the records of the Board of the National Council (1950-1972). In these collections, the largest numbers of documents are extracts from birth records, official correspondence, minutes from the meetings of local authorities, and municipal inspections from the inter-war period. Apart from the above-mentioned archival collections, the author used a wide range of other source materials, for example, collections of maps kept in the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw and in the District Office in Lipno, as well as very interesting items from private collections. Most of the above-mentioned sources have not yet been published. Key words: Dobrzyń nad Wisłą, Jewish community, vital Jewish records, archival sources, maps Introduction The aim of this paper is to present the sources for the history of the Jewish community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą whose fortunes have been almost unknown for more than four hundred years. Although the Vistula settlement is a historical capital of the Dobrzyń Land and one of the oldest towns in Central Poland,1 the town does not  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2579-6813. [email protected]; Adam Mickiewicz University. The source literature does not provide any accurate date for the town’s foundation. In 1228, Dobrzyń was mentioned as one of the villages belonging to the Płock bishopric. See: Guldon & Powierski, 1974: 155; Kalinowski, 2001: 16; The first preserved source account in which Dobrzyń is referred to as civitas (city) is found in the document of the Masovian-Teutonic agreement of 1235. See: Bieniak, 1998: 8; Hence, it must be assumed that Dobrzyń was granted town privileges not later than at the beginning of 1230s. Cf. Posadzy, 1962: 7; Bogucka & Samsonowicz, 1986: 87; Klevan, 1989: 177. 1 Page | 201 have a complete monograph concerning its history.2 Furthermore, there are no publications which describe the history of the Dobrzyń Kahal in a comprehensive manner, considering all the preserved archival sources, the press and private collections. The conducted research query, which covered the documentation of the national archives, local government agencies and private collections, provided a lot of information – unpublished so far – concerning the functioning of the Dobrzyń community over the centuries. Nevertheless, the presentation of the sources discovered ought not to take place without referring to previous historiography accomplishments. The status of the research on the history of the Jewish community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą The source literature includes only a few very general studies concerning this topic. This paper presents the current status of the research on the history of the Dobrzyń Kahal in chronological order. The oldest preserved publications on Dobrzyń Jews date back to the 19th century. The first very general mentions about Orthodox Jews in Dobrzyń are found in the historic work by Wincenty Gawarecki entitled Opis topograficzno-historyczny Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej… (1825). The author provides, inter alia, the exact number of the town’s inhabitants of Jewish origin (1824), the general description of Zduńska Street where the main institutions of the commune’s religious life were located and he mentions the active participation of Jews in plundering Christian houses during the Swedish invasion (1656).3 Slightly more detailed data are provided in the later publication Starożytna Polska pod względem historycznym, jeograficznym i statystycznym opisana (1843) by Michał Baliński and Tymoteusz Lipiński. This work records, inter alia, the amount of the quarterly rent for a synagogue (1765) and the list of Jewish buildings in Dobrzyń in the second half of the 19th century. 4 The mentions in Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego i innych krajów słowiańskich (1881), which provides, inter alia, data on the Jewish minority as a share of the total number of the town’s inhabitants in the years 1861-1881, are of an informative nature.5 It is worth mentioning that the 19th century authors on many occasions used sources which were not preserved in their original form until the recent times,6 therefore, it is difficult to verify them in terms of authenticity. At the same time, there The most important publications on the history of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą: Gawarecki, 1825: 41-51; Baliński & Lipiński, 1843: 339-344; Chlebowski et al., 1881: 87-90; Nowak, 1960: 1-4; Posadzy, 1962; Guldon & Powierski, 1966; Bieniak, 1998: 8-14; Kalinowski, 2001; Kłodawski, 2005. 3 Gawarecki, 1825: 44, 47-48. See Baliński & Lipiński, 1843: 343. 4 Baliński & Lipiński, 1843: 344. 5 Chlebowski et al., 1881: 87. 6 Gawarecki, 1825: 44, n. 55. 2 Page | 202 are no prerequisites which would imply that the information contained therein is inauthentic. The increase in interest about the history of the Jewish commune in Dobrzyń took place in the 2nd half of the 20th century. A highly valuable work, not published so far, was written in 1962 by Wiesław Posadzy concerning the spatial development of the town in the post-war period.7 The author of the study, in the part on the genesis of the town’s spatial development, describes, very generally, the location and extent of the Jewish district in the 18th and 19th centuries,8 using all available cartographic sources.9 A few years later (1966), a paper on the history of the town, from the earliest times to the end of the 18th century, was published, and at that time was the most voluminous one – it was written by Zenon Guldon and Jan Powierski.10 This study includes many factual mistakes11; nevertheless, it appears that the information referring to the Jewish population may be deemed reliable, since most of it is confirmed in the sources from the given period (inspections, the records of customs chambers).12 At the end of the 1980s, Yad Vashem (the Holocaust Martyrs’ and Heroes’ Remembrance Institute, Hebrew ‫ )יד ושם‬published the encyclopaedia of Jewish communes in Poland (Pinkas Hakehillot: Encyclopaedia of Jewish Communities, Poland, Vol. IV, Warsaw and Its Region).13 This study presents an outline of the history of the Jewish commune in Dobrzyń from earliest times until the end of 1939. The Israeli researchers used mainly Polish 19th century studies and archival materials which are currently kept in Jerusalem and selected excerpts from the regional press from the 1920s.14 This publication provides interesting data on the population size and the organisation of the commune in the 18th century,15 as well as information on the kahal’s social and political life, which is not found in the original studies.16 7 Posadzy, 1962. Posadzy, 1962: 10-11, 18. 9 Posadzy, 1962: 2-3. The author compared the key cartographic materials for the research on the spatial development of the town. 10 Guldon & Powierski, 1966: 3-17. 11 The authors, at the beginning of the study, underlined that due to the fragmentary status of the sources and the lack of source literature, some gaps and uncertain hypotheses could not be avoided. See Guldon & Powierski, 1966: 3. 12 Guldon & Powierski, 1966: 13, 15-17. See Tomczak et al., 1961; 1963; Górski et al., 1996; Guldon, 1967. 13 Klevan, 1989. 14 Klevan, 1989: 177-178 (entry: ‫)דובז'ין ע''ג ויסלה‬. 15 757 Jews lived in Dobrzyń in 1765; furthermore, 330 Orthodox Jews, living in the neighbouring villages, also belonged to the community, Klevan, 1989: 177. Perhaps, these were Jews from Fabianki, Chełmica (Duża), Łochocin, Okrągła or Tłuchowo. The inhabitants of these places paid premiums to the Dobrzyń community in 1939. See AP Bydgoszcz, UWP Toruń 1920-1939, ref. no. 4492: 99–101. 16 According to the authors of the study, a few Jewish aid organisations operated in the town in the interwar period, such as: Centos ("‫)"צנטאס‬, Labour Cooperative ("‫)"צרכניה לעמלים‬, the Association of Supporting the Poor ("‫ )"חברת תומכי עניים‬and the People’s Bank ("‫)"בנק עממי‬, Klevan, 1989: 178. See Wykaz Spółdzielni…, 1928: 8. Furthermore, there were the divisions of political parties operating in the town: Poale Zion, HeHalutz, Mizrachi, Agudat Yisrael (most of the members originated from the Ger Hasids) and Bund. See Kawski, 2012: 74-75. 8 Page | 203 Unfortunately, the source materials kept in the Polish archives were nearly completely omitted; hence, there are factual mistakes in the study.17 Other publications are from the 1990s and the beginning of the 21st century and refer to the Jewish communes in the Kuyavia and Dobrzyń Land in the inter-war period and during the years of Nazi occupation. The first work which must be indicated here is Byli z ojczyzny mojej. Zagłada ludności żydowskiej ziemi dobrzyńskiej w latach drugiej wojny światowej (1939-1945) by Mirosław Krajewski.18 The author presented the unknown war fortunes of the Jewish communities of four towns, namely Lipno, Rypin, Dobrzyń by the Drwęca River and Dobrzyń by the Vistula River. As a result, he focused mostly on the history of the community by the Drwęca River. Nevertheless, this study also contains some interesting information about the Jews from the Vistula Kahal, inter alia, mentioning the deportations to the ghettos in Warsaw, Mława and Nowe Miasto.19 A supplement to this work is another publication by this author entitled Kujawy wschodnie i ziemia dobrzyńska w latach okupacji hitlerowskiej (1939-1945).20 Particular attention should be given to the publications written at the beginning of the 21st century by an outstanding researcher of the history of the Jewish communes in the Kuyavia and Dobrzyń Land, Tomasz Kawski. In 2006, the said author published a very valuable study, preceded by a reliable archival query, Żydzi kujawsko -dobrzyńscy w latach 1918-1950,21 and six years later he published the work entitled Gminy żydowskie pogranicza Wielkopolski, Mazowsza i Pomorza w latach 1918 -1942.22 Both publications provide a lot of data on, for example, the social and political, cultural and economic life of the Jews in Dobrzyń in the period under discussion. Nonetheless, it must be underlined that they are general and that they do not cover the entire range of problems. Another work by Kawski appeared in 2019 and focuses on the fates of the Jewish population during the years of Nazi occupation – Ludność żydowska Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej w latach 1939-1945. Próba bilansu.23 The author extensively describes the extermination policy conducted by the occupier concerning the Jewish population 17 The encyclopaedia’s authors provide, among other things, an incorrect date for the town’s foundation as 1519. See footnote 1. They also indicate a later date for the formation of the Dobrzyń Kahal, suggesting the 17th century. At that time, a wooden synagogue and a Jewish cemetery were built. See Klevan, 1989: 177. Cf. Kalinowski, 2001: 21 and Kawski, 2012: 73. The Polish researchers indicate unequivocally that the beginnings of the Vistula Kahal could even be dated back to the middle of the 16th century, with the cemetery established around 1557. 18 Krajewski, 1990. 19 Krajewski, 1990: 17. 20 Krajewski, 2002. 21 Kawski, 2006b. An important addition to publications is the profiles of Dobrzyń rabbis (304-305). 22 Kawski, 2012: 73-77. So far, this has been the most complete study concerning the history of the Dobrzyń community in the years 1918-1942. Furthermore, the author provides data on the community’s population size in the following years: 1793-1794, 1808-1816, 1819, 1827, 1857, 1897, 1909, 1921, 1933, 1935. 23 Kawski, 2019. Page | 204 in the Lipno and Rypin poviats. He used the preserved sources in his research and the accounts of eye witnesses. It is the most comprehensive publication on this topic.24 To conclude, the research hitherto on the history of the Dobrzyń Kahal is selective. Undoubtedly, this is caused by the fragmentary status of the preserved sources and the lack of interest in the aspects under discussion by the end of the 1980s. The publications thus far refer only to the excerpt of the rich history of Dobrzyń community – mainly the inter-war period and the years of Nazi occupation. There are no studies describing, for example, the organisation of the kahal, the Jewish educational system, the movement of people and Polish-Jewish relations over the centuries. Comprehensive studies on the post-war fates of Dobrzyń Jews were not undertaken. Sources of the history of the Jewish community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą (1507-1939) Science includes the numerous attempts to define the notion of a historical source. According to Marian Pawlak and Jerzy Serczyk,25 this term is applied to each object connected with conscious human activity. This refers both to the testimonies of the past existing in the collective awareness, as well as objects of everyday use. Hence, an object of historical research may be an object which is the work of human hands as well as a demonstration of human mental activity. Among the various types of written sources, certificates and documents are particularly important since they record the activity of various institutions and the objective of their formation is usually completely practical and utilitarian, related to the everyday functioning of some institutions. Contrary to descriptive sources, certificates and documents are not usually drawn-up for shaping the thoughts and convictions of an addressee; therefore, they are not determined with specific subjectivity.26 Formal documentation produced mainly in the 19th and 20th centuries constitutes the key group of sources for studies on the history of the Jewish community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą. This collection has not yet been published,27 and the general studies only include a small percentage of the information contained therein.28 It must be underlined that the materials preserved primarily constitute documentation produced by the then administrative authorities. They relate to organisational issues connected with the functioning of the town authorities and institutions operating in the town, and also include religious organisations. Unfortunately, the certificates produced by 24 See also Tomkiewicz, 2020: 207. Pawlak & Serczyk, 1997: 17. 26 Pawlak & Serczyk, 1997: 22. 27 Kawski, 2006a: 87. 28 Krajewski, 1990; Kawski, 2006b; 2012: 73-82. 25 Page | 205 the Dobrzyń community are fragmentary. This material comprises several documents29 drawn-up mainly in the inter-war period. The community archive was completely destroyed, probably at the end of 1939 or at the beginning of 1940.30 The oldest preserved document acknowledging the presence of Jews in Dobrzyń is Taxa Judeorum et opidis Regni existentibus, that is, The tax rate of Jews living in cities and towns of the Kingdom from 1507. This document includes the register of the Jewish communities taxed in relation to the coronation (24 January, 1507) of Sigismund I. Apart from the name of the place, it also records the sum of the amounts paid by Dobrzyń Jews to the new king.31 More detailed information on the Dobrzyń Jewish population is provided by the register of the Nieszawska customs chamber from 1765.32 This is the oldest document which specifies the names and surnames of Jewish merchants from the town. It is worth mentioning that in this period the participation of Jews in the Dobrzyń river trade was nearly 72% – the most of all the Kuyavia and Dobrzyń towns recorded in the censuses of the Nieszawska customs chamber.33 Another key document drawn-up in that year is the confirmation of the rights and prerogatives of Dobrzyń Jews, for example, for the production and sale of drinks. This is Stanisław August’s privilege of 7 May 1765.34 A certain supplementation of the information contained therein is the inspection of aldermanship35 conducted on 24 December 1774.36 Said documents, notwithstanding the fact that they mention Dobrzyń Jews, do not provide any details concerning the functioning of the whole community. According to Stefan Cackowski,37 the most comprehensive sources for specifying the population of the Dobrzyń Land at the end of the 18th century are the descriptions of the Polish towns incorporated into South Prussia in 1793. These sources were probably written 29 The majority of the mentioned documents are currently kept in the national archives, mainly in Bydgoszcz and Włocławek. Some materials were also kept in MD Dobrzyń. After the museum closed, all the documents and exhibits became part of private collections). These are the following: The letter of the Management of the Jewish Religious Community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą to Dobrzyń Town Council of 6 August 1928; The letter of “Tarbut” Educational-Cultural Association to the President of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą of 14 December 1929; The letter of the Management of the Jewish Religious Community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą to Dobrzyń Magistrate of 15 December 1929; The letter of “Gemiłus Chesed” Association of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą to Dobrzyń Magistrate of 15 December 1929. 30 See Klevan, 1898: 178; Kawski, 2012: 77. 31 Horn, 1974: 11-15; see also Kawski, 2012: 73. 32 Said register is kept in AGAD, Archiwum Kameralne, ref. no. III/1619/4-6. See Guldon & Guldon, 1988: 181, n. 22. 33 The register of the Nieszawska customs chamber includes 13 mentions of Dobrzyń merchants. See Guldon & Guldon, 1988: 183, table 1. 34 This document can be found in AGAD, MK 220, pp. 422–426. See Górski & Mietz, 1988: 6, n. 9. 35 The name of the land plots located in the vicinity of Dobrzyń which were granted by King Władysław Jagiełło to the Chełmiccy Family for inheritable ownership. See more extensively Górski & Mietz, 1988: 5, n. 1. 36 Górski & Mietz, 1988: 6. 37 Cackowski, 1995: 12-13. Page | 206 at the beginning of the Prussian regime. At that time, the local authorities were obliged to provide an answer to 82 questions covering all the essential issues related to the functioning of the town. The questions concerned, among other things: town, religious, welfare and health institutions, spatial development and population, the number and type of craftsmanship and trade establishments, the ethnic composition of the population and various religious groups.38 The comparative analysis of the descriptions of Prussian towns with the source materials from Polish times allows the presumption that the information contained therein is correct. On this basis, it is possible to determine, for example, the percentage share of the Jewish population in the total number of Dobrzyń inhabitants in the years 1793,39 1800, 180840; moreover, it is possible to indicate the real estate belonging to Jews,41 estimate the number of Jewish employees in the food,42 clothing,43 leather,44 construction,45 textile,46 haberdashery,47 and luxury48 industries, as well as determine the type and the scope of the services rendered by Jews.49 The main source for the research on the estimated natural movement of the Jewish population in the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century are the vital records from this period. The marital status certificates of the Mosaic confession from the Dobrzyń community chronologically cover the years 1828-1936. This collection contains six archival units, namely two collective books of birth certificates (the years 1826-1886 and 1887-1909), three collective books of marriage certificates (the years 1826-1870, 1871-1879 and 1880-1898) and one collective book of death certificates (the years 1899-1936). All the books are kept currently in the national archives in Włocławek.50 The regulations of Napoleon’s Code introduced by means of Fryderyk August’s decree, Saxon King and Warsaw Prince, of 27 January 1808, established the uniform secular registration of births, marriages and deaths for all the citizens of the Duchy of Warsaw notwithstanding the confession.51 In 1809, the function of the civil registry officials was given to clergymen and the supervisory rights were 38 Cackowski, 1995: 12-13. Cackowski, 1995: 52, table 10. 40 Cackowski, 1995: 115, table 32. 41 Cackowski, 1995: 61, table 13. 42 Cackowski, 1995: 72, table 18. 43 Cackowski, 1995: 74, table 19. 44 Cackowski, 1995: 76, table 20. 45 Cackowski, 1995: 81, table 23. 46 Cackowski, 1995: 84, table 24. 47 Cackowski, 1995: 86, table 25. 48 Cackowski, 1995: 86, table 26. 49 Cackowski, 1995: 88, table 27. 50 AP Włocławek, ASC Włocławek, ref. no.: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. There are also two unique specimens: the marriage certificates (1928-1938) and birth certificates (1927-1938) of the Synagogue District of Dobrzyń. These are currently kept in USC Dobrzyń. The book of death certificates from 1870-1899 is probably missing. At the beginning of the 1990s it was at USC Dobrzyń. 51 Pomianowski, 2015: 95-106. See also Gruszczyńska, 1993: 1-2. 39 Page | 207 awarded to the courts of peace. Such a situation was binding throughout the existence of the Duchy of Warsaw, and then in the Kingdom of Poland until 1825.52 Pursuant to Article 174 of the Civil Code of the Kingdom of Poland, the preparation of the certificates of the marital status of non-Christian confessions was entrusted to town officials. Additional regulations referring to the marital status registers were introduced by means of the Regulation of the Administrative Council of the Kingdom in September 1830. In these documents, rabbis, or their deputies or associates, were obliged to keep the registers of births, marriages and deaths. Upon introducing an entry in a proper book, the local rabbi was obliged to appear together with the interested parties in the appointed civil registry office in order to draw-up the given certificate. Each document had to be recorded in two books: the first one was kept at the town office and the other – for safety reasons – was kept at the Land Mortgage Archives of the Court of Peace. Such a manner of registering the certificates of marital status was maintained throughout the inter-war period.53 It is worth underlining that the documentation issued by Dobrzyń rabbis was not preserved. We only have the certificates made by the town administration officials. It is estimated that this collection is preserved in whole.54 As far as the certificates of marital status of the Mosaic confession in the district of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą are concerned, it cannot be determined unequivocally whether only the Jewish population living in Dobrzyń was registered there. The use of the term ‘district’ raises some doubts when determining a territory subject to the register. It is possible that the census also involved Jews living in nearby locations.55 The form of the vital registry of the Jewish population was similar to the patterns used in the Catholic and Protestant parish books all over the Kingdom of Poland. They were descriptive; thus, they provide a lot of information about the commune’s inhabitants. The birth certificates include such data as the date and place of drawing-up the certificate, surnames, names, ages, occupations, the permanent residence addresses of the father and the witnesses, the place of birth of the mother and her maiden name, the exact date of birth of the child, its sex and first name.56 The marriage certificates contain information about the date and place of drawing-up the document, the first and last name of the rabbi, last names, ages, marital See more extensively Gruszczyńska, 1993: 1-2. Gruszczyńska, 1993: 2-3. 54 In the Kuyavia and Dobrzyń Land, complete vital Jewish records were preserved only from a few places – apart from Dobrzyń, these were Rypin, Izbica Kujawska, Nieszawa and Piotrków Kujawski. The vital records of other communities, among others, Lipno, Włocławek, Lubraniec or Kowal, are a fragmentary collection. See more extensively Gruszczyńska, 1993: 5-8. See also footnote 50. 55 See footnote 15. 56 AP Włocławek, ASC Włocławek, ref. no.: 1, 2; USC Dobrzyń, the birth certificates (1927-1938) of the Synagogue District of Dobrzyń. 52 53 Page | 208 status, places of birth and occupations of the spouses to be, as well as the personal data of their parents and witnesses. The registry of the marriage certificates also includes information on the pre-marriage agreement, announcements, duplicates of the birth certificates of the spouses to be, and sometimes – in the event of the death of a former spouse – the death certificate.57 The death certificates contain detailed information concerning the deceased, the circumstances of death and the personal data of the death’s witnesses. If the deceased was married before death, the spouse’s name and the names of their children were recorded as well.58 The certificates of marital status of the Mosaic Confession in the District of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą have an alphabetical index for each year.59 In the collective book of the birth certificates from 1826-1886, the entries were made in Polish (until 1867) and Russian (until 1886). The marriage certificates from the years 1826-187060 and the death certificates from 1899-1936 (the years 1899-1914 are in Russian, the years 1915-1936 in Polish) were drawn-up in a similar manner. The birth certificates for the years 1887-1908 and the marriage certificates for 1871-1898 were only drawn-up in Russian. The vital records of Dobrzyń Jews are an exceptionally rich historical source which constitutes excellent material for studying the demographic processes and also – especially for linguists – an indispensable source for onomastic studies. Unfortunately, so far, they have not been attended properly in the source literature.61 AP Włocławek, ASC Włocławek, ref. no.: 3, 4, 5; USC Dobrzyń, the marriage certificates (1928-1938) of the Synagogue District of Dobrzyń. 58 AP Włocławek, ASC Włocławek, ref. no. 6. 59 An exception is the collective book of the birth certificates from the years 1826-1886. 60 There are no entries from the following years: 1833, 1834 and 1837. In 1853, instead of the following title of the certificate: Wykaz Ogólny Akt Zaślubień przez ciąg roku w Gminie Żydowskiej Dobrzynia nad Wisłą spisanych, the following name occurs: Wykaz Ogólny Akt Ślubnych w Gminie Niechrześcijańskiej Dobrzyń n/ Wisłą. In 1865, next to the first and last name of a man, the personal data of a woman are recorded for the first time. 61 Actually, none of the studies concerning the history of Dobrzyń Jews in the 20th century includes a mention of the vital community registers. See Krajewski, 1990; Kawski, 2006b; 2012: 73-77. 57 Page | 209 Tab. 1. Population of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą (XVII-XX c.) Year 1658a 1673–1674b 1765c 1775d 1793e 1808f 1819g 1824h 1827i 1857j 1861k 1881l 1897m 1899n 1900o 1909p 1921q 1926r 1927s 1928t 1929u 1930v 1933w 1935x 1938y 1939z Population (total) 363 616 712–890 860 2 183 1 559 1 839 2 161 1 861 2 221 2 289 2 485 2 944 2 944 3 197 2 693 2 693 2 693 2 893 3 006 2 693 2 500 2 793 3 268 Jewish population Number of people % 757 311 1 816 703 840 1 201 831 486 681 927 1 461 706 or 725 767 ca. 850 ca. 850 36.2 83.2 45.1 45.7 55.6 44.7 21.9 29.7 37.3 45.7 28.8 ca. 29 28 26 Sources: a Guldon & Powierski, 1966: 14; b Cackowki, 1995: 24; c Klevan, 1989: 177; d Cackowski, 1995: 24; e Cackowski, 1995: 52; f, g Kawski, 2012: 73; h Gawarecki, 1825: 47; i, j Klevan, 1989: 177; k, l Chlebowski et al., 1881: 87. Cf. Kalembka, 1966: 22; m Klevan, 1989: 177; n Echa Płockie i Łomżyńskie (7/6/1899), R. II, nr 45: 3; o Echa Płockie i Łomżyńskie (24/1/1900), R. III, nr 7: 3, p Kawski, 2012: 73; q Klevan, 1989: 177; r, s Księga adresowa Polski…, 1926/1927; t Księga adresowa Polski…, 1928; u AP Włocławek, AM Dobrzyń 1917 -1937, ref. no. 3; v Księga adresowa Polski…, 1928; w, x, y, z Kawski, 2012: 73. Cf. Kawski, 2006b: 35; AP Włocławek, ZM and MRN Dobrzyń 1945-1950, ref. no. 14; author’s summary. The national archives in Włocławek, apart from the vital registers already described, also include the certificates of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą for the years 1917-1937. A kind of supplementation of the information contained therein is the documentation Page | 210 of the Pomerania Voivodeship Office in Toruń currently kept in the collections of the national archives in Bydgoszcz. The preserved certificates mostly concern issues connected with the organisation of the town authorities, the town economy and the development of education and culture in Dobrzyń in the inter-war period. Said collections are the most interesting and most complete source materials for researching the history of Dobrzyń Jews in the years 1918-1939. The municipal archives of Dobrzyń for the years 1917-1937 provide a lot of information concerning: Jewish education,62 the share of the Jewish minority in the social-political63 and economic life of the town,64 Polish-Jewish relations65 and the development of the Jewish quarter in that period.66 The documentation issued by the Pomerania Voivodeship Office in Toruń comprises the 1930s in chronological order. This collection includes, for example, the inspection of the Dobrzyń community from 1937, the list of premiums and the detailed budget for the year 1939, the list of community real estate and their value, and information concerning J. W. Sender – the last rabbi of Dobrzyń.67 Unfortunately, the documentation issued by the Nazi occupier was almost completely destroyed when the German army withdrew in January 1945.68 Actually, the only preserved written source referring to the period of occupation in the town are the archives of the Town Management and the Town National Council of Dobrzyń recorded for the years 1945-1950. This collection comprises, for example, a questionnaire concerning military action in the town,69 a detailed list of military damage,70 a register of the real estate belonging to Jews before the war,71 details concerning the rebuilding of Słowackiego Street72 and information on the fates of some Dobrzyń inhabitants during the occupation and after liberation.73 AP Włocławek, AM Dobrzyń 1917-1937, ref. no.: 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. AP Włocławek, AM Dobrzyń 1917-1937, ref. no.: 2, 3, 7. 64 AP Włocławek, AM Dobrzyń 1917-1937, ref. no.: 2, 8 (in 1936, the Tax Office in Lipno issued more than 30 enforcement applications in relation to Dobrzyń inhabitants, the debtors were mainly Jewish merchants), 10, 15. 65 AP Włocławek, AM Dobrzyń 1917-1937, ref. no.: 2, 12, 13. 66 AP Włocławek, AM Dobrzyń 1917-1937, ref. no.: 2, 8, 10, 11, 13, 15, 67 AP Bydgoszcz, UWP Toruń 1920-1939, ref. no. 4483. 68 An exception is, for example, a sketch of the real estate destroyed in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą in 1943 (Skicce der abgebrochenen Grundstücke in Dobrin Kr. Leipe, Leipe 1943). This document is currently kept in the private collection of R. Bartoszewski. 69 AP Włocławek, ZM and MRN Dobrzyń 1945-1950, ref. no. 40. 70 AP Włocławek, ZM and MRN Dobrzyń 1945-1950, ref. no. 45. 71 AP Włocławek, ZM and MRN Dobrzyń 1945-1950, ref. no. 6, 14. 72 This street was subsequently renamed: Włocławska (the first half of the 19th century), Żydowska (the second half of the 19th century), J. Słowackiego (20th century). Before the outbreak of the war, this was one of the main streets in the Jewish quarter. AP Włocławek, ZM and MRN Dobrzyń 1945-1950, ref. no. 6. 73 AP Włocławek, ZM and MRN Dobrzyń 1945-1950, ref. no.: 37, 38. 62 63 Page | 211 Tab. 2. List of Jewish properties in Dobrzyń destroyed during the German occupation (1939-1945) Owner Building address Building type Value of building in 1939 (zl) 10 000 3 000 12 000 4 000 2 000 3 000 Damage level (%) 100 100 100 100 100 100 50 000 100 Baumgarten Złata Rynek Bilskier Icek Słowackiego Czarnobroda Hersz Jewish community Gold Chana Bajla Goldberg Nuchym Goldberg Nuchym Grynberg Chiel Słowackiego house outbuilding granary house outbuilding house Zduńska synagogue Zduńska house 1 500 100 Słowackiego Kilińskiego house stables house 3 000 500 4 000 100 100 100 Rynek house 3 000 100 Jankiewa Ejdel Rynek Kowal Abram Słowackiego house granary stables house 15 000 3 000 500 15 000 100 100 100 100 Kwiat Abram Słowackiego Ledeberg Icek Pierackiego Lerer Rojza Słowackiego house stables house sheds house 3 000 500 8 000 500 3 000 100 100 100 100 100 Lipińska Gitla Rynek house 4 000 100 Manesowicz Abram Marczak Zelek Słowackiego house 3 000 100 Zduńska house 1 500 100 Parszos Efroim Słowackiego house 5 000 100 Parszos Icek Rynek house 3 000 100 Page | 212 Prync Rywa Rynek house outbuilding house 15 000 10 000 3 000 100 100 100 Sochaczewski Szymon Szafran Itta Pierackiego Rynek house outbuilding house stables house stables house 15 000 5 000 8 000 500 8 000 500 4 000 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Szpektor Gecel Słowackiego Szpigel Pinkus Słowackiego Wiewiórka Szymon Zajde Chaim Ber Rynek house 4 000 100 Rynek Source: AP Włocławek, ZM and MRN Dobrzyń 1945-1950, ref. no. 45, Wykaz szkód wojennych szczegółowych w mieście Dobrzyniu nad Wisłą z dnia 24 lipca 1945 roku; author’s summary. An essential source of material, almost completely omitted so far by historians, are cartographic sources.74 These materials are really valuable because they depict the spatial development progress of Dobrzyń at the turn of the centuries. They provide valuable information concerning, for example, the location of the Jewish synagogue and cemetery, the situation and extent of the Jewish quarter in the 19th century, the distribution of the properties of Dobrzyń Jews in the 1930s and the war losses.75 The oldest preserved cartographic representation of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą is the copy of the town plan made in 1804 by Penny. 76 The author refers to the original entitled Charte von der Stadt Dobrzyń an der Weichsel, drawn-up by the construction inspector, Goeppner, at the end of the 18th century or at the beginning of the 19th century. This plan is the only preserved cartographic source with Bóżniczna 74 An exception is a valuable study by Posadzy (1962): in different locations. Nevertheless, the author did not include the town site plan from 1878, the cadastral map of Dobrzyń from 1907 (this is currently kept in the collections of the Poviat Starosty in Lipno) and the sketch of the destroyed Jewish real estate from 1943. 75 The sketch of destructions prepared by the occupant in 1943 was preserved (Skicce der abgebrochenen Grundstücke in Dobrin Kr. Leipe). On this basis, it is possible to determine the extent of the Jewish quarter at the end of the 1930s quite accurately. It also includes the exact dimensions of plots and the personal data of their Jewish owners. The following are mentioned in this document: Lewkowicz Lajb, Peses Golda, Kowal Rojza, Szpektor Abram, Szpiegel Mendel, Stern Naftali, Szafran Ita, Eides Jankiel, Parszos Sura, Majer Icek, Baumgarten Złata, Lewin Salomon, Goldberg, Czarnobroda, Kwiat Nuchyn, Bilsker Icek, Lerer Rojza, Prync Rywa, Grynberg Chiel Majer, Wiewiórka Szlama, Lipiński Gitel, Zajde Chaim Ber, Erben Szabliński M. 76 AGAD, Zbiór kart, ref. no. 524–6. Page | 213 Street marked.77 Furthermore, the real estate owned by Jews is marked in red.78 In the 19th century, another important sketch of the town was prepared, namely a site plan of the northern-west part of the town square.79 This was mostly used for marking the planned forge; yet, it is extremely valuable for research on the spatial development of the Jewish quarter. The architect marked Żydowska Street but there is no mention about this street in the preserved sources from the 19th century. In the 20th century, maps then confirm that the Jewish quarter was developed over time, extending to the northern-east part of the town square. Thus, it can be estimated when that process began. In historical research, apart from documentation and cartographic sources, the regional press plays an important role. Regrettably, informative periodicals were not published in Dobrzyń until 1945.80 However, it is known that the town inhabitants received newspapers printed in cities such as Płock and Włocławek.81 In the light of the preserved sources, it is not possible to determine how this affected the awareness of the local community; it is also difficult to indicate which titles were the most popular. Nonetheless, it may be stated that in the inter-war period, the strongest daily newspaper in the region was Włocławek’s edition of Warsaw’s ABC – ABC Włocławka i Kujaw published in the years 1926-1939.82 Some time ago, the collections of the Dobrzyń Museum included three copies of the said daily newspaper, probably from the end of the 1920s or 1930s.83 This extraordinarily small collection informs, for example, about the share of the Jewish population in the elections to the Town Council conducted in the years 1918, 1919, 1922 and 1927. It is worth mentioning that only a few documents concerning the procedure and the results of elections survived the period of occupation.84 It is interesting that the only preserved description of the Dobrzyń synagogue was published in ABC Włocławka i Kujaw.85 It appears that many pieces of information concerning the functioning of the Dobrzyń community could be supplied by the studies on the Jewish press Currently, a part of Zduńska Street. Posadzy, 1962: 2. 79 It was prepared entirely in Russian on 6 February 1878. The sketch was kept in the collections of the Dobrzyń Museum in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą. See also footnote 29. 80 The Nowiny bulletin issued in 1937 was not a continuous publication. See AP Włocławek, AM Dobrzyń 1917-1937, ref. no. 14. 81 E.g.: Echa Płockie i Łomżyńskie, ABC Włocławka i okolicy and Życie Włocławka i okolicy. 82 This daily newspaper was connected in terms of the agenda with the national movement; hence, it often contained anti-Semitic content. See more extensively Notkowski, 1982: 280-281. 83 A problem with establishing the exact date results from the fact that only fragments of the respective copies were preserved. Based on the information contained therein, it is possible to estimate a probable date of publication and the name of the author. See Wiśniewski, 1928; idem (no publishing year – it was probably published between 1934 and 1939). 84 See AP Włocławek, AM Dobrzyń 1917-1937, ref. no.: 2, 3. 85 Wiśniewski, (no year). 77 78 Page | 214 published in Włocławek in the inter-war period. It must be remembered that Włocławek was one of the largest publishing centres in inter-war Poland. At the time, there were 40 Jewish publishing houses operating in the town. In these terms, Włocławek was in sixth position in the country after, for example, Warsaw, Vilnius, Lvov and before, for example, Cracow.86 The accounts of witnesses, the participants of the events researched, constitute a separate group of sources. Absolutely, they have a higher factual value when they are provided directly after events which they concern. Regrettably, it has never been attempted to publish the recollections of the town inhabitants about the inter-war period and the years of Nazi occupation. Said accounts could contribute to, for example, establishing the exact location and appearance of the Dobrzyń synagogue, determining the location of the Jewish cemetery, defining Polish-Jewish relations immediately before the war and presenting the fates of some Dobrzyń Jewish families in the period of occupation and after liberation.87 Conclusions To conclude, it must be noted that the source materials for the history of the Jewish community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą in the years 1507-1939 presented herein are of a fragmentary nature. Except for a few documents from the 16th and 18th centuries, only vital registers from the years 1828-1938 were preserved and incomplete documentation issued by the town administration in the inter-war period. The records of the community, which in fact are a small collection of not more than several documents, are currently kept in the national archives in Bydgoszcz and Włocławek. The other materials, mainly cartographic sources, old photos and accounts are located in the Central Archives of the Historical Records in Warsaw, in the Poviat Starosty in Lipno and in frequently omitted private collections which are extraordinarily rich in detail. Perhaps a more complete archival query, also involving foreign archives and institutions, will allow more detailed research to be conducted in the future on the history of the Dobrzyń Kahal. 86 Kawski, 2006b: 210-211. The author of the paper, in 2012, recorded the accounts of S. Małkiewicz, K. Sawicki and H. Zejfert, born in Dobrzyń in the 1920s (the transcription of this account can be found in the author’s collection). These materials have not yet been published. 87 Page | 215 Bibliography Archival sources AGAD – Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych w Warszawie [Central Archives of Historical Record in Warsaw] Archiwum Kameralne, sign. III/1619/4-6. Zbiór kart., ref. no. 524-6. AP Bydgoszcz, UWP Toruń – Archiwum Państwowe w Bydgoszczy [National Archives in Bydgoszcz], Akta Urzędu Wojewódzkiego Pomorskiego w Toruniu 1920-1939 [the archives of the Pomeranian Voivodship Office in Toruń (1920-1939)], ref. no.: 4482, 4483, 4492, 4496. AP Włocławek – Archiwum Państwowe w Toruniu oddział we Włocławku [National Archives in Toruń, Włocławek Branch] ASC Włocławek – Akta stanu cywilnego wyznania mojżeszowego, okręg Dobrzyń nad Wisłą, lata /1808/ 1826-1936 [the municipalities registry books of the Mosaic confession, Dobrzyń District, /1808/ 1826-1936], ref. no.:1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. AM Dobrzyń – Akta miasta Dobrzynia nad Wisłą (powiat lipnowski) z lat 1825: 1917-1937 [the municipal archives of Dobrzyń, Lipno County (1825, 1917-1937)], ref. no.: 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15. ZM and MRN Dobrzyń 1945-1950 – Akta Zarządu Miejskiego i Miejskiej Rady Narodowej w Dobrzyniu nad Wisłą. Lata 1945-1950 [the archives of the Town Management and the Town National Council of Dobrzyń (1945-1950)], ref. no.: 8,14, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 45. Akta Starostwa Powiatowego Lipnowskiego w Lipnie z lat /1918/ 1936-1939 [the archives of the Lipno County Office in Lipno (1918, 1936-1939)], ref. no. 3. Akta Starostwa Powiatowego Lipnowskiego w Lipnie. Lata 1945-1950 [the archives of the Lipno County Office in Lipno (1945-1950)], ref. no.: 277, 279, 281. Akta Prezydium Miejskiej Rady Narodowej w Dobrzyniu nad Wisłą. Lata 1950-1972 [the archives of the Presidium of the Town National Council in Dobrzyń (1950-1972)], ref. no.: 14, 23. USC Dobrzyń – Urząd Stanu Cywilnego w Dobrzyniu nad Wisłą [Civil Registry Office in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą] Unikat akt urodzeń Dobrzyńskiego n. W. Bóżniczego Okręgu w latach 1927-1938. [the birth certificates (1927-1938) of the Synagogue District of Dobrzyń] Unikat akt ślubnych Dobrzyńskiego n. W. Bóżniczego Okręgu w latach 1928-1938. [the marriage certificates (1928-1938) of the Synagogue District of Dobrzyń] MD Dobrzyń – Muzeum Dobrzyńskie w Dobrzyniu nad Wisłą [Dobrzyń Museum] Pismo Zarządu gminy wyznaniowej żydowskiej w Dobrzyniu n/Wisłą do Rady Miejskiej Dobrzynia, z dnia 6 sierpnia 1928 roku [The letter of the Management of the Jewish Religious Community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą to Dobrzyń Town Council of 6 August 1928]; Pismo Stowarzyszenia Oświatowo-Kulturalnego „Tarbut” do Prezydenta miasta Dobrzynia n/W, z dnia 14 grudnia 1929 roku [The letter of “Tarbut” Educational-Cultural Association to the President of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą of 14 December 1929]; Pismo Zarządu gminy wyznaniowej żydowskiej w Dobrzyniu n/Wisłą do Magistratu miasta Dobrzynia, z dnia 15 grudnia 1929 roku [The letter of the Management of the Jewish Religious Community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą to Dobrzyń Magistrate of 15 December 1929]; Pismo Stowarzyszenia „Gemiłus Chesed” m. Dobrzynia n/Wisłą do Magistratu m. Dobrzynia, z dnia 15 grudnia 1929 roku [The letter of “Gemiłus Chesed” Association of Dobrzyń nad Wisłą to Dobrzyń Magistrate of 15 December 1929]. Skicce der abgebrochenen Grundstücke in Dobrin Kr. Leipe, 1943. Page | 216 Printed sources Górski, Z., Pakulski, J., Tomczak, A. (ed.) (1996) Lustracja województw wielkopolskich i kujawskich 1659-1665, Part II województwa: sieradzkie, łęczyckie, brzesko-kujawskie, inowrocławskie i ziemia dobrzyńska, Toruń: TNT. Górski, Z., Mietz, A. (ed.) (1988) Inwentarze lustracyjne królewszczyzn w ziemi dobrzyńskiej z lat 1774 -1777, Rypin: Włocławskie Towarzystwo Naukowe. Oddział Dobrzyński. Guldon, Z. (ed.) (1967) Lustracja województw wielkopolskich i kujawskich 1628-1632, Part III województwa łęczyckie, brzesko-kujawskie, inowrocławskie i ziemia dobrzyńska, Bydgoszcz: BTN. Kawski, T. (2006a) ‘Inwentarze gmin żydowskich z Pomorza i Wielkopolski wschodniej w okresie międzywojennym (1918/20-1939)’, Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej 3-4: 73-96. Księga adresowa Polski (wraz z W. M. Gdańskiem) dla handlu, przemysłu, rzemiosła i rolnictwa 1926/27, Warszawa 1926/27. Księga adresowa Polski (wraz z W. M. Gdańskiem) dla handlu, przemysłu, rzemiosła i rolnictwa 1928, Warszawa 1928. Tomczak, A., Ohryzko-Włodarska, CZ., Włodarczyk, J. (eds) (1963) Lustracja województw wielkopolskich i kujawskich 1564-1565, Part II, Bydgoszcz: BTN. Tomczak, A., Ohryzko-Włodarska, CZ., Włodarczyk, J. (eds) (1961) Lustracja województw wielkopolskich i kujawskich 1564-1565, Part I, Bydgoszcz: BTN. Wykaz Spółdzielni należących do Związku Żydowskich Towarzystw Spółdzielczych w Polsce w dniu 15 października 1928 r. (1928). Warszawa: Związek Żydowskich Towarzystw Spółdzielczych w Polsce. Literature Baliński, M., Lipiński, T. (1843) Starożytna Polska pod względem historycznym, jeograficznym i statystycznym opisana. Vol. I, Warszawa: Nakładem S. Orgelbranda. Bieniak, J. (1998) ‘Średniowiecze na Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej’, in Z Dziejów Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej. Materiały z sesji popularnonaukowej. Radziki Duże 6 listopada 1997, ed. Z. Góźdź, Dobrzyń nad Wisłą: Stowarzyszenie Gmin Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej, 7-33. Bogucka, M., Samsonowicz, H. (1986) Dzieje miast i mieszczaństwa w Polsce przedrozbiorowej. Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich. Cackowski, S. (1995) Miasta dobrzyńskie i kujawskie w końcu XVIII i na początku XIX wieku (1793 -1807). Włocławek: Włocławskie Towarzystwo Naukowe. Chlebowski, B., Sulimierski F., Walewski, W. (eds.) (1881) Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego i innych krajów słowiańskich. Vol. II, Warszawa: nakł. F. Sulimierskiego i W. Walewskiego. Gawarecki, W.H. (1825) Opis topograficzno-historyczny Ziemi Dobrzyńskiéy z Ryciną, i tabellą wykazuiącą obwodu lipnowskiego gminy, wsie, dymy i dziedziców (z zachowaniem oryginalnej pisowni). Płock: nakł. i drukiem K. Kuliga. Gruszczyńska, M. (1993) Inwentarz zespołu akt: Zbiór akt stanu cywilnego wyznania mojżeszowego z terenu województwa włocławskiego z lat /1808/ 1826-1936 (unpublished paper), Włocławek: Archiwum Państwowe w Toruniu, oddział we Włocławku. Guldon, R., Guldon, Z. (1988) ‘Udział miast kujawskich i dobrzyńskich w handlu wiślanym w połowie XVIII wieku’, Zapiski Kujawsko-Dobrzyńskie 6: 179-186. Guldon, Z., Powierski, J. (1966) ‘Dzieje Dobrzynia do końca XVIII w.’, in Z Dziejów Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej. Materiały z sesji popularnonaukowej na 900-lecie istnienia Dobrzynia nad Wisłą, Toruń: UMK (published as a manuscript): 3-17. Guldon, Z., Powierski, J. (1974) Podziały administracyjne Kujaw i ziemi dobrzyńskiej w XIII-XIV wieku. Warszawa and Poznań: PWN. Guldon, Z., Wijaczka, J. (2008) ‘Skupiska i gminy żydowskie w Polsce do końca XVI wieku’, Czasy Nowożytne 21: 149-191. Page | 217 Horn, M. (1974) ‘Najstarszy rejestr osiedli żydowskich w Polsce z 1507 r.’, Biuletyn Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego 3.91: 11-15. Kalembka, S. (1966) ‘Z tradycji walk narodowo i społeczno-wyzwoleńczych Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej (1793 -1945)’, in Z Dziejów Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej. Materiały z sesji popularnonaukowej na 900-lecie istnienia Dobrzynia nad Wisłą, Toruń: UMK (published as a manuscript). Kalinowski, J. (2001) Rozwój Dobrzynia nad Wisłą na przestrzeni wieków. Dobrzyń nad Wisłą: Klub Miłośników Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej. Kawski, T. (2006b) Żydzi kujawsko-dobrzyńscy w latach 1918-1950. Toruń: Adam Marszalek. Kawski, T. (2012) Gminy żydowskie pogranicza Wielkopolski, Mazowsza i Pomorza w latach 1918-1942. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Grado. Kawski, T. (2019) ‘Ludność żydowska Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej w latach 1939-1945. Próba bilansu’, in Zbrodnie niemieckie na Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej (byłe powiaty Lipno i Rypin) w latach 1939-1945, eds. A. Szalkowski, P. Gałkowski, Rypin: Muzeum Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej, 154-491. Klevan, A. (1989) ‘Dobrzyn nad Wisla (‫’)ויסלה נ"ע ין'דובז‬, in Pinkas Hakehillot: Encyclopedia of Jewish Communities, Poland, Vol. IV, Warsaw and Its Region, ed. I. Abramski-Bligh, Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 177-178. Kłodawski, K. (2005) ‘Początki i rozwój parafii ewangelicko-augsburskiego wyznania w Dobrzyniu nad Wisłą w XIX w.’, Dzieje Dobrzyńskie. Materiały z historii miasta Dobrzynia nad Wisłą i ziemi dobrzyńskiej 4-5: 5-27. Krajewski, M. (1990) Byli z ojczyzny mojej, Zagłada ludności żydowskiej ziemi dobrzyńskiej w latach drugiej wojny światowej (1939-1945), Rypin: Dobrzyński Oddział Włocławskiego Towarzystwa Naukowego. Krajewski, M. (2002) Kujawy wschodnie i ziemia dobrzyńska w latach okupacji hitlerowskiej (1939 -1945), Włocławek: Lega – Oficyna Wydawnicza Włocławskiego Towarzystwa Naukowego. Notkowski, A. (1982) Polska prasa prowincjonalna Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej (1918-1939), Warszawa and Łódź: PWN. Nowak, W. (1960) Monografia parafii Dobrzyń nad Wisłą (unpublished paper, in the collection of the Public Library in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą). Pawlak, M., Serczyk, J. (1999) Podstawy badań historycznych. Bydgoszcz: WSP. Pomianowski, P. (2015) ‘Funkcjonowanie francuskiego modelu rejestracji stanu cywilnego’, Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 67.1: 95-106. https://doi.org/10.14746/cph.2015.68.1.06 Posadzy, W. (1962) Studium historyczno-urbanistyczne miasta Dobrzynia nad Wisłą opracowane na zlecenie Wydziału Architektury i Nadzoru Budowlanego Prezydium WRN w Bydgoszczy (unpublished paper). Tomkiewicz, M. (2020) ‘[Review of Zbrodnie niemieckie na Ziemi Dobrzyńskiej (byłe powiaty Lipno i Rypin) w latach 1939-1945, red. A. Szałkowski, P. Gałkowski]’, Zapiski Historyczne, 85.2: 203-212. Wiśniewski, T. (1928?) ‘Dobrzyń nad Wisłą – Dzieje i rozwój w Polsce niepodległej’, ABC Włocławka i Kujaw. Wiśniewski, T. (no year) ‘Dobrzyń – miasto, czy osada’, ABC Włocławka i Kujaw. To cite this article: Witkowska, A. (2022). Sources of the history of the Jewish community in Dobrzyń nad Wisłą (1507-1939). Historia i Świat 11, 201-218, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.12 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 218 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Liudmyla POSOKHOVA (Kharkiv National University, Ukraine) Joanna KOWALIK-BYLICKA (Siedlce University, Poland) The Library of Varlaam Shyshatsky in the Context of a ‘Reading Revolution’ in the Ukrainian Lands (Second Half of the 18th – Early 19th Centuries) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.13 Abstract: Varlaam Shyshatsky (1750-1821) was a prominent figure in the Russian Orthodox Church. In this article, the author’s focus is on his personal library – one of the most substantial book collections in Eastern Europe in the second half of the 18th and early 19th centuries, which has never been analyzed before. The article not only analyzes the composition of Varlaam Shyshatsky’s library, but also compares this collection with the personal libraries of other figures belonging to the same social group. The analysis is grounded in the broad context of the history of reading and book culture in Europe. Based on a number of criteria, it is concluded that significant changes in the culture of reading took place in the Ukrainian lands of the Russian Empire in the second half of the 18th century – first and foremost the emergence of ‘extensive’ reading and development of a number of new cultural practices among the ‘enlightened elite’. The composition of the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky also attests to the cultural uniqueness of the region and argues in favor of the thesis about the existence of a ‘Ukrainian Enlightenment’ as a phenomenon with national and regional specifics of its own. Key words: Varlaam Shyshatsky, Enlightenment, history of reading, history of libraries Personal libraries of the clergy of the Ukrainian dioceses and the problem of the ‘Ukrainian reader’ Compared to the rich tradition of studying the history of reading in Western Europe, this subject appeared relatively recently in the historiography of the Ukrainian lands that were part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire. In our view, the time has come to bring the results of the research on Western European readers to bear on the study of cultural developments in Eastern Europe. It is important not only to reconstruct the practices of the ‘Ukrainian reader’, but also to correlate them with the book culture and traditions of other regions of Europe.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3338-1949. [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9958-600X. [email protected]  Page | 219 Of course, tackling ‘the problem of the reader’ involves both making certain generalizations and considering specifics – particularly regarding different social groups. This article will focus mainly on the library of one representative of the enlightened elite of the late 18th to early 19th centuries, Archbishop Varlaam Shyshatsky. The contents and structure of personal libraries is an important window into the qualities and dispositions of the so-called ‘enlightened elite’ – a new cultural community of people from different social estates that arose at that time in Europe. 1 The Ukrainian lands are of particular interest for study, occupying as they did a cultural borderland, where the meeting of cultures gave rise to diversity, new local forms and meanings, and new kinds of ‘responses’ to various ‘challenges’ of the era (intellectual, social, confessional, and others).2 One aspect that appears particularly intriguing in this light in the culture of Orthodox Christianity. Even though the first scholarly studies of select personal libraries of the clergy of the Ukrainian dioceses appeared as early as the beginning of the 20th century (and some of them have not lost their value to this day3), in the following decades this motif found little development. Only in the 1970s and 1980s, scholars dealing with the history of the book in Eastern Europe in the 16th to 18th centuries began to take note of the rich libraries of the clergy of the Ukrainian dioceses, alumni of the KyivMohyla Academy.4 Recently, special works have appeared on the history of libraries of educational institutions and private book collections in the Hetman state and Sloboda Ukraine in the 17th and 18th centuries. Their authors introduced new interesting sources and sketched out new research horizons.5 We especially note Liudmyla Sharipova’s proposed approaches to the study of the spread and role of the Latin book among the Orthodox elite.6 This article will focus on the personal library of the archbishop of the Russian Orthodox Church Varlaam Shyshatsky (1750-1821). Even though this was one of the largest personal book collections in Eastern Europe in the 2nd half of the 18th to early 19th centuries (3811 books), it has never been a subject of special study. The fate ofthe library’s owner himself, on the other hand, has not gone unnoticed.7 Archbishop Varlaam Shyshatsky first of all is known as the figure that, at the head of a group of the clergy of the Mahilyow diocese, swore allegiance to Napoleon and was subsequently stripped of his rank for this act by the decision of the Synod. Varlaam Shyshatsky’s life and long years of church service passed in various Orthodox dioceses 1 Dupront, 1965: 881. Giovanna Brogi Bercoff (2003: 325-387) has proposed a concept of the ‘polymorphism’, or multifacetedness and diversity, of Orthodox culture as one of its constituent traits. 3 For example: Maslov, 1914. 4 Luppov, 1976; Sidorov & Luppov, 1978; Khoteev, 1989. 5 Dzjuba, 2002; 2004; Yaremenko, 2004; Yakovenko, 2017; Posokhova, 2020. 6 Sharipova, 2006. 7 Khojnackij, 1881: 522-543; Ohloblyn, 1959: 143, 267, 300-309. 2 Page | 220 of both the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire. His fate reflected the complex and contradictory historical circumstances of the era.8 In studying the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky, we addressed several essential tasks that have long become classic for historians of reading: to assess the holdings of this library, to establish a number of defining quantitative thresholds, and to determine the presence of a ‘nomenclature’ of books in it. This method of research is closely related to the dominant model of the French historiography of cultural phenomena, which “consists in the application of statistical methods and serial analysis [analyse sérielle] in the study of the production and consumption of cultural values”.9 Thanks to this analysis, it is possible to outline the profile of the reader, the owner of certain books (although, of course, the owner does not necessarily ‘consume’ only those books that belonged to him). The results of the analysis of Varlaam Shishatsky’s library were correlated with the existing (scarce) statistical data on the availability and distribution of books in the Hetmanate and Sloboda Ukraine, without which it would be impossible to talk about social variations and distinctions in the culture of reading. Focusing on one particular library, we nevertheless tried to place it in a broader context of the history of reading in the region. This task was dealt with by comparing our subject library with the libraries of a number of other individuals who belonged to the same social group. In the course of our research, we looked to the methodological perspectives and conclusions developed by Lucien Febvre, Roger Chartier and Henri-Jean Martin.10 Roger Chartier stated that in the second half of the 18th century in England, Germany, and France, elements of the ‘reading revolution’ were clearly visible. Among these signs: the growth of book production, the appearance of many newspapers and their changing appearance, the success of small-format publications, the decrease in the price of books due to counterfeiting, the rapid growth of various reading societies (book-clubs, Lesegesellschaften, chambres de lecture) and book rental centers (circulatinglibrairies, Leinbibliotheken, cabinets de lecture). Contemporary observers were struck by this ‘passion for reading’: it was considered both a threat to the political 8 Grigorij, monastic name Warłam, Szyszacki (b. 1750 - d. 1820 or 1823), Orthodox clergyman, received his theological education at the Pereislav seminary and later at the Kiev-Mohyla Academy. In his clerical career, he served as a superior in Orthodox monasteries. An important area in Warłam Szyszacki’s life was teaching. During his clerical life, he was a proofer and rector at the seminary in Pereyeslav, and later in Severian Novgorod. In Seversky Novgorod, he found himself among politically like-minded people, prominent figures in the social and cultural life of the Orthodox Church. Shishatsky founded several lower clerical schools, and was also involved in the ordering of the lives of Orthodox monks. In 1795 he accepted the chirotonia as bishop of Zhytomyr, and after six years was transferred to the cathedral in Mogilev. In 1808 he was appointed archbishop. During France’s war with Russia, he stayed in Mogilev and took an oath of loyalty to Napoleon. See Barańska, 2015: 361-364. 9 Chartier, 2016: 66. 10 Darnton, 1979; Chartier, 1994; Febvre & Martin, 1997. Page | 221 order, and a drug (in the words of Fichte), and a disorder of the imagination and feelings.11 Despite the variety of approaches to the study of reading that exist today in historiography, it is important to note a certain common denominator. Krzysztof Pom’ian points out that this is “attention to the book – an inextricably material and semiotic object, a product that was ‘consumed’ in a special way, in one of the main roles it brings its buyers and its readers onto the stage, as beings that are a mixture of physical and social, and also the lecture as a mental and communicative activity, an act and understanding, and understanding at the same time”.12 Reading “in itself becomes an object worthy of the interest of cultural history”.13 Therefore, we consider it very important to sketch out a preliminary answer to the crucial question of whether a ‘reading revolution’ was taking place in the Ukrainian lands and to zero in on the specific features of the ‘reading activity’ and individual creative consumption of cultural products by the region’s ‘enlightened elite’. The article approaches the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky as a channel of ‘cultural transfer’,14 and the library’s owner as a ‘cultural mediator’. The study of this book collection makes it possible to draw conclusions not only about the culture of reading among the clergy of the Ukrainian dioceses, but also about the self-identity of this group and about cultural practices in zones of the intersection of cultures. Finally, all this is important for grappling with the broader problems of the ‘Ukrainian Enlightenment’15 and the so-called ‘Orthodox Enlightenment’.16 It should be noted, however, that few texts with pronounced enlightenment connotations are known to have been owned by people living in this part of Europe. Therefore, shifting our angle of vision to the analysis of specific cultural practices and reconstruction of ‘readable spaces’ and ways of reading can open up new perspectives for the study of the problems outlined above. The biography of Varlaam Shyshatsky: typical and unique Ivan Vlasovsky, Oleksandr Ohloblin, and other historians wrote about Varlaam Shyshatsky as a prominent Ukrainian hierarch, “a conscious Ukrainian patriot”, devoted to his people.17 His life path was in many ways typical; it featured stages characteristic of the biographies of many church figures hailing from the Ukrainian lands. He studied at Pereyaslavl Collegium and the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, and as the best student was sent to continue his education at the Roman Academy. Because of Chartier, 2006: 32. About the term ‘reading revolution’ see Engelsing, 1974. Pomian, 2016: 14. 13 Hébrard, 2016: 123-124. 14 On the concept of ‘cultural transfer’ see Еspagne,1999: 1. 15 For more on this, see Sklokin, 2015: 146-159. 16 See: Tsapina, 2004; Wirtschafter, 2013; Ivanov, 2020. 17 Ohloblyn, 1959: 143, 267, 300-309; Vlasovs'kyj, 1977: 230, 254-255. 11 12 Page | 222 hostilities in Europe, he returned to his homeland. Soon Varlaam Shyshatsky became a professor and rector of Pereyaslavl Collegium; later on, he was appointed to run Novhorod-Siversk Seminary. It was in Novhorod-Siversk that Varlaam Shyshatsky found himself among like-minded people, outstanding social, political, and cultural figures. His teaching career spanned a total of 14 years. If we compare it with biographic trajectories of other collegium teachers,18 it becomes obvious that Varlaam Shyshatsky came close to falling into the category of ‘professional educator’. We should note that in the 2nd half of the 18th century the Kyiv Academy and the Orthodox collegiums became a kind of ‘organizational’ structures, whose graduates made up an intellectual community showing a number of new features. At the next stage of his career, Varlaam Shyshatsky served as the archimandrite of several monasteries in the Orthodox dioceses of the Polish -Lithuanian Commonwealth. Not all biographers recalled such an important episode in the biography of Varlaam Shishatsky as the refusal of the oath of the Commonwealth. Obviously, this period of his life requires further study. Varlaam Shishatsky then became a bishop of Volyn and Zhytomyr, and beginning in 1805 – the bishop (since 1808 – archbishop) of Mahilyow and Viciebsk. As already noted, for taking an oath of loyalty to Napoleon he was stripped of his rank and sent to the Monastery of Savior Transfiguration (Spaso-Preobrazhensky) in NovhorodSiversky, where he died in 1821.19 The register of the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky In the 18th century, assembling personal libraries became a characteristic feature of the lifestyle of the faculty of the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and the collegiums. Varlaam Shyshatsky was no exception, and, as it will become clear later, he acquired the bulk of his books during his years of teaching. The register (reestr) of Varlaam Shyshatsky’s library is kept in the Russian State Historical Archives in St. Pe18 Posokhova, 2011: 233-274. In 1785 Warłam Szyszacki traveled to the territories of the Republic of Poland. In 1787, he was appointed superior of the Holy Spirit Monastery in Vilnius and the Monastery of Saints Peter and Paul in Minsk. While in the Republic, Orthodox Bishop Wiktor Sadkowski, who recognized Russian jurisdiction, was accused by the Polish authorities of inspiring peasant revolts. The consequences of the accusation were the arrest of Bishop Sadkowski, he was imprisoned in Nesvizh, and the need for the clergy of the Orthodox Church to take an oath of loyalty. Szyszacki, then an ihumen of Vilnius, was among the few Orthodox clergy who refused to take an oath of loyalty to the authorities of the Republic. He left the borders. He stayed in Mogilev, St. Petersburg, the monastery in Vyazhchys, Novoyezhsk and Novgorod. In the 1890s, he was directed by the Holy Ruling Synod to the eparchy of Minsk and Slutsk. He was given the task of working with Bishop Wiktor Sadkowski in converting Uniates to Orthodoxy. In 1813, Tsar Alexander I instructed the Synod to dismiss Szyszacki from the cathedral in Mogilev. His loyalty to Napoleon cost him his archbishopric dignity, which he was stripped of. Considered a mere monk, he spent the remaining years of his life at the Transfiguration Monastery in Seversky Novgorod. He also died there. Biographical notes cite different dates for Warłam Szyszacki’s death - 1820, 1821 or 1823. Two doubtful dates are given, among others, by Anna Barańska (2015: 361-364) in a biographical note on Archbishop Szyszacki. See also Rolle, 1882: 44. 19 Page | 223 tersburg.20 The book description form used in it was developed in the early 1820s for the libraries of the theological seminaries of the Russian Empire. It is based on the ‘linguistic’ principle. The books are grouped primarily into ‘language’ sections (ancient languages, Russian, French, German, Polish), within which they are described by ‘category’ (razrjad): theology, philosophy, literature, historical sciences, and others. These ‘categories’ are supplemented by two more lists: ‘books not related to spiritual enlightenment’ and ‘mixed’.21 Incidentally, the tradition of grouping books by language and/or subject (‘theological’ books, ‘philosophical’ etc.) is quite old. This ‘matrix’, if you will, has also for many decades, up to the present day, ‘set the program’ for studying these libraries. In our view, within this framework it is extremely difficult to identify and analyze changes in reading and book collecting practices of various social groups. We believe it is time to move beyond this scenario in the study of libraries and pose new research questions. Since in this and other cases we are dealing with registers of books compiled after the death of their clerical owners, many documents specifically stress that the books were bought with the deceased’s own money (not borrowed for reading from another library, etc.). Unfortunately, Varlaam Shyshatsky’s personal papers have been mostly lost;22 perhaps they would have shed light on the process of the formation of the library, the owner’s reaction to new titles as they came out, and other such matters. This is why it is important to compare the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky with book collections amassed by other collegium teachers, archimandrites, and bishops of the Ukrainian dioceses. For more sound comparative analysis, we confined ourselves to members of the same social group and circle, many of whom belonged to the same intellectual network. Even more specifically, we were interested in the libraries of those intellectuals who spent most of their life in the world of the regimental and company (sotnja) towns of the Hetmanate or Sloboda Ukraine.23 We believe that this will help better portray the changes in the cultural practices of a locally-limited region. We analyzed the personal libraries of the rector of Kharkiv Collegium Archimandrite 20 RGIA, f. 834, op. 3, d. 3327. The register of the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky is attached to the description of the books of Chernihiv Collegium and dated by 1823. Subsequently, his book collection was transferred to St. Petersburg Theological Academy. 21 Notably, the compiler of the catalog included a very large number of Varlaam Shyshatsky’s books in these lists. Unfortunately, these books were described less thoroughly and often they are the most difficult to identify. 22 They were most likely seized as part of the investigation after the archbishop was arrested. 23 Researchers often cite the contents of the personal libraries of Archbishop Feofilakt Lopatinsky of Tver, Bishop Lavrentiy Gorka of Viatka, Archbishop Amvrosiy Yushkevich of Novgorod, Bishop Gavriil Buzhinsky of Riazan, and others. While the formative years of these prominent figures were connected with the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, we must take into account the fact that they left the Ukrainian lands at a young age and spent most of their life (and amassed their libraries) in different socio-cultural circumstances. Furthermore, it should be borne in mind that some hierarchs resorted to peculiar methods of forming personal libraries (it is known that Feofan Prokopovych stoked up his library with war trophies, among other things). Page | 224 Lavrentiy Kordet (243 books),24 professor of the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Ivan Samoilovych (1147 books),25 Bishop Kyrylo Liashchevetsky of Chernihiv (380 books),26 Archimandrite Amvrosiy Ginovsky (267 books),27 and the archimandrite of the TrinityIllinsky Monastery Paisiy Yanovsky (477 books)28 and some other.29 Books of religious and spiritual content versus ‘secular’ books We believe that a new and important task is to consider the relationship between books of religious and spiritual content and ‘secular’ literature in private libraries. Of course, one first needs to determine how to single out the ‘secular segment’. Looking for ways to approach this issue, we studied those rare library registers in which a special section for ‘secular books’ was actually introduced by the compilers.30 Such sources serve as important reference points, because they give the researcher grounds to appeal to the understanding of the difference between ‘secular’ and ‘religious’ literature during this period by members of the clergy themselves. In the catalog of Varlaam Shyshatsky’s collection, 1519 books can be classified as secular, which represents half of the entire library. In the ‘Russian’ and ‘Polish’ sections, secular books accounted for 76% and 73% respectively (577 and 189 items); in the ‘French’ and ‘German’ sections – 45% and 53% (87 and 55 items). Of the Latin books, 25% were secular (621 items). A smaller percentage of secular literature in Latin is explained by the fact that works of the church fathers, interpretations of the Holy Scriptures, homiletics, works on canon law and ritual and the like were written in that language. An examination of the registers of other personal libraries of the clergy elite of the 2nd half of the 18th century reveals a striking picture of the rapidly dwindling numbers of religious and spiritual texts. For example, their share in the collection of Kyrylo Liashchevetsky was 30.2%, in that of Paisiy Yanovsky – 12%, and in Lavrentiy Kordet’s library – a mere 10%. 24 VR IL, f. 20, s. 13, ll. 230-298 v.; RGIA, f. 796, op. 67, d. 572, ll. 1-14 v. AID, vol. 5, рр. 46. 26 ODD, vol. 50, рр. 697-711. 27 RGIA, f. 796, op. 81, d. 292, ll. 15-36. 28 RGIA, f. 796, op. 62, d. 368, ll. 13-36. 29 See: Posokhova, 2021. 30 As, for instance, in the register of the library of Lavrentiy Kordet. It should be borne in mind that the sections ‘books not related to spiritual enlightenment’ and ‘mixed’ also cover books of the ‘secular’ segment. 25 Page | 225 Encyclopedism versus specialization The secular portion of Varlaam Shyshatsky’s library is dominated by modern scientific works on astronomy, physics, mathematics, mineralogy, biology, botany, chemistry, economics, medicine, and general surveys of natural history. We should stress that the library featured the most important contemporary original research and textbooks in every science. Since we are talking about dozens of items in every branch, we will cite as an example just a few books in physics (there were 47 of them in total, of which 12 were in Latin, 13 in Russian, 11 in Polish, 5 in French, and 6 in German). Varlaam Shyshatsky owned works by Johann Wolf, Johann Heinrich Winkler, Pieter van Musschenbroek, Mikhail Lomonosov, and Johann Christoph Rieger, as well as innovative textbooks on physics by Piotr Ivanovich Giliarovsky. A similar encyclopedism is characteristic of the libraries of Ivan Samoilovych, Lavrentiy Kordet, and Kyrylo Liashchevetsky, whose holdings also encompassed all branches of contemporary scientific knowledge. Of course, secular literature could also be found in the private libraries of the clergy in the first half of the 18th century. Stefan Yavorsky, for instance, owned many secular books on medicine, history, geography, and jurisprudence. However, his substantial library (609 books) included only two treatises on natural history.31 The science and scholarship category in the collection of Varlaam Shyshatsky markedly included a large number of works on history and geography (1073 books, or 28% of the total). Noteworthy is the presence of works by August Ludwig von Schlözer, Gottlieb Siegfried Bayer, Gerhard Friedrich Müller, and Nikolai Karamzin. This interest in the study of history and geography was characteristic of many clergymen of the period. Books on these subjects made up more than half of the collection of Lavrentiy Kordet. In relatively small personal libraries, for instance that of Amvrosiy Ginovsky, such books accounted for 15-16% of the total. Significantly, both large and small personal libraries contained sets of The Ancient Russian Library, A Brief Chronicle of Little Russia by Vasily Ruban, and a model work of the era of the Enlightenment, Joseph de La Porte’s Le voyageur françois, ou La connoissance de l’ancien et du nouveau monde in Russian translation. Interesting but very difficult is the question of attribution for manuscript works held in private libraries. Catalog compilers often did not provide complete descriptions of manuscripts, so it is rarely possible to identify such books. All the more valuable is the information that Varlaam Shyshatsky owned a handwritten copy of the Decisive Articles by Hetman Danylo Apostol, and Paisiy Yanovsky – Semen Divovych’s pamphlet A Conversation between Great Russia and Little Russia.32 These facts testify to the interest in the history of the Ukrainian lands. 31 32 Maslov, 1914: 37. RGIA, f. 796, op. 62, d. 368, ll. 24 v. Page | 226 Varlaam Shyshatsky assembled sets of many periodicals, which often published scientific articles as well – such as the Political Journal, Moscow News (Moskovskie Vedomosti), Red Sky at Night (Vecherniaia Zaria), Conversing Citizen (Beseduiushchii Grazhdanin), or The Spectator (Zritel'). Incidentally, we may speak here of a certain trend in the reading interests of the clergy in general, because we find sets of periodicals (magazines and newspapers) in many personal libraries. Men of the cloth also often collected specialized scientific periodicals. For example, Kyrylo Liashchevetsky, Lavrentiy Kordet, and Paisiy Yanovsky owned many volumes of the Proceedings of the Free Economic Society. Lavrentiy Kordet, Paisiy Yanovsky, and Ivan Samoilovych collected sets of the first popular science monthly in the Russian Empire, founded by the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences – Monthly Compositions, Serving towards Benefit and Amusement. Ivan Samoilovych had a weakness for the Monthly Essays and News of Learned Affairs, as well as the first philosophical journals in the Russian Empire – Morning Light and Moscow Monthly Publication. It is also important to note the presence of sundry volumes of the Encyclopedia of Diderot and d’Alembert in various libraries, for instance that of Paisiy Yanovsky. 33 Thus, encyclopedism was a prominent quality of the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky. Clearly, he, like many of his colleagues, strove for a broad, comprehensive education and deep proficiency in various fields of knowledge. It is no coincidence that his former student, and later professor at Kharkiv University, Illya Tymkovsky, remembered him as a man of “extensive learning, prominent parts, and quick word”.34 Discussion of encyclopedism as this historical figure’s epistemological ideal could be continued if his personal correspondence, memoirs, or other ego-documents had survived. Nevertheless, the analyzed registers of personal libraries of the clergy confirm the observations of researchers (based on other materials) that in the Russian Empire “the most attractive model of encyclopedism turned out to be that which was most closely connected to its practical realization in the sphere of the organization of science and education”.35 Sometimes, it was not encyclopedic publications as such, but rather the encyclopedic method of inquiry and organization of education that was the most in-demand and enjoyed the most influence. While the problem of encyclopedism is much broader, the presence of books in all branches of knowledge in the personal library of an intellectual is very telling in and of itself. The library: an assemblage of antiquities or novelties? For the next phase of our research, we identified works written by authors contemporary with the owner of the library. We decided to count as modern those 33 RGIA, f. 796, op. 62, d. 368, ll. 28. Timkovskij, 1852: 19. 35 Аrtem'eva, 2005: 139. 34 Page | 227 works that were written and published 40-50 years or less before the creation of a given catalog. In our opinion, this approach allows us to see the speed of distribution of new printed products and the peculiarity of the formation of personal libraries, to identify the most ‘in demand’ books within one or two generations. This number of years was chosen based on the theory of generations (Neil Howe, William Strauss). In our view, this makes it possible to observe the speed of distribution of printed materials and the specifics and peculiarities of personal library formation among the clergy (and other social groups), as well as to identify the most ‘sought-after’ books at a given time. Using this approach, the following data were obtained. In the 2nd half of the 18th century, the share of works by contemporary authors in many collections exceeded one half and could reach 80% or even higher. For example, in Lavrentiy Kordet’s library such publications made up 82% of the total; in Varlaam Shyshatsky’s, almost 70%. Notably, in book collections of the 1st half of the 18th century, more than half of the volumes were published a hundred or more years before their cataloging date. This is the case with both the register of the books of Stefan Yavorsky and that of the personal library of the rector of Kharkiv Collegium Archimandrite Platon Malynovsky.36 In our view, such data reveal changes in the practices of reading and in assembling personal libraries. They indicate the desire on the part of the clergy to read and buy more and more new literature. A personal library ceases to be a repository of the old, and becomes an exhibit of the new. Among the recent publications in the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky and his contemporaries discussed above, the priority of new educational literature is obvious. Let us cite as an example philosophy textbooks or books that were used in this capacity. Varlaam Shyshatsky acquired almost all the textbooks authored by Friedrich Christian Baumeister, Christian Freiherr von Wolff, and Johann Heinrich Winkler, in Latin and Russian. Lavrentiy Kordet also owned all the textbooks by Friedrich Christian Baumeister. These books, summarizing the tenets of the philosophy of Leibniz and Wolff, served as the primary teaching materials at the collegiums and the Kyiv Academy in the 2nd half of the 18th century. The archbishop’s library held 111 books by contemporary philosophers in Latin and only 13 works by ancient authors (Aristotle, Democritus, and others); he also owned 19 books by contemporary and 4 by ancient philosophers in Russian. The library of Varlaam Shyshatsky also featured many modern books that attest to the owner’s interest in new social ideas, fashionable trends in reading practices, and the like. Among others, we may note such segments as fiction and ‘moral periodicals’. Interestingly enough, Varlaam Shyshatsky owned an impressive assortment of works by Voltaire and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, published in the 1770s and 1780s. Works by these two authors could be found in other contemporary private 36 ODD, vol. 34, рр. 611-618. Page | 228 libraries as well, but certainly not in such numbers and variety as in Varlaam Shyshatsky’s collection. Changes in clergymen’s libraries are also manifest in the selection of religious works. It is important to note the presence of new church literature, in particular the sermons of Metropolitan Platon Levshin. Elise Wirtschafter believes that it was these sermons that allowed the readers to comprehend European ideas and infuse them with Orthodox content and to seek and find ways to combine ideas of the Enlightenment with Orthodox religious teachings.37 The personal correspondence of other bishops and hegumens of monasteries provides ample evidence that this bent towards selecting modern books for teaching was deliberate. For instance, in 1770, in several letters to Professor Lavrentiy Kordet, Bishop Samuil Myslavsky advised him to “read books in the new and newest taste”.38 In his letters, Samuil Myslavsky named specific works, sent them to Lavrentiy Kordet, and asked to pass them on to the latter’s friends, colleagues, and students. Émile and other books on education Among the recent publications in the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky stands out a group of books on the subject of education. This group cannot be called large, but it is noteworthy that these same works were featured in many other personal libraries of the clergy. These were first and foremost the famous Émile, or On Education by JeanJacques Rousseau and John Locke’s Some Thoughts Concerning Education, which offered a comprehensive pedagogical theory for the era of the Enlightenment (copies of these books were also owned by Lavrentiy Kordet and Kyrylo Liashchevetsky. Archimandrite Amvrosiy Ginovsky collected a number of issues of the first children’s magazine in the Russian Empire, Children’s Reading for the Heart and Mind;39 Ivan Samoilovych – several works by Johann Bernhard Basedow, the founder of the educational movement of philanthropism. All these men, including Varlaam Shyshatsky, owned books addressed to women and the youth and special publications for children. Thus, our data serve as an important corrective to many well-established judgments, for example, concerning the absence of literature from the era of the German Enlightenment in the library registers of the 2nd half of the 18th century.40 Of course, enlightenment ideas spread throughout Europe with different speed and in different combinations, but the pathos of seeing education as the chief route towards human improvement based on reason was manifest everywhere as a common feature of the new European mentality. The presence of a number of key texts 37 Wirtschafter, 2013. Posokhova, 2020: 113. 39 RGIA, f. 796, op. 81, d. 292, ll. 36. 40 Dzjuba, 2004: 318. 38 Page | 229 on education, written in the spirit of the Age of Enlightenment, in many personal libraries of the higher clergy testifies to a keen interest in this subject. “You are my paradise, my love, my joy” These words of Stefan Yavorsky are found in his poetic appeal to his own books, as he bid farewell to them at the end of his life.41 The book had certainly already come to be a source of joy and good mood. Accordingly, it is worth paying special attention to the fact that the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky, as well as the other personal book collections of the higher clergy of the 2nd half of the 18th century, boasted the latest in entertainment fiction. These books are not only numerous, but also very diverse, including adventure, picaresque, satirical, and ‘women’s’ novels. The fact that Varlaam Shyshatsky, Kyrylo Liashchevetsky, Lavrentiy Kordet, and many others purposefully kept abreast of the fashionable trends in literary life is also evidenced by a clear interest in satirical magazines and books, which were all the rage in the Age of Enlightenment. The mass of new books that flowed into the libraries of the clergy – partly related to their professional activities but also extending thematically far beyond it – allows us to speak of signs of a ‘reading revolution’ in the lands of the Hetmanate and Sloboda Ukraine. During the last 3rd of the 18th century, reading of the ‘intensive’ type is replaced by reading that can be classified as ‘extensive’.42 Thus, the large and diverse ‘secular’ segment of the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky confirms the idea that the ‘lifestyle’ and reading practices of the ecclesiastical elite of the Ukrainian dioceses in the 2nd half of the 18th century reflect a high degree of integration into the milieu of the lay upper class. The clergy’s interest in the ideas of the Enlightenment is obvious.43 Undoubtedly, the cultural traditions of the Hetmanate and Sloboda Ukraine and the education received at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and the collegiums influenced the ‘lifestyle’ of the church elite of the Ukrainian dioceses. The presented data on the cultural demands of the clergy of the Ukrainian dioceses and the makeup of their personal libraries suggest important qualifications to some of the statements made in the literature about the Orthodox clergy of the late-eighteenth-century Russian Empire. At the very least, there is reason to doubt the skeptical assessments of the cultural role of the clergy in this historical period and the thesis that its representatives dropped out of the ranks of the intellectual elite.44 41 Maslov, 1914: 5-6. Compare Engelsing, 1969: 945-1002. 43 See Tsapina, 2004: 301-313. 44 Artem'eva & Mikeshin, 2020: 29. 42 Page | 230 Iconic books Comparison of the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky with other collections amassed by representatives of the higher clergy makes it possible to identify the most popular new books of the period. This set of ‘iconic books’ is a kind of marker of ideas, innovations, and intellectual challenges of the era in which the region’s clergy showed interest. These ‘iconic’ books are, first and foremost: Institutiones Metaphysicae: Ontologiam, Cosmologiam, Psychologiam, Theologiam Denique Naturalem Complexae by Friedrich Christian Baumeister, Émile, ou De l’éducation by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Robinson Crusoe by Daniel Defoe, Les aventures de Télémaque by François Fénelon, Some Thoughts Concerning Education by John Locke, Philosophical Propositions by Yakiv Kozelsky,45 and Abbreviation of the Natural Law by Volodymyr Zolotnytsky.46 Incidentally, the last two books were authored by alumnae of the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy. Of course, this list can be extended and modified depending on the research optics. In Varlaam Shyshatsky’s collection, we come across six of these seven books, in Kyrylo Liashchevetsky – four. It is important to note that they also found their way into personal books collections of the Cossack officer class. For example, Bunchuk Companion (member of a privileged Cossack estate) Stepan Lashkevych owned five of these seven works.47 The identification of ‘iconic books’ in libraries gives a sense of the susceptibility of individuals and social groups to the sets of ideas contained in them and gives a vantage point for observing changes in the reading interests of intellectuals in different historical periods. Polyphony of languages It is interesting to analyze the personal libraries of the clergy of the Ukrainian dioceses from the point of view of the percentage of books published in different languages and in different countries. Ihor Shevchenko once observed that the Polish influence on the ‘cultural elite of Ukraine’ lasted until the middle of the 18th century.48 Analyzing registers of clergymen’s personal libraries allows us to push this chronological limit. Thus, in the library of Varlaam Shyshatsky, the 258 books in Polish made up about 7% of the holdings (of which more than 70% were modern 45 This work outlined the basic principles of the rationalist philosophy of Christian Freiherr von Wolff, also drawing on the works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Montesquieu, Claude Adrien Helvétius, Anthony Ashley Cooper, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury, and others. 46 This was the first systematic Russian-language account of the theory of social contract published in the Russian Empire. 47 The library of Stepan Lashkevych (371 books) has been studied by the author of this article based on the extant register (IR NBUV, f. ІІ, s. 6781, ll. 1-6.) See in more detail Posokhova, 2016: 361-369. 48 Shevchenko, 2001:131. Page | 231 scientific works in physics, mathematics, natural history, and philosophy). At the same time, we believe that it is necessary to consider in this regard not only Polish-language publications, but also the mass of books in Latin that came from the printing presses of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Of course, textbooks prepared primarily for Jesuit collegiums predominate among these Latin works (they were used in the Orthodox collegiums as well49). At the same time, collections of such intellectuals as Varlaam Shyshatsky betray an interest in modern Latin-language science books. This indicates that something of a cultural orientation towards the Rzeczpospolita persisted among the Ukrainian clergy into the 2nd half of the 18th century. According to the research of Olena Dziuba, in the 17th and 18th centuries books in Church Slavonic and Russian made up a rather small part of personal libraries, and only in the 1760s to 1780s their numbers increased.50 We should clarify that the figures vary significantly from one collection to another. Thus, 20% of the books owned by Varlaam Shyshatsky and 25.5% of those owned by Ivan Samoilovych were in Russian. On the other hand, books in Russian made up 74% of the collection of Archimandrite Amvrosiy Ginovsky, and in many private libraries (such as those of Lavrentiy Kordet or Paisiy Yanovsky) this share was higher than 60%. These publications were printed mainly in civilian type. Church Slavonic books were few and far between – no more than 1%. Characterizing the books in Russian, it is important to note that many of them were translations (mainly from German) of scientific works by prominent scholars of that time. They represented the output of the printing presses of Moscow University and the Land Gentry Cadet Corps, and many of the translations were made by immigrants from the Ukrainian lands. Only 5% and 3% of Varlaam Shyshatsky’s books were in French and German, respectively, and these were (as noted above) largely new works of science. This proportion of French and German books is typical of other libraries as well, even relatively small ones (like Paisiy Yanovsky’s). Finally, in every library of a representative of the higher clergy we find at least one or two publications in Ancient Greek (most often these are lexicons or dictionaries). Another important question concerning private libraries is the ways and means of book acquisition. We do not find Varlaam Shyshatsky’s name on any subscription lists. However, we should consider that only 5% to 10% of books in the Russian Empire were distributed through subscription.51 Varlaam Shyshatsky clearly had a well-functioning network of communication with publishers, booksellers (agents) and like-minded people and acquaintances that bought and sent him books (a regular system of retail book trade did not yet exist in this region). It is worth noting that 49 See: Posokhova, 2011: 53-169. Dzjuba, 2002: 300. 51 Samarin, 2015: 55. 50 Page | 232 printers in the Ukrainian lands of the Russian Empire were not allowed to put out secular books, despite repeated attempts to obtain such permission. In the 18th century, the Hetmanate and Sloboda Ukraine did not yet have those reading clubs that in the Enlightenment-era cities of Western and Central Europe served as new places of meeting and exchange of views and ideas.52 Certainly, the socio-economic and cultural realities of life in Eastern Europe were significantly different from those in the West. At the same time, one cannot fail to notice some common features that characterized the era as a whole, such as similarities in reading interests and growing alertness towards the new. Conclusions Private book collections of the higher clergy of the Ukrainian dioceses allow us to trace changes in the reading culture of this social group, such as the emergence of ‘extensive’ reading and new reading practices. In turn, this makes it possible to observe the channels and limits of the spread of new trends, manifestations of cultural transfer, the involvement of the region in the pan-European tendencies, and the specifics of the local search for responses to the challenges posed by the Enlightenment. We can conclude that in the 2nd half of the 18th century, a dynamic cultural process was unfolding in the Ukrainian lands, the outcome of which was the appropriation of the intellectual product firmly associated with the Age of the Enlightenment. The contents of the libraries of many representatives of the higher clergy, including Varlaam Shyshatsky, allow classifying these individuals as members of an ‘enlightened elite’. Personal libraries also demonstrate the functioning of the intellectual network through which this cultural product was transmitted. The composition of personal libraries testifies in favor of the thesis that there existed a ‘Ukrainian Enlightenment’ as a cultural phenomenon with its own national and regional specifics. Personal libraries provide important evidence of how, in practice, the ‘main conflict’ of the Enlightenment was resolved in the east of Europe – namely, the opposition between the old Latin-Christian civilization and the new ‘civilization of Experience’. The materials we have analyzed bespeak less a ‘conflict’ than a ‘symbiosis’. 52 See Goodman, 1997: 256-262. Page | 233 Bibliography Archival Sources IR NBUV – Instytut rukopysu Natsional'noi biblioteky Ukrainy imeni V. I. Vernads'koho [Інститут рукопису Національної бібліотеки України імені В. І. Вернадського]. Fond [фонд] ІІ, sprava [cправа] 6781. RGIA – Rossiyskiy Gosudarstvennyy Istoricheskiy Arkhiv [Российский Государственный Исторический Архив]. Fond [фонд] 796, opis' [опись] 62, delo [дело] 368; opis' [опись] 67, delo [дело] 572; opis' [опись]81, delo [дело] 292; Fond [фонд] 834, opis' [опись] 3, delo [дело] 3327. VR IL – Viddil rukopysnykh fondiv i tekstolohii Instytutu literatury im. T. H. Shevchenka Natsional'noi akademii nauk Ukrainy [Відділ рукописних фондів і текстології Інституту літератури ім. Т. Г. Шевченка Національної академії наук України]. Fond [фонд] 20, sprava [cправа] 3. Printed sources AID – Akty i dokumenty, otnosiashchiesia k istorii Kievskoi akademii. Otdelenie ІІ (1721-1795) / avt. vved., primech. N. I. Petrov, vol. 5, Tsarstvovanie Ekateriny II (1762-1795 gg.). Kievskii mitropolit Samuil Mislavskii (1783-1795), vol. 5, Kiev 1908. [Акты и документы, относящиеся к истории Киевской академии. Отделение ІІ (1721-1795) / авт. введ., примеч. Н. И. Петров, Т. 5 Царствование Екатерины II (1762-1795 гг.). Киевский митрополит Самуил Миславский (1783-1795)]. ODD – Opisanie dokumentov i del, khraniashchikhsia v arkhive Sviateishego Pravitel'stvuiushchego Sinoda, vol. 34, Sankt-Peterburg 1912. [Описание документов и дел, хранящихся в архиве Святейшего Правительствующего Синода]; Opisanie dokumentov i del, khraniashchikhsia v arkhive Sviateishego Pravitel'stvuiushchego Sinoda, vol. 50, Petrograd 1914. [Описание документов и дел, хранящихся в архиве Святейшего Правительствующего Синода] Timkovskij, I.F. (1852) ‘Moye opredeleniye v sluzhbu [My definition of a service]’, Moskvityanin 17: 1-26. [in Russian] Literature Аrtem'eva, T.V. (2005) ‘Entsiklopedizm kak epistemologicheskiy fenomen: istoriya idei [Encyclopedism as an Epistemological Phenomenon: the History of the Idea]’, Vyssheye obrazovaniye v Rossii 3: 137-144. [in Russian] Artem'eva, T.V., Mikeshin, M.I. (2020) Intellektual'naya kul'tura epokhi Prosveshcheniya v Rossii [Intellectual culture of the Enlightenment in Russia]. Sankt Peterburg: Politekhnika Servis. [in Russian] Barańska, A. (2015) ‘Szyszacki Grigorij w zakonie Warłam (1750-1820 lub 1823)’, Polski Słownik Biograficzny 50: 361-364. Brogi Bercoff, G. (2003) ‘Ruś, Ukraina, Ruthenia, Wielkie Księstwo Litewskie, Rzeczpospolita, Moskwa, Rosja, Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia: o wielowarstwowości i polifunkcjonalizmie kulturowym’, in Contributi italiani al XIII congresso internacionale degli slavisti, eds. A. AlbertI, M. Garzaniti, S. Garzonio, Pisa: Associazione italiana degli slavisti, 325-387. Chartier, R. (1994) The order of books: Readers, Authors, and Libraries in Europe Between the Fourteenth and Eighteenth Centuries. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Chartier, R. (2006) Pis'mennaya kul'tura i obshchestvo [Written culture and society]. Moskva: Novoe izdatel'stvo. [in Russian] Chartier, R. (2016) ‘Vid istoriyi knyzhky do istoriyi chytannya [From the history of the book to the history of reading]’, in P. Rodak, Pysʹmo, Knyzhka, Lektura. Rozmovy: Le Hoff, Shartʹye, Ebrar, Fabr, Lezhen [Letter, Book, Lecture. Conversations: Le Goff, Chartier, Hebrard, Fabre, Lejeune]. Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 53-104. [in Ukrainian] Page | 234 Darnton, R. (1979) The business of Enlightenment: Publishing history of the “Encyclopedie”, 1775-1800. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Dupront, A. (1965) ‘Livre et culture dans la société française du XVIIIe siècle (Réflexions sur une enquête)’, Annales 5: 867-898. Dzjuba, О. (2002) ‘Pryvatni biblioteky Ukrayiny XVIII st.: vlasnyky ta repertuar zibranʹ [Private libraries of Ukraine in the 18th century: Owners and Repertoire of Collections]’, Ukrayina v Tsentralʹno-Skhidniy Yevropi (z naydavnishykh chasiv do kintsya XVIII st.) 2: 292-302. [in Ukrainian] Dzjuba, О. (2004) ‘Nimetsʹka knyha v bibliotekakh Ukrayiny (XVIII st.) [German book in the libraries of Ukraine (the 18th century)]’, Ukrayina v Tsentralʹno-Skhidniy Yevropi (z naydavnishykh chasiv do kintsya XVIII st.) 4: 307-319. [in Ukrainian] Engelsing, R. (1969) ‘Die Perioden der Lesersgeschichte in der Neuzeit’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 10: 944-1002. Engelsing, R. (1974) Der Bürger als Leser: Lesegeschichte in Deutschland 1500 bis 1800. Stuttgart: Metzler. Еspagne, М. (1999) Les transferts culturels franco-allemands. Раris: Presses Universitaires de France. Febvre, L., Martin, H.-J. (1997) The coming of the book: the impact of printing, 1450-1800. London: Verso. Goodman, D. (1997) ‘Sociabilità’ in L’Illuminismo: Dizionario Storico, eds. V. Ferrone, D. Roche, Rome: Laterza & Figli, 256-262. Hébrard, J. (2016) ‘Mizh oralʹnistyu i pysemnistyu [Between orality and writing]’, in P. Rodak, Pysʹmo, Knyzhka, Lektura. Rozmovy: Le Hoff, Shartʹye, Ebrar, Fabr, Lezhen [Letter, Book, Lecture. Conversations: Le Goff, Chartier, Hebrard, Fabre, Lejeune]. Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 105-204. [in Ukrainian] Ivanov, A.V. (2020) A Spiritual Revolution: The Impact of Reformation and Enlightenment in Orthodox Russia, 1700-1825. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Khojnackij, A.F (1881) ‘Varlaam Shishatskiy, byvshiy arkhiyepiskop Mogilevskiy [Varlaam Shishatsky, former Archbishop of Mogilev]’, Istoricheskiy vestnik: 522-543. [in Russian] Khoteev, P.I. (1989) Kniga v Rossii v seredine XVIII veka. Chastnyye knizhnyye sobraniya [Book in Russia in the middle of the 18th century. Private book collections]. Leningrad: Nauka. [in Russian] Luppov, S.P. (1976) Kniga v Rossii v poslepetrovskoye vremya 1725-1740 [The book in Russia in the post-Petrine period 1725-1740]. Leningrad: Nauka. [in Russian] Maslov, S.I. (1914) Biblioteka Stefana Yavorskogo [Library of Stefan Yavorsky]. Kiev: Tip. M.T. Meinandera. [in Russian] Ohloblyn, О. (1959) Lyudy staroyi Ukrayiny ta inshi pratsi [People of old Ukraine and other works]. Miunchen: Dnirprova khvylia. [in Ukrainian] Pomian, K. (2016) ‘Peredmova [Preface]’, in P. Rodak, Pysʹmo, Knyzhka, Lektura. Rozmovy: Le Hoff, Shartʹye, Ebrar, Fabr, Lezhen [Letter, Book, Lecture. Conversations: Le Goff, Chartier, Hebrard, Fabre, Lejeune]. Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 9-16. [in Ukrainian] Posokhova, L. (2011) Na perekhresti kulʹtur, tradytsiy, epokh: pravoslavni kolehiumy Ukrayiny naprykintsi XVII – na pochatku XIX st. [At the crossroads of cultures, traditions, eras: Orthodox collegiums of Ukraine at the end of the 17th – at the beginning of the 19th century]. Kharkiv: KhNU imeni V. N. Karazina. [in Ukrainian] Posokhova, L. (2016) ‘‹‹Narodziny›› szlachcica: ideały i praktyka wychowania dzieci starszyzny kozackiej na Hetmańszczyźnie i Ukrainie Słododzkiej w drugiej połowie XVIII wieku’, Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prace Historyczne 2 (143): 361-369. https://doi.org/10.4467/ 20844069PH.16.016.5065 Posokhova, L. (2020) ‘Osobysti biblioteky arkhymandrytiv ta arkhyyereyiv ukrayinsʹkykh yeparkhiy yak marker zmin kulʹturno-¬intelektualʹnoho zhyttya v druhiy polovyni KHVIII stolittya [Personal libraries of archimandrites and bishops of Ukrainian dioceses as a marker of changes in cultural and intellectual life in the second half of the 18th century]’, in V orbiti khrystyyansʹkoyi kulʹtury. Materialy naukovoyi Page | 235 konferentsiyi do 1030-richchya khreshchennya Rusi [In the orbit of Christian culture. Materials of the scientific conference for the 1030th anniversary of the baptism of Russia], eds. I. Skochylias, М. Yaremenko, L'viv: Ukrains'kyj katolyts'kyj universytet, 107-120. [in Ukrainian] Posokhova, L. (2021) ‘‹‹Revolyutsiya chytannya›› na terenakh Hetʹmanshchyny ta Slobozhanshchyny v druhiy polovyni XVIII – na pochatku XIX stolit ["Reading revolution" on the territory of the Hetman and Slobozhan regions in the second half of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th centuries], Zapysky Naukovoho tovarystva imeni Shevchenka, Pratsi istorychno-filosofsʹkoyi sektsiyi 274: 333-349. [in Ukrainian] Rolle, A. J., (1882) Opowiadania historyczne, Seria 3, tom 1. Warsaw: Gebethner & Wolff. Samarin, A.Ju. (2015) Tipografshchiki i knigochoty: ocherki po istorii knigi v Rossii vtoroy poloviny XVIII veka [Typographers and Book Readers: Essays on the History of Books in Russia in the Second Half of the 18th Century], Moskva: Pashkov dom. [in Russian] Sharipova, L. (2006) Latin books and the Eastern Orthodox clerical elite in Kiev, 1632-1780. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Sidorov, A.A., Luppov, S.P. (1978) Kniga v Rossii do serediny XIX veka [The book in Russia until the middle of the 19th century]. Leningrad: Nauka. [in Russian] Sklokin, V. (2015) ‘Chy isnuvalo ukrayinsʹke Prosvitnytstvo? Kilʹka mirkuvanʹ iz pryvodu nezavershenoyi istoriohrafichnoyi dyskusiyi [Did the Ukrainian Enlightenment exist? A few thoughts on the unfinished historiographical debate]’, Kyyivsʹka Akademiya 12: 146-159. [in Ukrainian] Shevchenko, I. (2001) Ukrayina mizh Skhodom i Zakhodom: Narysy z istoriyi kulʹtury do pochatku XVIII st. [Ukraine between East and West: Essays on the history of culture until the beginning of the 18th century]. L'viv: Instytut Istorii Tserkvy L'vivs'koi Bohoslovs'koi Akademii. [in Ukrainian] Tsapina, O.А. (2004) ‘Pravoslavnoye Prosveshcheniye – oksyumoron ili istoricheskaya real'nost'? [Orthodox Enlightenment - an oxymoron or a historical reality?]’ in Yevropeyskoye Prosveshcheniye i tsivilizatsiya Rossii [European Enlightenment and Civilization of Russia], eds. S. Karp, S. Mezin, Moskva: Nauka, 301-313. [in Russian] Vlasovs'kyj, I. (1977) Narys istoriyi Ukrayinsʹkoyi Pravoslavnoyi Tserkvy, Tom. 3: XVIII-XX st. [Essay on the history of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, Vol. 3: 18th-20th centuries]. New York: Bavnd Bruk. [in Ukrainian] Wirtschafter, E.K. (2013) Religion and Enlightenment in Catherinian Russia: The Teachings of Metropolitan Platon. North Illinois University Press. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7591/j.ctv177tfph Yakovenko, N. (2017) U poshukakh Novoho neba: Zhyttya i teksty Yoanykiya Galyatovsʹkoho [In Search of a New Sky: The Life and Texts of Yoanikiy Galyatovskyi], Kyiv: Krytyka, Laurus. [in Ukrainian] Yaremenko, M. (2004) ‘Kyivs'ki monastyrs'ki ta pryvatni chernechi biblioteky XVIII stolittia i ‹‹literaturni upodobannia›› monashestva’, Ukrains'kyj arkheohrafichnyj schorichnyk 8/9: 346-365. [in Ukrainian] To cite this article: Posokhova, L., Kowalik-Bylicka, J. (2022). The Library of Varlaam Shyshatsky in the Context of a ‘Reading Revolution’ in the Ukrainian Lands (Second Half of the 18th – Early 19th Centuries). Historia i Świat 11, 219-236, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.13 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 236 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Veli KRYEZIU (University of Prishtina, Republic of Kosovo) Bujar DUGOLLI (University of Prishtina, Republic of Kosovo) The Armed Resistance Movement in Kosovo 1918-1928 according to the Albanian press https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.14 Abstract: Political Albania continuously made efforts to help the Kachak resistance in Kosovo, which in 1918 took over through the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, this resistance Albania supported by arming, of the Albanian rebellious groups. However, this Committee, except in Kosovo, its activity extended to Albania, in the consolidation and democratization of the Albanian state. To realize the National Union Hasan Prishtina established contacts with some Italian deputies from whom he received support and secured weapons to organize an armed uprising and thus overthrow the Serbian invader in Kosovo. Key words: Kosovo, Albania, Uprising, Drenica, Serbia, Press, Inter-Ethnic Relations, the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo “Albanians will have Albania, only when all those who are sore nation, all who know every saying to the Albanian name to all those who join in a strong party that will summarize only people who are in the nation. Then we will have Albania” [Shqipëri e Re, May 1, 1921, no. 3: 4] Introduction The inventor of the creation of Albanian rebellious forces in Kosovo was Hasan Prishtina together with Hoxhë Kadri Prishtina, they organized meetings with military leaders Azem and Shotë Galica,1 the latter coordinated military actions  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8426-7145. [email protected]; Faculty of Education.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7211-8038. [email protected]; Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History (Corresponding Author). 1 Xhaferaj, 2007: 63; Ahmeti, 2009: 147; Verli, 2014: 101. Page | 237 against the Serbian gendarmerie and army units stationed in Kosovo.2 This force numbered up to 10 thousand insurgents, mainly located in Prizren, Dukagjini Plain, Drenica and Llapë.3 Albanian insurgents organized into committees, anarchic armed groups, disorganized, or Kachaka groups, such as the Podgorica Committee led by Musa Leka; then Azem Galica who operated in the Kosovo and Drenica Fields; Ajet Çaushi, comrade-in-arms of Azem Galica in the Fields of Kosovo; Beqir Rexha in Bajraktar Gashi and many other groups of fighters in the district of Istog and on the side of Rugova.4 This movement to resist the Serbian terror was organized to attack the police stations and the institutions of the administration of the Serbian government, to protect the honor of the family and their lands also through the guerrilla war against the Serbian army and gendarmerie units.5 The armed resistance of the Kachak Movement in Kosovo passed in 4 phases within 1918-1928:  The first phase of the Kachak Movement was of a local character and lasted from October 1918 to March 1919,  The second phase, which began in March 1919 until December 1921, with the general character of an armed organization against Serbian forces, this uprising spread throughout Kosovo,  The third phase covers the period July 1923 to July 1924 with the creation of the free zone in Drenica by Azem Bejt Galica and in Dumnica by Mehmet Konjuhi, in 1924 the Kachak Movement begins to fade and enter into negotiations with the Serbian administration to solve the problem of Kosovo,  The fourth phase, which includes the years 1924-1928, during this time the free zones were extinguished and at the end of 1928 the Kachak Movement was extinguished as a result of the great losses that the entire structure of the Kachak Movement suffered.6 The commander of the Kachak Squads, Azem Galica, knew very well how to fight against Serbia. Fearless and war strategist used the strategy used by Skanderbeg in the Battle against the Ottoman army. So hence the guerrilla war by attacking police stations and the Serbian administration wherever possible and fled the scene, inflicting heavy losses on the Serbian occupying forces. Bejta Azem was the only one at this time when Kosovo was occupied, who disturbed the comfort of the Serbian occupiers, with a rifle in his hand prevented 2 Rushiti, 2009: 32. Shala, 2014: 113. 4 ASHAK, F. nr.872: 1-2. 5 Rushiti, 2002: 311-313. 6 Rushiti, 1990: 297-306. 3 Page | 238 the implementation of Serbian policy in Kosovo aimed at killing, deporting and denationalizing the Albanian people.7 The government of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (SCS), took a decision on January 6, 1921, for the clearing of the terrain from the Kachaks and their hosts, this expedition started in the Dukagjini Plain, Drenica and in Llapë. During this expedition, unable to capture the Kachaks, the Serbian army burned hundreds of houses and killed many Albanian civilians.8 Press Informations The Newspaper Shqipëri e Re (‘New Albania’) of Constanta writes [May 1, 1921]: “The hearth of America, the hearth of Albania, National Defense and any other society we must work for this national interest, the unification of Albanians in one state”.9 Albania’s independence forced the Albanians into a territorial division, but the Albanians never accepted the division of Albania and made efforts for national unification.10 Kosovo Albanians aspirations for Kosovo Albanians expressed their aspirations for liberation and national unity in the Komiteti Mbrojtja Kombëtare e Kosovës (the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo; hereinafter: KMKK) which had a nationwide character in order to organize armed resistance to confront Serbian politics.11 The Newspaper Liruesi i Shqypënisë (‘Brotherhood’) of Vienna [March 18, 1916], says in an article that Hasan Prishtina established contacts with the insurgents of the Kachak Movements, on the basis of these efforts he had invited military leaders such as Azem Bejtë Galica for talks, in order to coordinate and coordinate the Albanian factor to fight the invaders.12 Ferizi Niman in his report sent to the KMKK in Shkodra, informed that Elez Aga from Vuçitrna with a group of people joined Azem Galica.13 Among Azem Galica’s comrades-in-arms, with the expansion of the armed liberation war, his wife Shotë Galica also joined. The Albanian woman gave very high assistance in the liberation war as a fighter in the armed uprising against Serbian forces. 14 The armed struggle took place in the region of Macedonia: Dibër, Gostivar, Kicevo, in Kosovo: Llapë, Gollak, Karadak and Anamorava and the neutral zone of Junik 7 Shala, 2009: 85. Berisha & Berisha, 2009: 116. 9 ‘Shqiptarë’, Shqipëri e Re, 1 maj 1921, no. 3: 4. 10 Rushiti, 2008: 409. 11 Abdyli, 1994: 25. 12 Liruesi i Shqypënisë, 18 mars 1916, no. 5: 1. 13 F.418, D.8/2, fl.381. 14 Musaj, 2002: 55. 8 Page | 239 and Drenica, which were controlled through his squads Azem Galica and Mehmet Konjuhi.15 During the years 1918-1924 at the forefront of the armed resistance against the establishment of the power of the Kingdom of SCS, well-organized Kachaki gangs attacked the Serbian administration, forcing the Serb-appointed mayors to be expelled from it, position if necessary and be killed.16 In 1919 the Albanian insurgents led by the KMKK drafted a program, this regulation made clear instructions on how to act in Kosovo against Serbian forces, but without compromising the lives of civilian Serbs. We highlight some of the points of this program from where the instructions were received on how to deal with all strata of society in Kosovo: I. II. III. IV. V. No insurgent should harm the country’s Serbs, except those who stand with guns in their hands and work against the Albanian cause;17 No insurgent dares to burn down houses and destroy churches; …, …, The most lively action would have been against the Serbian army, gendarmerie and committees, which commit atrocities against Albanians.18 We are highlighting the 10th point of this program: “Killed Albanians unarmed victims and massacred by Serbs and Serbian army will not be buried until a foreign commission comes and verifies Serbian atrocities against Albanians, and informs Europe and America about these cruelty.”19 The political and military activity of the KMKK in Kosovo was also assisted by Beqir Vokshi. Reports coming from Kosovo to the address of the KMKK by Niman Feriz wrote that in Tashligje – Senica, roads have been learned and severe uprisings are being carried out by highlanders. Every day here and there are heard thunders of cannons that are cracking in the Province of Suhareka.20 The news coming from Gjakova shows that the Serbs of Peja, Mitrovica, Gjakova, Prizren and Pristina, have sent a letter to the Yugoslav parliamentary cabinet in Belgrade asking the government to uproot all the Kosovo Albanian people.21 Kosova në vështrimin enciklopedik, 1999: 113. Gjoshaj, 2015: 46. 17 ASHAK, F. nr.872: 45. 18 Malcolm, 2001: 285. 19 ASHAK, F. nr.872: 45. 20 ASHAK, F. nr.872: 382. 21 AQSH, F.418, V.1920, D.8/2, fl. 382. 15 16 Page | 240 From the documents that we possess, which were taken in the Archive of Tirana, we talk about the report of Niman Ferizi sent to the KMKK. The answer for Kosovo Serbs was also received by the Albanian deputy in Belgrade, Nexhip Draga, who says that the uprisings in Kosovo are being carried out mainly by Kosovo Albanians to protect the doorstep of the Serbian gendarmerie and army in Kosovo, which is mercilessly killing children, women and old people, with the only pretext because they are Albanian.22 From the Albanian pressure (June 15, 1920) it is said that two Yugoslav ministers left for the Province of Kosovo, one stopped in Mitrovica where he gathered the leaders of the majority of Kosovo, and only Cena Begu from Gjakova was one of the Muslims.23 The Newspaper Të arratisunit (‘Hak’) of Skopje writes [February 21, 1921]: there are uprisings in Kosovo, where some men took up arms to face Serbian atrocities, they are: Azem Bejtë Galica, Beqir Rama, Selim Ajeti, Sadik Rama and many other comrades who returned the rifle to the Serbian army. The attempt of the Serbian gendarmerie to capture them turned out to be in vain with some gendarmes killed.24 During the years 1919, 1920, 1921 the Serbian army continued to pursue the Albanian insurgents, the fact that they did not respond to the call of the state to surrender and to use the right to pardon them, but those who surrendered are being killed on the streets, and many others are being sent to Serbian prisons.25 Albania as a mother country of Albanians, who remain unjustly outside of natural Albania tried to cover the educational gaps in Kosovo and other Albanian areas outside Albania through scholarships for education of the Albanian Government, for this event writes the newspaper Shqipëri e Re [December 31, 1922], the Government decided to allocate 36 scholarships for the Albanians left abroad, for Kosovo 15 scholarships were awarded, Triesht, Hot and Grudë 3, Krajë and other places in Montenegro 4, Dibër and Bitola 8, and Chameria 6, with this decision the Government proves that it is also interested in Albanians living outside Albania.26 Kosovo Albanians constantly made efforts for liberation and national unification, the newspaper Ktona (‘Kosova’) of Constanta [March 20, 1933], writes about the nationalism of Kosovo, since the time of Turkey, in Kosovo at that time was thought to live for approximately 1 million Albanians but the poor faced violence and repression from both Turkey and Serbia during the Balkan wars and the First World Cup, but unfortunately their oppression and confrontation with the Serbian regime is still going on.27 22 AQSH, F.418, V.1920, D.8/2, fl. 382. AQSH, F.418, V.1920, D.8/2, fl. 387. 24 Të arratisunit, 21 shkurt 1921, no. 138: 2. 25 Të arratisunit, 21 shkurt 1921, no. 138: 2. 26 ‘Për shqiptarët të mbetur përjashta kufive’, Shqipëri e Re, 31 dhjetor 1922, no. 111: 2. 27 ‘Nacionalizmi i Kosovës është tregu qysh në kohë të Turqisë’, Ktona , 20 mars 1933, no. 26: 1. 23 Page | 241 Kosovars were determined for freedom and unification, during August 1920 a steamer with weapons arrived in Durrës for Kosovars who would use it against the Serbian invaders. The Albanian government did not allow this weapon to be emptied in Durrës, however the uprisings against the invaders broke out Serb, on which occasion the insurgents hit the Yugoslav army in Debar.28 From the writings we receive from D. GJ. Bisak who wrote a feuilleton in the newspaper Ktona (‘Kosova’) of Constanta, [March 20, 1933], with the title ‘Tears of Dukagjini – Kosovo enslaved’ each time brings us innovations for the 20s and 30s about events that took place throughout Kosovo.29 The Newspaper Ktona (‘Kosova’) of Constanta [June 11, 1933] dedicates a special article to Ismet Kryeziu, patriot and ex kosovar deputy in Yugoslavia and today the mayor of Korça, he was active in the Balkan wars.30 As a deputy of Gjakova in 1919, when the political parties began to strengthen, he joined the Democratic Party and was elected deputy of Gjakova, he made an effort to gather 12 Kosovar deputies around himself and to form a parliamentary group separated from non-Albanian parties. In 1922, Mr. Kryeziu requested an interpellation from the Minister of Internal Affairs of Yugoslavia on the killing of 522 Albanian women, men and children in a village near Pristina. Minister Draskovic expressed regret to Mr. Kryeziu for this, but always justifying the Serbian army, that the peasants had provoked the thing. The Newspaper Ktona (‘Kosova’) of Constanta [June 11, 1933] writes about the report of the Yugoslav ministers stated about the Serbian massacres against the Albanians, in the investigations made by the Yugoslav ministers it turned out that the villagers had raised the Albanian flag and wanted not to recognize the Serbian government. The colonel who led the crimes against Albanians was appointed commander of the garrison in Gjakova in order to organize the assassination of Ismet Kryeziu.31 According to the newspaper Shqipëri e Re [May 1, 1921], the Albanian state sent a note of protest to the Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian kingdom, prompting the latter to withdraw the Yugoslav army to the 1913 border, otherwise it would make demarches in the League of States.32 The people of Dibra are also protesting against the Serbian army which has entered Albania, and they have even sent a telegram to the Italian and British consuls who were residents in Durrës.33 The Newspaper Shqipëri e Re [September 11, 1921] reports on the illegal activities of Serbian Chetnik groups. From the field news we learn that in Kosovo on August 31 went the Serbian committees of crna ruka (black hand) assisted by 28 Dervishi, 2006: 123. ‘Lotët e Dukagjinit – Kosova e robnueme’, Ktona , 20 mars 1933, no. 26:: 2. 30 Ktona, 11 qershor 1933, no. 32: 2. 31 Ktona, 11 qershor 1933, no. 32: 2. 32 ‘Shqipëria dhe Serbia’, Shqipëri e Re, 1 maj 1921, no. 30: 2. 33 ‘Shqiptarët e Dibrës protestojnë kundër pushtimit serb brenda kufirit’, Shqipëri e Re, 1 maj 1921, no. 30: 2-3. 29 Page | 242 the Serbian army have burned in the districts of Peja and Gjakova 300 houses, and have killed more than 350 people, looted over 1000 houses in Dukagjini and robbed about 1200 large and small cattle.34 The Newspaper Shqipëri e Re [December 25, 1921] writes, with the recognition of the borders of 1913 by the Peace Conference in Paris, finally Kosovo remains under the Serbian clutches, the Serbian army forced to make moves start the withdrawal from the side of Buna across the Drini.35 Albanian patriots were active for the time being, we single out the patriotic gesture of Hasan Prishtina who in Durrës took out his watch and donated it to the government to fight Serbia.36 The armed movements in Kosovo were of a Kachak character, not institutional, mainly small armed groups who resisted as much as they could against the Serbian occupiers in Kosovo, these movements sent the program message of the KMKK, which was based in Shkoder.37 An article published in the Albanian press, respectively in the newspaper Politika (‘Policy’) [November 28, 1924], which was published in Vlora, writes about the Albanians of Kosovo, on the eve of the manifestation of November 28 entitled ‘Spirit of Prizren’, with the message that Albania is small, everyone will die but will never be torn apart, because this had previously been defended by Isa Boletini and many other Kosovars.38 The Newspaper Politika [September 3, 1924] further writes about the events in Kosovo, entitled ‘What was the cause of the recent massacres in Kosovo’: “Azem Galica committee heard not only in the Yugoslav press but also that of Europe, had recently made a agreement with the Yugoslav authorities, this ceasefire agreement and Aleks Martinoviçi had issued a non-prosecution with the approval of the Yugoslav Ministry of Della, and Azem Galica, who was allowed to live freely in his family. From this agreement, the Yugoslav government had arranged a building for Azem Galices as compensation, because when they had killed his mother together with 5 other family members, they had also burned down his house”.39 To counter Serbia's policy of institutional violence, the Albanian people organized themselves into an armed resistance through the Kaçak Movement. This movement in Kosovo 1918-1928 was actualized as a movement of broad popular masses based on traditions and the struggle for national freedom.40 On July 15, 1924, the Serbian army again surrounded the towers of Azem Galica, the Serbs used ‘Komitë serbe në Dukagjin’, Shqipëri e Re, 11 shtator 1921, no. 46: 1. ‘Ushtria jugosllave zuri po hiqet’, Shqipëri e Re, 25 shtator 1921, no. 60: 1. 36 ‘Hasan Prishtina’, Shqipëri e Re, 25 dhjetor 1921, no. 60: 1. 37 Rushiti, 2009: 27. 38 ‘Shpirti i Prizrenit’, Politika, 28 Nandor 1924, no. 35: 4. 39 ‘Ç’ka ke shkaku i masakrave të fundit në Kosovë’, Politika, 3 shtator 1924, no. 35: 6. 40 Lita, 1982: 13. 34 35 Page | 243 the amnesty they had approved of Azem the day before, in order to capture him, kill him or capture him alive.41 The Newspaper Politika [September 3, 1924], continues the article which describes in detail the further course of the event. It is learned that on the day of Eid the Serbian army consisting of 5000 troops beat with cannon and machine gun his tower from three sides. Azem Galica with some friends more difficulty achieves to weep for the siege only after darkness falls and take the mountains of Drenica. The Yugoslav government under the pretext of pursuing Azem Galica burned entire villages and carried out numerous massacres of the civilian population, killing women, children and the elderly in revenge for the Kachak Movement and especially its leader Azem Galica.42 So writes Mira Popovci in her work published in the Yearbook.43 The Joint Committee of Albanians in the League of Nations with representatives: Bajram Curri, Hasan Prishtina and Bedri Pejani, who sent a petition to the League of Nations, through this petition provided evidence of violence, killings, arson and looting committed by Serbia against Kosovo Albanians.44 Comparing the Albanian press of the time inside and outside Albania, we have noticed that many articles in the Albanian press have been dictated, or with political directives that often make the reader question the truth of the press. See the newspaper Shqipëri e Re [January 22, 1922], we are mentioning an article entitled ‘Anachronism in Albania’ accusing the best patriots of Kosovo and Albania as are: Hasan Prishtina, Haki Tevfiku, Hoxha Kadri Prishtina, Zija Dibra, etc., as foreign agents for the destruction of Albania as a Young Turk current, analyzing this article we think that from here Kosovar patriots were seen as rivals within Albania.45 State ignorance went so far as to imprison Zija Bej Dibra, Qazim Kocili and Hasan Prishtina, the latter escaping from prison.46 From the latest news in the newspaper Dielli (‘Sun’) of Boston [February 14, 1923] writes about an Albanian armed uprising in the neutral area of the AlbanianSerbian border. This uprising is thought to have been organized by Hysni Curri. According to the newspaper this may not be true because the same news says that Hasan Prishtina has organized a number of 10 thousand troops and is marching towards Tirana to overthrow the Albanian government. If it were true this would not happen in the direction of Tirana, but that of Pristina.47 However, Hasan Prishtina made an attempt to remove Zogu from the political scene and from this attempt there was a conflict between the supporters of Ahmet Zogu and those of Hasan Prishtina. This conflict within the Albanians was resolved by the British diplomatic 41 Rushiti, 2003: 193. ‘Ç’ka ke shkaku i masakrave të fundit në Kosovë’, Politika, 3 shtator 1924, no. 35: 6. 43 Popoci, 2008: 433. 44 Milo, 2013: 603. 45 ‘Anarkizmi në Shqipëri’, Shqipëri e Re, 22 janar 1922, no. 64: 1. 46 ‘Zija Be Dibra’, Shqipëri e Re, 23 prill 1922, no. 76: 3. 47 ‘Tjetër kryengritje’, Dielli, 14 februar 1923, no. 2557: 4. 42 Page | 244 representative Swr Harry Air, who managed to persuade the commander of Hasan Prishtina to withdraw from Tirana.48 The Albanian press was in step with the information that beats the events in daily life. The political assassinations that often happened in Albania. E.g. The assassination attempt of Prime Minister Ahmet Zogu on February 23, 1924 in the corridor of the Assembly, who fortunately escaped with two minor leg injuries and hand. The newspaper Drita (‘Light’) of Gjirokastra [March 1, 1924], writes that these ugly events that are happening among Albanians are raising insecurity among all our citizens, political assassinations and the recent assassination of the Prime Minister are a black stain which is left to our nation for life.49 It should be noted that the newspaper Dielli [May 13, 1924], until 1924 he was interested in and wrote from time to time for the Albanians of Kosovo. But as it seems from the following writings he dealt more with the problems of the diaspora in America. Maybe this could have been as a means for benefits, or survival of organized as a social group. However we single out the article ‘Ahmet Zogu murderer of Americans and Avni Rrustemi’. It is possible that Ahmet Zogu had a hand in the murder of Avni Rrustemi, whose goal was to eliminate the opposition, create insecurity and is creative of turmoil, in order to make it known that peace and order in Albania are possible only through him. Taking advantage of these circumstances Yugoslavia worked in the direction that St. Naum and Vermoshi were not given to a ruined Albania.50 Ahmet Zogu proves that he was an unworthy man for the Albanian Nation with his Agreement with Nikola Pashiqi. If this agreement were implemented now, there would be no state or Albanian nation. So much was the cold blood of Ahmet Zogu in the national betrayal he committed through to this agreement, so much so that he accepted all those points to sign that if he had made a whole side of this agreement, the government of Pashiq would have had better days to make demands on Albania. This agreement was signed in August 1924, the title of the agreement is: Agreement concluded in Belgrade in August 1924 between President Pashiq-Ahmet Zogu. The agreement reached between the two contenders has a total of 16 points, we are mentioning some of them, each of which is more harmful than the other, to the point: 1.“Albania is forced to join Yugoslavia by personal union, the purpose of this point was for Albania to merge within Yugoslavia and as such to disappear forever”. 2.“The President of the Albanian state will be Ahmet Zogu, who will later recognize the Kingdom of the Karagjorgjeviqëve”, even at this point Zogu 48 Malcolm, 2001: 288. ‘Morali i një atentati’, Drita, 1 mars 1924, no. 161: 1. 50 ‘Ahmet Zogu vrasës i amerikanëve dhe i Avni Rrustemit’, Dielli, 13 maj 1924, no. 2713: 8-9. 49 Page | 245 agrees to recognize the rule and authority of the Yugoslav Kingdom over Albania. In point 4. The Albanian Ministry of War would be extinguished, and Albania would give up having a national army, here it is proven that Ahmet Zogu was interested in nothing that was a national interest, except the benefits of being the head of state, 9.“The foreign diplomacy of Yugoslavia will be representative of Albania, which gives up having consulates and diplomacy abroad”. 11.“It was said, – The Albanian Orthodox Church would withdraw from the Patriarchate of Constantinople and join the Orthodox Patriarchate of Belgrade, so the Albanian Muslim Mufti would depend on the Yugoslav one”; 14.“If Yugoslavia goes to war with Bulgaria, or Greece, it is obliged to mobilize 25,000 Albanian soldiers to defend the borders of Yugoslavia”.51 If these points of the agreement were realized, on this occasion Albania would extinguish its internationally recognized sovereignty at the London Conference and the Peace Conference, etc. These points that we presented above and the others were to be worried about, but none of them were implemented except point no. 2 and that partly because Ahmet Zogu really became Prime Minister (and later President of Albania, to continue from 1928 the King of the Albanians), well that these notorious points for Albania were never implemented. Serbia was constantly trying to undermine the functioning of the Albanian state, to sabotage the institutions. There it had sent to Tirana Lieutenant Colonel Tanasije Deniq, who (on May 25, 1926) wrote to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Yugoslavia about the arrival in Tirana of Branko Lazarovi. Lazarovi had mission to support and strengthen the current regime in Albania led by Ahmet Beu-Zogu. Our ally Ahmet Bey has asked for help in supplying weapons and officers, as well as financial means in order to buy 49% of the shares of the imitation bank.52 Salih Vuçiterrni in ‘the lies of Belgrade politics’ published in the newspaper Shqipnija of Tirana [February 23, 1927] denies an article (a correspondence from Tirana) in the Serbian newspaper Politika Beligrad [January 15, 1927]: “according to which I was a member of the Kosovo Committee and I was reorganized for revolution in Kosovo, and my goal was Southern Serbia. These lies do not deserve an answer, but since this newspaper is a government body I am obliged to answer: 51 52 AQSH, F.251, D.105: 1-2. Komiteti i Kosovës ndërgjegje e Shqipërisë Etnike …, Unpublished. F. Hakif Bajrami, D. 4. Page | 246 1. I am an idealistic Albanian Kosovar, convinced that the Albanian people and Albania need peace; 2. As Kosovar irrident we aim to appeal and lobby the international community for the rights of our Kosovar brothers who are under Serbian; 3. The ideal of our goal is peaceful; 4. As for the fact that I am in constant contact with Italian agencies, this does not stand at all. With this reaction I hope to understand my role in Belgrade politics.” 53 The armed movements in Kosovo were more of a local and self-defense character (Kachak movement) without any proper military structure, as the circumstances in which the Albanian insurgents operated were difficult. Kosovo was in fact occupied by the political state of the Kingdom of SCS, but that in essence, the territory of Kosovo was controlled by the invading Serbia from 1912 onwards and with its reconquest in 1918, when Serbia legally annexed Kosovo and placed the territory of Kosovo under its sovereignty. During this time, the security organs of Serbia are established and a continuous war begins against all strata of the Albanian society in Kosovo. Conclusion From the above we conclude that according to the Albanian-wide press the armed resistance movement in Kosovo (1918-1928) was the best initiative of the military organization against the Serbo-Montenegrin occupiers. The unification of political and military forces between the KMKK and the Kachak Movement in Kosovo made the first steps towards national liberation. During this period Kosovo was in difficult circumstances, isolated from the army and gendarmerie of the Kingdom of SCS. Albanians in Kosovo made efforts to protect the national interests through political participation alongside armed movements, thanks to this effort Albanians gathered and established in Skopje the political party Xhemjet with political-religious character for representation of Muslims of Kosovo, Macedonia and other areas. Here the Albanians dominated with the elected Albanian patriot leader Nexhib Draga and a prominent group of representatives of the nation. The Armed Resistance in Kosovo led the implacable activist by Azem Galica, who together with his military subordinates managed to mobilize about 10,000 armed insurgents around the national ideal. Their liberation war was always coordinated with the other military arm of the KMKK, which was a form of government of Kosovo in exile, so the seat of this committee (government) was in Shkodra. Hoxhë Kadri Prishtina and Hasan Prishtina were the most sublime figures of the committee. 53 S. Vuçiterrni, ‘Trillimet e politikes së Beligradit’, Shqipnija, 23 shkurt 1927, no. 49: 3. Page | 247 The armed resistance focused on Dukagjini, Drenica, Kosovo plain, Llapë, and Anamorava. With the death of Azem Galica, the end of the KMKK, the imprisonment of Xhemjet leaders, the arrest and deportation of many Albanian patriots, the killing of many others from Serbia, and the narrowing operational space of Kosovo Albanian insurgents within Albania from Ahmet Zogu’s regime, also the open military activities against the Serbian-Montenegrin occupiers was rested. Fig. 1. Komiteti Mbrojtja Kombëtare e Kosovës, (Voksh: 10.3.1920), ASHAK. F. nr.872 [mikrofilm nr 0015]. Page | 248 Bibliography Archival Sources ASHAK – Agjensioni Shtetëror i Arkivave të Kosovës, Prishtinë [Kosovo State Archives Agency, Pristina] Komiteti i Kosovës ndërgjegje e Shqipërisë Etnike Lëvizjet Politike në Shqipëri sipa dokumenteve jugosllave 1918-1942, (25.5.1926). [Kosovo Committee Consciousness of Ethnic Albania Political Movements in Albania according to Yugoslav documents 1918-1942], (25.5.1926). Archival Document, Unpublished. F. Hakif Bajrami, D. 4. Komiteti Mbrojtja Kombëtare e Kosovës, (Voksh: 10.3.1920), [Kosovo National Defense Committee]. F. nr.872. AQSH – Akivi Qendror Shtetëror i Shqipërisë, Tiranë, [Central State Archive of Albania, Tirana] Letër dërguar Komitetit të Kosovës në Shkodër – Niman Ferizi 1920 [Letter sent to the Kosovo Committee in Shkodra – Niman Ferizi 1920]. F.418, D.8/2, fl.381. Raport – Niman Ferizi, dërguar Komitetit Mbrojtja Kombëtare e Kosovës, Anarkia në Krahinë të Kosovës gjithnjë po shkon tu u shtue e shumue (7.7.1920). [Report – Niman Ferizi, sent to the National Defense Committee of Kosovo, Anarchy in the Province of Kosovo is always increasing and multiplying (7.7.1920)]. F.418, V.1920, D.8/2, fl.382. Marrëveshja Nikolla Pashiç – Ahmet Zogu e gushtit të vitit 1924 [Nikola Pasic - Ahmet Zogu Agreement of August 1924], F.251, D.105, viti 1924. Press sources Dielli, 1923-1924. Drita, 1924. Kosova, 1933. Liruesi i Shqypënisë, 1916. Politika, 1924. Shqipëri e Re, 1921-1922 Shqipnija, 1924. Të arratisunit, 1921. Literature Abdyli, R. (1994) ‘Politika serbe e gjenocidit ndaj Kosovës dhe shqiptarëve’, Kosova 2: 25. Ahmeti, S. (2009) ‘Shotë Galica Bashkëluftëtare e Azem Galicës’, Azem Bejtë Galica 147. Berisha, A., Berisha, A. (2009) Gallapi i Prishtinës III 1912-194. Prishtinë: Printing Press. Dervishi, K. (2006) Historia e Shtetit Shqiptar 1912-2005, organizimi shtetëror, jeta politike, ngjarjet kryesore, të gjithë ligjvënësit, ministrat dhe kryetarët e shtetit shqiptar. Tiranë: Sh. B. 55. Gjoshaj, M. (2015) ‘Reforma agrare dhe kolonizimi në Drenicë me 1918-1941’, Kosova 15: 215. Kosova në vështrimin enciklopedik. (1999). Tiranë: Akademia e Shkencave – Qendra e Enciklopedisë Shqiptare. Lita, S. (1982) Kosova në periudhën e rindërtimit. Prishtinë: Instituti i Historisë së Kosovës. Malcolm, N. (2001) Kosova një Histori e Shkurtër. (A. Kajragdiu, Trans.) Prishtinë; Tiranë: Koha. Milo, P. (2013) Politika e jashtëme e Shqipërisë I. Tiranë: Botimet Toena. Musaj, F. (2002) Gruaja në Shqipëri 1912-1939. Tiranë: Akademia e Shkencave të Shqipërisë-Insotuti i Historisë. Popoci, M. (2008) ‘Realiteti serb dhe Komiteti për Mbrojtjen Kombëtare të Kosovës’, Vjetar 39-40: 433. Page | 249 Rushiti, L. (1990) ‘Lëvizja Kaçake në Kosovë 1918-1928’, in E vërteta mbi Kosovën dhe shqiptarët në Jugosllavi, ed. K. Prifti, Tiranë: Akademia e Shkencave, 297-306. Rushiti, L. (2002) ‘Dëbimi i shqiptarëve nga çarku i Prizrenit 1919-1922’, Vjetar 27-28: 311. Rushiti, L. (2003) Kujtime për Lëvizjen Kaçake. Prishtinë: Shkrola. Rushiti, L. (2008) ‘Komiteti Mbrojtja Kaçake Kombëtare e Kosovës dhe Lëvizja Kaçake’, Vjetar 39-40: 409. Rushiti, L. (2009) Azem Bejtë- Galica figurë qendrore e Lëvizjes Çlirimtare 1914-1924. Prishtinë: Instituti i Historisë- Prishtinë. Shala, X. (2009) ‘Roli i Azem Bejtës në Luftën kundër pushtuesit serb’, Azem Bejtë Galica 85. Shala, X. (2014) Hasani Prishtina vështrim i shkurtër atdhetarie. Prishtinë: Instituti i Historisë. Verli, M. (2014) Aspektet rreth krijimit dhe zgjidhjes së çështjes shqiptare Shek XIX-XX . Tiranë: Klean. Xhaferaj, F. (2007) Deballkanizimi i Ballkanit. Tiranë: Dudaj. To cite this article: Kryeziu, V., Dugolli, B. (2022). The Armed Resistance Movement in Kosovo 1918-1928 according to the Albanian press. Historia i Świat 11, 237-250, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.14 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 250 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Gabriela BELOVA (SWU “Neofit Rilski”, Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria) Gergana GEORGIEVA (SWU “Neofit Rilski”, Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria) Sergiusz LEOŃCZYK (Siedlce University, Poland) Международное сотрудничество в области здравоохранения между Первой и Второй мировыми войнами – уроки истории в борьбе с эпидемиями International Health Cooperation between the World Wars – Lessons from History in Controlling Epidemics https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.15 Abstract: Since the middle of the 19th century, a period of real progress in the field of public health began, government obligations towards health expanded; quarantine, isolation and other measures were introduced by the international community aimed to ensure in the first place safe trade, but also the health of the population of large Western European cities. The article examines the three new international structures in the field of health created before and after the First World War. The first in time was the Office international d’hygiène publique (OIHP), created in 1907. Shortly before the war in 1913, the International Department of Health (IHD) of the Rockefeller Foundation was founded in the United States, and straight after the war in 1920, the League of Nations Health Organization (LNHO) appeared. Despite the cooperation at certain points, the relationship between the LNHO and the OIHP was largely marked by rivalry and the reluctance of the OIHP to become part of the League of Nations. In 1920 the Epidemic Commission was founded and its first head became a well known Polish medical scientist Ludwik Rajchman. The authors also pay attention to the first epidemiological actions in Bulgaria, made possible by the activities of the Rockefeller Foundation in South-Eastern Europe. Key words: League of Nations Health Organization, Epidemical Commission, OIHP, Rockefeller Foundation, Ludwik Rajchman, Petrich  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6988-3452. [email protected]; South-West University “Neofit Rilski”.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1396-6889. [email protected]; South-West University “Neofit Rilski”.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1459-982X. [email protected] Page | 251 Корни международного сотрудничества в области здравоохранения можно проследить до появления в середине XIX в. первых систематических действий в этой области. Международное сообщество стало принимать меры в первую очередь как ответ на угрозы пандемий, исходящие из-за пределов Западной Европы. Технический прогресс, развитие мореплавания и железнодорожных сообщений, расширение мировой торговли и увеличение передвижения лиц позволили холере, а затем желтой лихорадке и бубонной чуме выйти из своих традиционных эндемичных очагов в колониях в слоборазитых странах и достичь территории западноевропейских государств. Как отмечают некоторые авторы, первые проявления глобализации можно отнести к периоду 1850-1914 гг. в связи с развитием мировых рынков.1 Политические элиты, предприниматели и врачи сошлись во мнении о необходимости защитить свое население, предприятия и территории, от вспышек эпидемий путем стандартизации карантина и других мер пограничного санитарного контроля. Появилась надежда, что с середины XIX в. начнется период реального прогресса в области общественного здравоохранения, расширятся обязательства правительств, введутся международные инструменты для обеспечения безопасной торговли.2 Осознание необходимости международного сотрудничества в области здравохранения Как известно, в 1851 г. правительство Франции организовало в Париже первую международную санитарную конференцию для обсуждения холеры.3 Распространение холеры долгое время ограничивалась преимущественно Индией, но начиная с 1829 г. она быстро распространилась по всему миру и нашла пристанище в небезопасных бытовых системах водоснабжения в перенаселенных городах Европы. Болезнь застала европейскую медицинскую науку врасплох, изза недоостаточных знаний о ней на континенте. Привычные меры, как кордоны, карантин и принудительная изоляция больных оказались бесполезными, а традиционные методы лечения оказались безрезультатными. На конференции в 1851 г. присутствовали представители двенадцати держав. Конференция положила начало серии встреч в разных форматах и с различными участниками, в которых почти всегда присуствовали Франция и Объединенное Королевство. Как подчеркнуто в опубликованной в 2019 г. монографии, посвященной истории Всемирной организации здравоохранения (ВОЗ), на первых шести встречах (в 1851, 1859, 1866, 1874, 1881 и 1885 гг.) наибольшее внимание уделялось холере, поскольку несколько пандемий холеры из Азии достигли Западной Европы и Америки.4 Но в целом, эти встречи были сосредоточены на построении единой системы морс-кого карантина, как своеобразной линии обороны между Западной Европой и Востоком. Они также помогли инциировать сеть медицинских работников, исследователей и дипломатов, вовлеченных для обсуждения методов и материалов для дезинфекции международных судов, и портов. 1 Popov, 2009: 8. Pavlov, 2019. 3 Evans, 1988; see also Bynum, 1993. 4 Cuerto, Brown & Fee, 2019: 11-12. 2 Page | 252 Общепризнанная, но не полностью реализованная общая цель этих конференций заключалась в том, чтобы найти способы „уничтожить болезнь при ее зарождении, а не пытаться остановить ее на марше”.5 Так как только три государства одобрили конвенцию 1851 г., восемь лет спустя французское правительство организовало вторую конференцию в Париже в надежде добиться большего признания необходимости морских санитарных соглашений. Хотя присуствовали дипломаты из 11 стран, большинство из них не смогли заручиться обязательствами своих правительств. Трудности в создании обязательной системы морского санитарного регулирования были обусловлены несколькими факторами. Во-первых, в большинстве стран не было единого законодательства в области общественного здравоохранения, и многие государственные учреждения здравоохранения подчинялись министерствам внутренних дел или юстиции. Вторым важным фактором, объясняющим отсутствие ратификации предложенных санитарных конвенций, была система международного права, преобладавшая в Европе со времени Вестфальских договоров середины XVII в. Вестфальская система международных отношений основывалась на принципе невмешательства во внутренние дела отдельных национальных государств. Был страх перед непредвиденными последствиями и потерей суверенитета, которые могут быть связаны с межправительственными соглашениями. Даже в конце 80-х гг. ХІХ в. некоторые представители международных санитарных совещаний настаивали на том, что конвенции следует понимать как рекомендации, а не как обязательства по установлению строгих карантинов.6 В результате между странами по-прежнему существовали разные правила, а это означало, что к судну с подтвержденными случаями холеры на борту в разных портах можно было относиться поразному. Также не всегда государства имели общее понимание той или иной проблемы. Например, четвертая санитарная конференция, состоявшаяся в Вене в 1874 г. с участием 21 страны, обсуждающая санитарные последствия открытия Суэцкого канала, пятью годами ранее, стала свидетелем обострения напряженности между Францией и Германией. Следующая вспышка произошла во время шестой международной санитарной конференции, состоявшейся в Риме в 1885 г., когда конкурирующиеся интересы Франции и Англии в Египте и на Ближнем Востоке препятствовали достижению согласия. Только в 1892 г. на седьмой международной конференции по здравоохранению в Венеции был достигнут прогресс в направлении международного регулирования здравоохранения. Представители, а затем и правительства утвердили четкие и строгие санитарные протоколы для наблюдения за Суэцким каналом. Перемещение людей через канал вызывало растущую озабоченность, потому что с 1868 по 1892 гг. количество паломников, отправляющихся морским путем в Мекку, увеличилось более чем вдвое. В результате европейцы теперь чувствовали себя в опасной близости от Индии. Конференция в Венеции постановила, что все суда, использующие Суэцкий канал, должны быть классифицированы в зависимости от того, есть ли у них на борту больные холерой или нет. Медицинский осмотр на месте был направлен на моряков, пассажиров, крупный рогатый скот, бумагу, шкуры, хлопок, лен 5 6 Cuerto, Brown & Fee, 2019: 11. Zylberman, 2006: 27. Page | 253 и др. На встрече в Венеции также были одобрены две другие предложения, которые получат дальнейшую поддержку в будущем. Во-первых, каждое правительство должно было уведомлять других о вспышках холеры в пределах своих границ. Вторым условием являлось наличие офиса или международного информационного центра для уведомления и обмена информацией об эпидемиях. Медицинские дебаты о происхождении и характере эпидемических болезней Сравнительно небольшое количество принятых конвенций во второй половине ХІХ в. было результатом продолжительных медицинских дебатов о том, является ли холера завозной инфекцией или миазматическим заболеванием местного происхождения. Большинство врачей XIX в. считали, что холера возникает из-за грязных частиц воздуха, образующихся в результате разложения органического живого вещества и общего загрязнения; миазматические частицы процветали в жарком и влажном климате, а особенно поражали людей со слабой физической комплекцией или тех, кто вел несдержанный и „аморальный” образ жизни. Таким образом, склонные к миазму врачи объясняли вспышки эпидемий результатом ненадежной санитарии и выступали против строгих карантинов. Другие выступали за заразность и считали, что холера разносится больными, прибывающими из-за границы.7 Они выступали за строгие правила карантина и призывали к досмотру и, при необходимости, изоляции пассажиров, моряков, товаров, грузов и даже почты. Многие британские врачи и органы здравоохранения занимали промежуточную позицию, иногда вводя карантин, а иногда отдавая приоритет местной санитарии. Различия в профессиональном мнении также были связаны с британским общественным мнением, которое могло решительно поддерживать карантин, когда в крупных портах происходили эпидемические вспышки. Крупные коммерческие фирмы, особенно если они занимались импортом и экспортом товаров, как правило, слишком подчеркивали миазматическое происхождение холеры, сопротивлялись морскому карантину и, когда его вводили, пытались убедить политиков в том, что введение подобных мер наносит больший вред экономике, чем сами эпидемии. Эти неоднозначные взгляды сохранялись даже после опубликования в 1849 г. брошюры лондонского врача Джона Сноу,8 который утверждал, что болезнь передается через питьевую воду, загрязненную фекалиями больных холерой. Работа Сноу и открытие бациллы холеры в 1883 г. немецким врачом Робертом Кохом9 укрепили убеждения инфекционистов и в конечном итоге привели к общей установке более качественных водопроводных и канализационных систем, чтобы остановить орально7 Cuerto, Brown & Fee, 2019: 11. Джон Сноу (1813-1858) – британский врач и ученый, которого считают первым британским анестезиологом и отцом епидемиологии. В своем труде On the Mode of Communication of Cholera, опубликованном в 1849 г. он утверждал, что холера передается через микробы, которые обитают фекальные воды. Он изготовил план для ограничения холеры в Лондоне путем повышения личной гигиены и разделения питейных и сточных вод. 9 Роберт Кох (1843-1910) – немецкий врач, микробиолог и гигиенист. Награжден в 1905 г. Нобелевской премией по физиологии и медицине. Член Прусской академии наук (1904), иностранный член Лондонского королевского общества (1897), Парижской академии наук (1903), иностранный член-корреспондент Петербургской академии наук (1884). 8 Page | 254 фекальную передачу болезни в городах заподноевропейских стран. Научная деятельность Сноу и Коха не убедила всех врачей. Актуальность и политические последствия их работы не были полностью признаваемы до начала XX в. Миазматическая теория оставалась жизнеспособной и пользовалась популярностью. Портовые власти, вероятно, также находились под влиянием широко распространенной стигматизации больных, что означало возложение ответственности за эпидемии на отдельных лиц, групп или национальностей. До 90-х гг. ХІХ в. спрос на информацию об эпидемиях в основном касался холеры. Но в конце XIX в., когда о холере в Европе стали забывать, две другие пандемические болезни стали серьезной проблемой: желтая лихорадка и бубонная чума. Первоначально считалось, что желтая лихорадка распространена только в Карибском бассейне, но вскоре выяснилось, что хотя и не достигнув глобального распространения холеры, вспышки желтой лихорадки произошли в нескольких городах Европы и США. В 1903 г. одиннадцатая международная санитарная конференция, собравшаяся в Париже, подтвердила способ передачи желтой лихорадки. Способ был подтвержден основываясь на работе кубинца Карлоса Финлея10 и майора США Уолтера Рида,11 работавшего в Гаване после Испано-американской войны (1898 г.). Сначала Финли, а затем Рид определили переносчика лихорадки: комара, который стал известен как Aedes aegypti.12 Тщательные полевые исследования показали, что комар никогда не удалялся от жилища человека и размножался в искусственных емкостях с водой. За этим открытием последовала успешная программа по уменьшению численности личинок Aedes в Гаване. Лидеры общественного здравоохранения во всем мире одобрили и воспроизвели успешный метод контроля.13 Что касается связанных с этим действий, на конференции в 1903 г. были утверждены периоды карантина для определенных заболеваний, а также исключена часть товаров из карантинного списка. Парижская конференция также касалась бубонной чумы. Эпидемии чумы опустошали ЕвроКарлос Финлей-и-Баррес (1833-1915) – кубинский врач и ученый, который первым в 1881 г. предположил, что носителем и переносчиком жёлтой лихорадки является определённый москит, а в следующем году обнаружил вид комара – переносчика болезни. Мнение Финлея о роли комаров в переносе жёлтой лихорадки натолкнулось на непонимание. Его главным научным интересом была жёлтая лихорадка, которой он посвятил свыше 40 статей. Семь раз был номинирован на Нобелевскую премию по физиологии и медицине. Памятник в его честь находится и в Панаме, близ канала, который построили во многом благодаря уничтожению комаров – переносчиков жёлтой лихорадки. 11 Уолтер Рид (1851-1902) – американский армейский врач, патолог и бактериолог, подтвердивший в 1900 г. экспериментальным путем гипотезу о заражении жёлтой лихорадкой от укуса комара. Хотя известность „победителя жёлтой лихорадки” закрепилась за ним, сам он неоднократно упоминал об исключительной роли Финлея в сделанном им открытии. Оно сделало возможным обуздать распространение инфекционных болезней на Кубе и возобновить строительство Панамского канала. В честь Уолтера Рида назван главный медицинский центр армии США. 12 Aedes aegypti – вид насекомых из семейства комаров, который является переносчиком лихорадки денге, чикунгуньи, жёлтой лихорадки, вируса Зика, и некоторых других. Довольно легко узнаваемый вид по ярким белым отметинам на ногах и такого же цвета полосам на передней части. Первоначальным местом обитания этого комара является Африка. В настоящее время теперь его ареал заметно расширился и в 2013 г. этот вид комаров появился в американском штате Калифорния. 13 Espinosa, 2009. 10 Page | 255 пу в период Средневековья, но после XVI в. начался длительный период упадка с нерегулярными возрождающимися вспышками. На протяжении большей части XIX в. чума считалась болезнью, присущей только сельским районам России и Китая, с редкими вспышками на Ближнем Востоке. В 1894 г. бубонная чума распространилась из Южного Китая в Гонконг, а затем и по всему миру, возродив воспоминания о средневековых пандемиях чумы. Но теперь борьбу против чумы возглавили бактериологи, что свидетельствует о том, что миазматические идеи были частично отброшены в сторону. Монография бактериолога Института Пастера Поля-Луи Симонда,14 работающего в Индии, подтвердила, что бацилла чумы процветает в желудке крысиных блох и выдвинула предположение, что в международных эпидемиях виноваты грызуны, спрятавшиеся в грузах кораблей. Открытие ориентировало санитарную работу на „дератизацию” складов, портов и кораблей. Зарождение идеи социальной медицины Как уже было сформулировано, история общественного здравоохранения в значительной степени связана с вмешательством государства, направленным на предотвращение развития болезни, путем устранения источника инфекции. Кампании общественного здравоохранения в Европе в XIX в. были направлены на очистку воды, карантин и, в меньшей степени, на вакцинацию. Хотя специалисты в области общественного здравоохранения продолжали использовать многие методы борьбы с болезнями, основанные на бактериальной теории болезней, к межвоенному периоду многие врачи стали рассматривать господствовавший внутри страны санитарный подход как слишком упрощенный, и они начали выступать за профилактику среди населения.15 К 30-м гг. ХХ в., подстегиваемые Великой депрессией, национальные политики все больше стали интересоваться вопросами питания, хронических заболеваний, благополучия матери и ребенка и гигиены труда, обнаруживая причину многих болезней в уровне развития общества. Персонал Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций (ОЗЛН) и руководящий комитет по здравоохранению часто подчеркивали важность социальных и экологических аспектов болезней.16 История общественного здравоохранения является историей конкурирующих моделей болезней, основанных на грязи, микробах, наследственности или миазмов, что инициировало в обществе дискуссии о надлежащей роли правительства и обязательствах государств перед населением. Были формулированы идеи, что улучшение здоровья улучшит состояние общества. Любопытным фактом является то, что в начале ХХ в. считалось, что общественное здравоохранение вообще можно отделить от политики, но еще с самого начала современное здравоохранение имеет политическую подоплеку. Как пишут исследователи Patricia Clavin и Jens Wilhelm Wessels, „в то время как официальПоль-Луи Симонд (1858-1947) – французский ученый, врач, специалист по эпидемиям. Институт Пастера опубликовал его исследования в 1898 г. о передаче чумной болезни, в частности, что она передается не через крыс, а через блох, находящихся на них. Чтобы убедить международное научное сообщество, потребовалось более десяти лет. 15 Fee & Porter, 1991. 16 Cuerto, Brown & Fee, 2019: 18. 14 Page | 256 ные лица Лиги Наций стремились спрятаться за этим различием, они, конечно, не верили в это”.17 В то же самое время кажется парадоксальным, но Организации здравоохранения Лиги наций в значительной степени удалось избежать вовлечения в политические проблемы дня. Это можно объяснить отсуствием финансирования, назаинтересованностью государствами выполнять рекомендации, а также и прекращение обмена данными во время Первой мировой войны. В этом смысле можно заключить, что первоначальная деятельность Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций ограничивалась более техническими решениями проблем общественного здравоохранения. Следует отметь, что несмотря на факт, что в начале ХХ в. вследствии индустриализации внимание международного сообщества было приковано к проблемам общественного здравоохранения из-за промышленного загрязнения, негативных последствий урбанизации и плохих фабричных условий для рабочих, его корни можно отнести к Великой французской революции, которая объявила здоровье правом каждого гражданина.18 Трудно постигнутый консенсус в XIX и начале XX вв. требовал убедить государства в том, что правительства не только несут ответственность за здоровье своих граждан, но и что они были обязаны перед другими государствами обеспечивать здоровье своих граждан. Хотя вначале некоторые члены пытались взять на себя прямой контроль над эпидемиями, предлагая международные кампании по санитарии и дезинфекции в других странах, эта модель была отвергнута международным сообществом как дорогостоящая и нарушающая суверенитет государств. Вместо этого государства были призваны сделать последний шаг внутри страны, то есть позаботиться о своих собственных портах и своем собственном населении. Эта ориентация принципиально отличалась от идеи более старых конвенций, которые пытались контролировать национальные органы и порты в других государствах. Впоследствие, представители различных идеологических групп объединились около доктрины гигиены, которая, по словам историка Энн Ф. Лаберж, была „верой, что все сферы жизни должны быть подчинены медицине и морали для предотвращения болезней и укрепления общественного здоровья в интересах общественного порядка и национальной безопасности” (курсив авт.).19 По всей Европе уже в начале ХХ в. врачи и защитники общественного здоровья были убеждены, что бедность и болезни взаимно усиливают друг друга.20 Сторонники общественного здравоохранения считали, что их работа на местах может „восстановить баланс между промышленным ростом и сохранением здоровья”.21 Государство всеобщего благосостояния было одним из ответов на этот вызов.22 Созданная в 1920 г. Организация здравоохранения Лиги Наций настаивала на обязательства государств по вопросам общественного здравоохранения, но не на службе определенной идеологии. Большинство сотрудников Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций были полны решимости убедить государства предоставлять различные уровни медицинских услуг в интересах эко17 Clavin & Wessels, 2005: 482. Porter, 1998: 63. 19 La Berge, 1992: 316. 20 Cuerto, Brown & Fee, 2019: 17. 21 Cuerto, Brown & Fee, 2019: 17. 22 Evans, 1988: 136. 18 Page | 257 номического процветания, общественного здравоохранения и международного сотрудничества. Социальные аспекты здравоохранения проявились в инициативе ОЗЛН в конце 30-х гг. ХХ в. Так называемая „сельская гигиена” стала основным направлением деятельности ирганизации, которое привлекало внимание к потребностям сельского населения, которое несло огромное бремя болезней и смертности, имело ограниченный доступ к поставщикам медицинских услуг и боролось с разрушительными последствиями мировой экономической депрессии. ОЗЛН подошла к этим проблемам с межсекторальной точки зрения и сосредоточилась не только на доступе к медицине, но и на фундаментальных проблемах повышения уровня образования, экономического развития и социального прогресса. Появление первых международных агентств для сотрудничества в области здравоохранения OIHP Развитие медицинской науки, эпидемиологии, бактериологии и гигены дали толчок международному сотрудничеству в области здравоохранения. Начало ХХ в. характеризуется активными действиями международного сообщества, которые привели к появлению нескольких независимых структур в области здравоохранения, отношения которых были довольно сложными и неоднозначными и включали элементы сотрудничества, а также и острого соперничества между собой. Можно отметить, что в Европе и в Америке сфера общественного здравоохранения была фрагментирована после Первой мировой войны из-за отсутствия концептуально организующего принципа.23 Хронологически, первой по времени, еще до Первой мировой войны, учитывая опыт международных конференций второй половины ХІХ в., была создана Office international d’hygiène publique (OIHP), которая следила за каранином международных судов и портов и предотврращением распространении опасных болезней. Она была основанна 9 декабря 1907 г. и базировалась во Франции (Париж). Основная цель OIHP заключалась в том, чтобы „собирать и доводить до сведения государств-участников факты и документы общего характера, касающиеся общественного здравоохранения, особенно в отношении инфекционных заболеваний, в частности холеры, чумы и желтой лихорадки”, а также принимаемые меры по борьбе с этими заболеваниями.”24 В этот период не было намерения создавать организацию с широкими исполнительными полномочиями или вторгаться в сферу управления здравоохранения странучастниц. Первым директором службы стал французский дипломат, знакомый с международными вопросами здравоохранения. Ему помогали генеральный секретарь и небольшой технический персонал. Первоначальный бюджет оценивался в 150 000 франков, что считалось достаточным для выполнения 23 24 Duffy, 1998: 294. Goodman, 1952: 97. Page | 258 поставленных задач и повышения лояльности сотрудников к независимому международному органу. Однако эта последняя цель так и не была полностью достигнута, несмотря на то, что формально OIHP была международным агентством, полномочия которого принадлежали независимому Постоянному комитету, состоящему из представителей, назначаемых государствами-членами (обычно врачи, часто директоры национального департамента здравоохранения, дипломаты или администраторы, имеющие опыт в области общественного здравоохранения). OIHP с самого начала стала организацией, в которой ярко ощущалась доминация французских врачей и дипломатов. Штаб-квартира агентства находилась в Париже, а официальным языком был французский. Некоторые государства, такие как Франция и Великобритания получили второе место делегата для своих колоний. Франкоязычный персонал создал информационный центр для сбора, проверки и распространения информации о вспышках холеры, чумы и желтой лихорадки, а также для подбора лучших методов борьбы с этими заболеваниями. Правительства стран-участниц должны были информировать агентство о „чумных болезнях” и распространять эпидемиологическую информацию по дипломатическим каналам. OIHP не имел права проводить исследовательскую работу по местам; тем не менее, со временем агентство провело ограниченные расследования болезней, оказало некоторую помощь в чрезвычайных ситуациях и публиковало ежемесячный бюллетень. Одним из его основных активов были заседания его Постоянного комитета, которые проводились два раза в год примерно по десять дней на каждую сессию. Негласная миссия OIHP заключалась в защите подписавших ее государств, преимущественно европейских, от заразных болезней, которые угрожали прибыть извне.25 Ее роль заключалась в организации наблюдения, в распространении полезной информации и координации усилий по обеспечению готовности, причем все эти меры были направлены на недопущение инфекционных заболеваний или, если они все же появились, на жесткий контроль. Эта миссия должна была быть выполнена путем обеспечения соблюдения и, при необходимости, обновления принятых международных санитарных конвенций. Применение новой бактериологической науки также позволило тщательно исследовать внешне здоровых носителей холеры. Распространение научных результатов также вызвало интерес к установлению международных стандартов как для сывороток, так и для вакцин, а также для эпидемиологических отчетов. В компетенцию организации вошли и некоторые другие вопросы – сбор и передача фактов и документов общего характера, представляющих интерес для общественного здравоохранения. Задача OIHP заключалась в том, чтобы собирать и публиковать информацию о том, что делают разные страны, лишь изредка призывая их принять новые меры или стандарты. В целом OIHP в первые годы своего существования была верна своей основной миссии и служила главным образом форумом для дискуссий и обмена информацией. Говоря современным языком, это было агентство по „управлению знаниями”, а не агентство на местах, Этот дух все еще был очевиден в начале 1920-х гг. даже в высказываниях представителей государств. Так например представитель США в 1922 г. говорил что „... все [представленные] народы были убеждены в необходимости линии обороны между Востоком и Европой (курсив авт.) 25 Page | 259 и оно управляло информацией об общественном здравоохранении, которая считалась полезной для защиты государств-членов от инфекционных заболеваний. Структура работала таким образом, пока Первая мировая война не вынудила ее приостановить свою деятельность, за исключением публикации своего бюллетеня. Международный отдел здравоохранения Фонда Рокфеллера Практически основанным незадолго до войны, в 1913 г., был Международный отдел здравоохранения (IHD) Фонда Рокфеллера. Это была частная благотворительная организация в области здравоохранения, действовавшая в США, Китае, Европе, Латинской Америке и других регионах мира. Фонд был создан американской семьей, владевшей крупнейшим в мире нефтяным состоянием и решившей распространять западную медицину с миссионерским рвением. За короткое время IHD стал самым влиятельным подразделением Фонда и неформальным послом США в мире.26 Идея Фонда заключалась в том, что причиной значительной бедности во всем мире являются инфекционные заболевания, снижающие производительность труда. Фонд провел важные кампании против анкилостомы,27 желтой лихорадки и малярии, а также в пользу продвижения американской модели медицинского образования. Фонд надеялся, что если рабочих удастся вылечить от их недугов, они станут продуктивными гражданами и позволят своему обществу развиваться. Другое соображение заключалось в том, что работа Фонда должна быть сосредоточена на тех заболеваниях, для которых существует технология контроля. Болгарское участие в программах Фонда Рокфеллера. Болгария была включена в программы Фонда Рокфеллера по финансовой помощи странам ЮгоВосточной Европы, предложенные его европейскими структурами, в частности Международным советом по здоровью и Междуна-родным советом по образованию. По распоряжению Правления Фонда эти сове-ты провели в 1920 г. предварительное изучение состояния промышленности, сельского хозяйства и здравоохранения в Юго-Восточной Европе, с целью выя-вления наиболее острых проблем и направлений, в которых Фонд может помочь. Между тем интерес к программам Фонда Рокфеллера проявила и болгарская сторона. В 1922 г. Управление общественного здравоохранения при Министерстве иностранных дел направило в запрос о выделении помощи для специализации молодых врачей, бактериологов, фармацевтов и химиков, а также для предоставления возможности для ознакомления чиновников МИД-а с опытом европейских стран по оздоровлению населенных пунктов. Другие запросы касались выделения фондом средств на строительство и оснащение института эпидемиологии в Софии, создание медицинского центра для массовой профилактики и консультаций, а также назначения технического советника фонда в Болгарии. 26 Farley, 2004. Анкистоломы – род паразитических круглых червей, паразитирующих в кишечнике позвоночных. 27 Page | 260 Декан медицинского факультета Софийского университета, проф. Василь Моллов, также обратился за помощью к Фонду Рокфеллера. В связи с вышеперечисленными запросами в 1923 г. в Болгарию приехал директор Департамента медицинского образования Сельскар Гунн28 и после его доклада Болгария получила первую помощь. В период с 1923 по 1924 гг. Совет по здравоохранению Фонда выделил средства медицинскому факультету на приобретение научной и специализированной литературы, а также и на приобретение оборудования и химикатов для лабораторий факультета. В 1927 г. были выделены средства отделению гистологии и эмбриологии, а также и отделению патологоанатомии, которые не были использованы из-за административных неурядиц. В следующие годы важнейшей частью деятельности Фонда Рокфеллера в Болгарии стало предоставление стипендий по различным медицинским профилям: социальные болезни (венерические заболевания, туберкулез, алкоголизм и малярия), санитарная статистика, гигиена труда, пропаганда здоровья, школьная гигиена, контроль питания. В конце 1923 г. были внесены первые предложения по специализации двух врачей по малярии и народным болезням. В 1925 г. во время визита в Софию Сельскара Гунна и Клода Хатчисона29 – директора Департамента сельскохозяйственного образования Международного совета по образованию, сельскохозяйственный факультет также был включен в программу стипендий. В 1930-х гг. офисы Фонда Рокфеллера в Европе переориентировали свою программу на социально-экономические дисциплины, такие как: промышленное планирование, управление фондами социальной помощи, развитие политехнического среднего образования и др. В связи с этим изменением Фонд Рокфеллера присудил первые стипендии выпускникам школ медсестер и учителям средних школ по социальным и коммерческим наукам. В источниках трудно найти точные данные о количестве болгар, являвшимися стипендиантами Фонда Рокфеллера, а также о выделенных на их обучение средствах. Со всеми оговорками о неполноте сведений, в период между Первой и Второй мировыми войнами можно принять, что в Совете здравоохранения стипендиантами были 37 болгар, а в составе различных отделов Совета образования – 7 человек в отделе медицинского образования, 15 человек на кафедре социальных наук) и 5 человек на отделение естественных наук. Стипендиантами сельскохозяйственного факультета являлись 13 человек, одна стипендия была повторно присуждена в области естественных наук. Кроме того, Фонд Рокфеллера финансировал исследовательские поездки семи врачей (двух в Северную Америку и пятерых в Европу). Болгарские стипендиаты также восспользовались средствами различных программ, с помощью которых Фонд финансировал Лигу Наций. Еще десять врачей участвовали в курсах по эпидемиологии Сельскар Гунн (1883-1944) – сторонник идей общественного здравоохранения, долгие годы был заместителем председателя Фонда Рокфеллер, активно был вовлечен в инновативную деятельность фонда, направленную на повышение медицинских услуг, образования и развитие сельских местностей, особенно в Китае. 29 Клод Бертон Хатчисон (1885-1980) – ботаник, экономист в области сельского хозяйства, педагог. Был мэром города Беркли, Калифорния с 1955 по 1963 г. В начале ХХ в. уехал в Европу и в 30-е гг. он был директором Фонда экономики сельского хозяйства Джаннини. 28 Page | 261 и малярии, организованных Секцией гигиены Лиги наций при финансовой поддержке Фонда Рокфеллера. Из документов видно, что к 1934 г. Фонд Рокфеллера потратил 60 000 долларов (свыше 5 миллионов левов на то время) на поддержку 26 ученых из Болгарии. После 1934 г. два отделения фонда в Европе ограничили предоставление стипендий, а в 1939 г. Совет по образованию прекратил свою деятельность на континенте. Программа работы Фонда Рокфеллера в Восточной Европе в 20-х гг. ХХ в. также включала финансирование прикладных исследований в области сельского хозяйства. В этой области интерес для фонда в Болгарии представляли Сельскохозяйственный факультет Софийского университета и Институт патологии растений, созданный профессором Димитром Атанасовым, выпускником агрономии в США. В 1925 г. Болгария была включена в трехлетнюю программу Фонда Рокфеллера по финансированию сельскохозяйственных институтов в Австрии, Венгрии и Польше. Правление фонда также удовлетворило просьбу руководства сельскохозяйственного факультета о выделении финансовых средств на строительство здания факультета (1926 г.). Строительство началось в 1927 г., а пять лет спустя здание Сельскохозяйственного факультета было достроено и торжественно открыто, а у его главного входа висел портрет Джона Рокфеллера-старшего. Таким образом можно сделать вывод о серьезном вкладе Фонда Рокфеллера в модернизацию здравоохранения в Болгарии. При его финансовой поддержке были созданы такие важные научные и экспериментальные медицинские центры, как Институт общественного здравоохранения в Софии (ныне Национальный центр инфекционных и паразитарных болезней) и Противомалярийная экспериментальная станция в г. Петриче. Фонд Рокфеллера и болгарский город Петрич. Прямая связь между Фондом Рокфеллера и болгарским городом Петрич установилась в конце Первой мировой войны. Петрич был оккупирован и вместе с представителями Антанты приехали врачи, один из которых был доктор Ральф Колинз, который обнаружил огромнейшую проблему малярии в районе города. Проводя аналогию с современностью и пандемией КОВИДа, захлестнувшей мир, можно отметить, что сто лет назад малярия представляла собой серьезную опас-ность для Петрича и Болгарии. В то время малярия поражала значительную часть населения Петричского района, от нее погибали свыше 4000 человек только в этой части Болгарии. В течение двух десятилетий фонду удалось справиться с этой проблемой за счет средств, выделенные им на противомалярийную станцию. Фонд Рокфеллера выделил Болгарии почти 300 000 долларов, направил 30 врачей на специализацию в США и провел масштабную кампанию по искоренению малярии. Первой важной задачей стало осушение болот как источник малярии. Город Петрич в плане географии и морфологии предрасположен к развитию подземных вод, которые создают условия для развития болот. Почти все поля вокруг Петрича представляли собой болота, являющиеся источником комаров, разносящих малярию. Так что первым делом нужно было осушить эти болота и за девять лет задача была решена. Неслучайно благодарные жители Петрича и окрестностей дали имя Рокфеллера одной из центральных улиц, а также Page | 262 и городской больнице.30 Другая улица города названа в честь Постоянного представителя Фонда Рокфеллера на Балканах доктора Ральфа Коллинза, который инициировал строительство противомалярийной опытной станции в г. Петрич.31 Панамериканское санитарное бюро Важным региональным агентством здравоохранения было Панамериканское санитарное бюро, созданное как международное бюро в Северной и Южной Америке в 1902 г., переименованное в начале 20-х гг. ХХ в. в Панамериканскую санитарную организацию и вновь переименованное в Панамериканскую организацию здравоохранения в конце 50-х гг. Первоначально оно был прикреплено к Главному хирургическому управлению США, имело небольшой бюджет, и его членство первоначально ограничивалось несколькими странами Латинской Америки. Оно дополняло работу более могущественного Фонда Рокфеллера, но развило некоторые собственные инициативы, например, по борьбе с бубонной чумой и оспой. Эпидемическая комиссия и создание Организации здравоохранения Лиги наций После того, как Ян Смэтс32 включил здоровье в устав Лиги Наций, большинство дипломатов и специалистов в области общественного здравоохранения, участвующие в создании новой организации, предполагали, что Office International d’Hygiène Publique будет переведена в Лигу Наций в кратчайшие сроки. Этому элегантному решению не суждено было сбыться – французы стремились не потерять контроль над организацией, а американцы, которые предпочли в нее не входить после проигрыша Вильсона на выборах, тоже отказались от этого решения. Таким образом, Временный комитет Лиги Наций по здравоохранению, который был создан в 1921 г. для подготовки трансфера OIHP, стал ядром Временного комитета по здравоохранению, который заседал до июня 1924 г., а затем Постоянного комитета по здравоохранению, который заседал до 1939 г. Попытки объединить или дифференцировать двух организации достигли апогея на Международной санитарной конференции 1926 г., где OIHP сохранила официальный контроль над многими из своих традиционных обязан- Kak Rokfeler stigna do Petrich?, 2020; После периода социализма в начале 90-х гг. ХХ в. название улицы было восстановлено, а после построения больницы она также была названа в честь Рокфеллера. 31 Kak Rokfeler stigna do Petrich?, 2020. 32 Ян Смэтс (1870-1950) – южноафриканский государственный и военный деятель, премьерминистр Южно-Африканского Союза с 3 сентября 1919 по 30 июня 1924 и с 5 сентября 1939 по 4 июня 1948 г. Фельдмаршал (24 мая 1941 г.). Одним из крупнейших его достижений стало создание Лиги Наций, точная разработка и утверждение устава которой возлагались на Смэтса. Позднее он призвал к формированию новой международной организации – Организации Объединённых Наций. Смэтс написал преамбулу к Уставу Организации Объединённых Наций и был единственным, кто подписал уставы и Лиги Наций, и ООН. 30 Page | 263 ностей, но делегировала фактическое управление сбора эпидемической информации в большей части мира Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций. Сложные отношения по поводу здравоохранения проявились еще на конференции, организованной Лигой Наций в апреле 1920 г., в которой приняли участие Франция, Великобритания, Италия, Канада, Япония, Польша, Соединенные Штаты, а также и представители OIHP и Лига национальных ассоциаций Красного Креста (LRCS), рекомендовала создать временную Эпидемическую комиссию, задачей которой было помочь организовать работу в пострадавших от инфекциозных болезней после Первой мировой войны странах, и в первую очередь в Польше. Присутствие представителей OIHP на лондонской конференции было вполне ожидаемым, но участие LRCS вероятно нуждается в некотором объяснении. LRCS была новым игроком в области международного общественного здравоохранения. В значительной степени это была американское предложение, которое стремилось переключить внимание Международного комитета Красного Креста, базирующегося в Женеве с 1863 г., с оказания только помощи военно-медицинским службам в военное время на предоставление медицинской помощи в мирное время. Американцы пытались организовать новые гуманитарные организации для борьбы с эпидемическими заболеваниями, нищетой и другими причинами ухудшения здоровья.33 При личной поддержки американского президента Томаса Вудроу Вильсона LRCS была приглашена для участия в серии конференций в 1919 и 1920 гг., в том числе на конференции по планированию Эпидемической комиссии. Действительно, поощрение „должным образом уполномоченных добровольных национальных ассоциаций Красного Креста” играть центральную роль в международных усилиях в области здравоохранения было записано в Уставе Лиги Наций в статье 25.34 Авторитет LRCS несколько пострадал из-за дипломатической поддержки со стороны правительства США, а также из-за несбывшегося ожидания, что она сможет финансировать Эпидемическую комиссию без чрезмерного выделения ресурсов вовлеченных стран.35 Руководителем Эпидемической комиссии стал Людвик Райхман,36 талантливый и космополитичный польский медик и руководитель Польского государственного института гигиены с момента его создания в 1918 г.37 К началу 1921 г. он руководил работой Эпидемической комиссии, расположенной в Варшаве. Комиссия оказала помощь существующим национальным организациям здравоохранения, предоставив лекарства, вакцины, больничное оборудование, мыло, продукты питания и одежду, а также установила санитарнодезинфицирующие станции на дорогах вблизи соответствующих границ. 33 Hutchinson, 1996: 279-345. Walters, 1952: 60. 35 Towers, 1995: 53. 36 Людвик Витольд Райхман (1881-1965) – талантливый польский медик и бактериолог. Работал с лауреатом Нобелевской премии Ильей Мечниковым в институте Пастера в Париже. Был назначен руководителем Польского государственного института гигиены с момента его создания в 1918 г. В январе 1920 г. он сопровождал премьер-министра Польши на первую официальную сессию Лиги Наций. Занимал должность медицинского директора временной секции, а затем отдела здравоохранения в созданной в рамках Лиги наций Организации здравоохранения. Райхман является одним из главных действующих лиц пре создании UNICEF и был его первым председателем с 1946 по 1950 г. 37 Balińska, 1998. 34 Page | 264 Руководя работой на местах, Райхман настаивал на том, чтобы участвующие правительства платили свою справедливую долю и не позволяли чрезвычайной щедрости LRCS и других агентств. Он добивался, чтобы правительства признали, что международная медицинская помощь является именно их законной и первостепенной обязанностью, а не неправительственных благотворительных учреждений. В августе 1921 г. Райхман был назначен медицинским директором временной секции здравоохранения Лиги Наций. Райхман принял участие в сложных переговоров, которые велись в течение нескольких лет, в попытке создать единое международное агентство здравоохранения путем включения OIHP под эгидой Лиги Наций или, в качестве альтернативы, путем интеграции Эпидемической комиссии Лиги Наций в OIHP. Однако политические события затрудняли создание единого международного агентства. Становление Японии и США в качестве крупных держав дало отражение в международной работе в области общественного здравоохранения, создавая новую или улучшенную санитарную мощь центров за пределами Европы.38 Лига Наций боролась с политикой Великобритании сохранять старый баланс сил между Германией и Францией и опытами Франции ограничивать Германию, часто мешающая делегатам из этих стран сотрудничать в области здравоохранения. Как известно, в 20-е гг. США отказались вступить в Лигу Наций, несмотря на то, что президент Томас Вудроу Вильсон активно участвовал в ее первоначальном замысле. Реакция Конгресса была демонстрацией широко распространенного беспокойства политиков США по поводу того, что международные организации и соглашения могут преобладать над американскими законами и суверенитетом. Побочным продуктом американского изоляционизма стало усиление сопротивления некоторых членов OIHP, особенно французов, слиянию с Комиссией Лиги Наций. Французы испытывали „родительские чувства” в отношении OIHP и не хотели уступать британцам, которые решительно поддерживали Лигу Наций, и стремились получить признание в международном здравоохранении, предлагая новые виды деятельности Лиги. Со своей стороны, хотя Соединенные Штаты предпочли не становиться членом Лиги Наций, но многие ведущие американские медицинские эксперты, стали советниками или членами Комитета Лиги по здравоохранению в личном качестве. В 1924 г., после того как возможность слияния OIHP и инициатив Лиги в области здравоохранения исчезла, Лига создала Постоянный комитет здравоохранения для продолжения и расширения работы своей Эпидемической комиссии. Это привело к созданию Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций (LNHO). Несмотря на то, что между OIHP и LNHO существовали связи, периодическое сотрудничество и некоторое дублирование персонала, руководители обоих агентств стремились сохранить свою независимость.39 Для руководителей OIHP международная работа в области здравоохранения в первую очередь заключалась в сборе, проверке и распространении эпидемиологической информации. Лидеры Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций (ОЗЛН) раскритиковали отсутствие исполнительных функций в OIHP и ясно дали понять, что ОЗЛН – это больше, чем санитарная сторожевая 38 39 Marks, 2003: 1. Borowy, 2008: 31. Page | 265 башня.40 Еще одно различие между двумя организациями заключалось в том, что язык, используемый в сообщениях и публикациях OIHP, был почти исключительно французским, тогда как Организация здравоохранения Лиги Наций была более диверсифицирована в плане своего персонала и использовала в своих публикациях как французский, так и английский языки. Институциональная культура двух организаций также существенно различалась. Например, из 66 офицеров и канцелярского персонала, имевших назначения в штаб-квартире ОЗЛН в Женеве в 1932 г., большинство были швейцарцами – 17, но было 8 британцев, 6 поляков, 1 американец и 1 китаец.41 Разница между двумя агентствами заключалась в том, что в центре внимания OIHP было пересечение границ инфекционных заболеваний, тогда как деятельность Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций вышла далеко за рамки этого и рассмотрело состояние здоровья внутри стран и между регионами. К середине 20-х гг. структура ОЗЛН включала Комитет по здравоохранению и Секцию здравоохранения, входившую в состав Секретариата Лиги Наций. Комитет по здравоохранению состоял из 16 высокопоставленных должностных лиц национальных служб общественного здравоохранения или медицинских экспертов, отобранных по их технической квалификации, а не в качестве представителей своих правительств (отсюда и возможность привлечения американских представителей). Намерение состояло в том, чтобы построить технический международный орган государственных служащих. Отдел здравоохранения был исполнительным органом ОЗЛН. К 1933 г. штат организации вырос до 18 технических офицеров. Непрофессиональный персонал насчитывал 35 человек, и около 100 экспертов в национальных управлениях здравоохранения и научно-исследовательских центрах активно сотрудничали с организацией.42 Благодаря широкому и гибкому уставу ОЗЛН взяла на себя множество изменяющихся задач и помогла определить значение международного здравоохранения. Разносторонние аспекты деятельности ОЗЛН под руководством Людвика Райхмана Людвик Райхман стал бесспорным лидером Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций в качестве медицинского директора Отдела здравоохранения (в 1928 г. он был повторно назначен на эту должность сроком на семь лет).43 Он продвигал социальные и медицинские реформы, несмотря на то, что ОЗЛН не ставила перед собой этих конкретных целей. Примерами широкомасштабной деятельности ОЗЛН были исследования и программы по улучшению питания, здоровья детей, санитарии в сельской местности и статистики естественного движения населения. Ряд заболеваний, не являющихся приоритетными для OIHP, таких как малярия, туберкулез, сонная болезнь и рак, стали предметом внимания комиссий ОЗЛН, состоящих из международных экспертов. Комиссия по раку, созданная в 1923 г., Комиссия по малярии, созданная годом позже, стали 40 Cuerto, Brown & Fee, 2019: 21. Cuerto, Brown & Fee, 2019: 21. 42 Cuerto, Brown & Fee, 2019: 21. 43 Brown & Fee, 2014. 41 Page | 266 одними из важнейших подразделений организации. Особенно деятельность Комиссии по малярии была неотложной. Если сегодня малярия воспринимается как тропическая болезнь, то после Первой мировой войны случаи малярии в Европе, включительно в Восточной Европе и в Болгарии, возросли из-за перемещения войск и населения из малярийных в немалярийные регионы и дезорганизации медицинских служб. Комиссия подвергла критике высокую стоимость и недостаточное производство хинина в мире, изучила взаимосвязь между плохим жильем и малярией и организовала международные курсы по малярии в Гамбурге, Лондоне, Париже и Риме.44 Одной из целей Райхмана было создание в Женеве глобальной медицинской библиотеки для исследователей со всего мира. Исключительно важным было продвижение обменов между должностными лицами общественного здравоохранения из разных частей мира с целью создания глобальной сети здравоохранения.45 Райхман надеялся укрепить „новый дух общего служения” в пользу людям, а не правительствам. Позже Райхман переключил свое внимание на международную лабораторную стандартизацию сывороток, серологических тестов и других биологических продуктов – область, в которой работал вместе с известным датским бактериологом Торвальдом Мэдсеном.46 Проблема была неотложной, потому что после войны в разных лабораториях существовали разные измерения антитоксинов, сывороток, витаминов, гормонов и лекарств. В результате многие врачи путались при выписывании рецептов. К 1924 г. была создана Постоянная комиссия по биологической стандартизации под председательством Мэдсена, которая провела серию конференций по стандартизации сывороток, серологических тестов и лекарств. Райхман также выдвинул план обмена и распространения эпидемиологической информации. ОЗЛН с самого начала начала составлять и публиковать еженедельные эпидемиологические отчеты и серию отчетов эпидемиологической информации. Но в служебной записке Драммонду от января 1922 г. Райхман сослался на „сравнительное исследование” информации, содержащейся в отдельных ежегодных отчетах о состоянии здоровья, публикуемых различными странами, и на „всестороннее исследование эпидемиологической ситуации в мире”47. Это направление касалось напрямую деятельности OIHP и спровоцировало конфликт Райхмана с Джорджом Бьюкененом, представителя Великобритании в OIHP и в Комитете здравоохранения ОЗЛН. Фонд Рокфеллера поддержал и тесно сотрудничал с Райхманом, чтобы привлечь во второй половине 1922 г. Подходящей кандидатуры для руководства новой всеобъемлющей „международной службой эпидемиологической информации и статистики общественного здравоохранения”.48 Выбор пал на Эдгара Сиденстрикера – американского эпидемиолога и пионера в разработке статистических методов для определения закономерностей заболеваемости в сообществах. После его прихода эпидемиологические публикации ОЗЛН стали более сложными, надежными и в визуально 44 Heiser, 1926: 9. Heiser, 1926: 9. 46 Торвальд Джон Мариус Мэдсен (1870-1957) – датский врач-бактериолог. Во время Первой мировой войны активно в гуманитарной работе для военнопленных.в период 1921-1937 оглавлял Комитет здравоохранения Лиги Наций. 47 Howard-Jones, 1975. 48 Borowy, 2010. 45 Page | 267 привлекательной форме.49 Решающую помощь оказал Селскар Гунн из парижского отделения Фонда Рокфеллера и сам Фонд.50 Фонд Рокфеллера продолжал оказывать поддержку почти до конца межвоенного периода и эта помощь имела решающее значение в период, когда Европа переживала тяжелый финансовый кризис и политические потрясения. Ежегодный отчет Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций за 1925 г. был разослан всем правительствам государств – член Лиги наций и управлениям здравоохранения по всему миру. Он содержал данные об эпидемиях, распространенности заболеваний, подлежащих регистрации, и некоторую статистику смертности из 29 европейских, 20 американских, 17 африканских и 16 азиатских стран, а также из Австралии.51 В первые месяцы 1926 г. были добавлены Албания, Чили, Китай, Коста-Рика, Люксембург, Перу, Англо-Египетский Судан и Трансиордания, так что теперь организация получала периодические отчеты о подлежащих регистрации болезнях от 116 национальных и колониальных администраций, представляющими две трети населения мира.52 К тому времени секция уже была усилена Дальневосточным бюро, открытого в британских владениях Сингапура. Решение о его создании было принято на конференции в феврале 1925 г., собравшей представителей практически со всех территорий, граничащих с Индийским океаном.53 Оно рекомендовало органам здравоохранения стран, имеющих порты в Австралии и Азии, „телеграфировать в Бюро о первом появлении холеры, человеческой или крысиной чумы, оспы, желтой лихорадки или необычной распространенности или смертности от любого другого инфекционного заболевания”. Затем Бюро направляло резюме этих данных заинтересованным правительствам. Вскоре информационная деятельность превзошла все ожидания. Начиная с телеграфной рассылки информации о 35 портах в 12 странах, и ее диапазон быстро рос и к концу декабря 1925 г. эпидемиологические данные регулярно поступали и передавались из 76 портов 27 стран. Через год количество сотрудничающих портов увеличилось до 135, к 1927 г. их стало 140. Эта сеть станций приблизилась к полному охвату Индийского океана и за его пределами, протянувшись от Кейптауна через Мадагаскар, Аравийский полуостров (включая станцию в Джидде54 которая отправляла важные данные о паломничествах), Индии, Китае, Корее, Японии и Голландской Ост-Индии в Австралию и Новую Зеландию. Хотя в Китае были некоторые пробелы, географическое расширение было действительно впечатляющим, а сервис был удивительно всеобъемлющим.55 Соответственно, мандат Бюро был расширен, и ему было поручено действовать как центр координации 49 Boudreau, 1935. Litsios, 2005. 51 Litsios, 2005. 52 Borowy, 2010: 14, note 10. 53 Британская Индия, Британское Северное Борнео, Цейлон, Китай, Голландская Индия, Федеративные Малайские Штаты, Французский Индокитай, Гонконг, Япония, Филиппины, Сиам и поселения в проливах. 54 Джидда или Джедда является городом в западной части Саудовской Аравии, важным экономическим и торговом центром, крупнейшим портом на Красном море, а также основным отнправным пунктом для посещения Мекки и Медины. 55 Borowy, 2010. 50 Page | 268 научных исследований и обучения медицинской статистике, а также распространять информацию о международной работе в области здравоохранения.56 Закономерно Дальневосточное бюро превратилось из ретрансляционной станции эпидемиологической информации в региональный отдел здравоохранения, собирающий разнообразные данные, формирующий специальные комиссии, координирующий кампании по вакцинации и межлабораторное сотрудничество. При этом оно служило ориентиром для примерно 50 стран, охватывающих огромную территорию между Кейптауном и Владивостоком. Помимо портов, эпидемиологическая информация была получена из внутренних районов 35 стран, в результате чего были получены материалы, представляющие общий интерес для общественного здравоохранения, и оно координировало научные исследования между учреждениями в этих странах, а также и крупномасштабные исследования.57 В той части мира, откуда раньше было трудно получить эпидемиологические данные, Дальневосточное бюро стало надежным информационным центром информации о вспышках болезней и единственной утвердившейся структурой Организации здравоохранения Лиги наций за пределами Европы. К сожалению, попытки Лиги наций на сбор и распространение эпидемиологической информации на Южную Америку и Африку оказались менее успешными. В мае 1922 г. Комитет по здравоохранению назначил подкомитет экспертов из Бельгии, Франции и Великобритании (все они обладали контролем над бывшими немецкими африканскими колониями) для изучения сонной болезни и туберкулеза в Центральной Африке. К середине 1923 г. подкомитет изготовил доклад, в котором подтверждалось, что обе болезни явно на подъеме. Потребовалось девять лет, прежде чем Л. Райхман смог продолжить работу, работая с правительством Южно-Африканского Союза над организацией конференции делегатов по вопросам общественного здравоохранения из соседних стран. Встреча состоялась в ноябре 1932 г. в Кейптауне и обсуждала желтую лихорадку, чуму и оспу. В 1935 г. в Южной Африке состоялась вторая конференция, на этот раз в Йоханнесбурге, но усилия Организации здравоохранения Лиги наций по установлению прочного присутствия в Африке оставались довольно ограниченными. Позиции Райхмана были отслаблены с приходом Джозефа Авенола,58 преемником Драммонда на посту Генерального секретаря Лиги наций. Но было также верно и то, что старые враги Райхмана из Комитета по здравоохранению, такие как Джордж Бьюкенен, никогда не ослабляли своих нападок и атаковали его мощнее после того, как он переключился на социальную медицину. У Райхмана не оставалось другого выбора, кроме как уйти, и он решил уйти с изяществом. История Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций подтверждает роль личности в истории, включительно и в международных организациях на глобальном уровне. 56 Borowy, 2010. Borowy, 2010. 58 Джозеф Авенол (1879-1952) – французский дипломат, был избран вторым секретарем Лиги Наций. Позже во время Второй мировой войны засвидетельствовал свою лояльность правительству Виши. 57 Page | 269 Годы заката Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций Начало Второй мировой войны фактически положило конец деятельности Организации здравоохранения Лиги наций и только в конце 1941 г. удалось опубликовать годовой эпидемиологический отчет за 1938 г. Райхман провел большую часть Второй мировой войны в Вашингтоне, округ Колумбия, НьюЙорке и Лондоне, сначала в качестве представителя польского правительства в изгнании, а затем работая над организацией служб здравоохранения в районах Европы, освобожденных союзниками. Многие из его соратников побывали в тюрьмах и концлагерях. Начало Второй мировой войны также внесло изменения в OIHP, которая приняла неоднозначное решение работать под надзором нацистов и переехала из Парижа в Виши.59 В годы войны представители Организация здравоохранения Лиги наций рассматривали OIHP как „агентство, контролируемое Германией, расположенное на оккупированной врагом территории”.60 Небольшой контингент ОЗЛН остался в Женеве и продолжал деятельность – француз Ив Биро и швейцарец Раймон Готье, который в 1939 г. официально сменил Райхмана на посту медицинского директора и сохранял эту должность до конца войны. Эта небольшая женевская группа успевала поддерживать нерегулярную публикацию Еженедельного эпидемиологического отчета и даже успела опубликовать несколько номеров Бюллетеня. ОЗЛН была официально „нейтральной” в силу того, что находилась в международной нейтральной Швейцарии, но на самом деле установила тесные связи с союзниками. Готье переехал в Лондон, чтобы работать над послевоенным планированием и в марте 1943 г. написал 11-страничный конфиденциальный отчет под названием „Международное здравоохранение в будущем.”61 В этом отчете содержался план будущего „наднационального” агентства здравоохранения, а это означало, что предполагаемое агентство возьмет на себя инициативу вмешательства в чрезвычайных ситуациях, „не дожидаясь запроса правительств”. Готье считал OIHP недостойной и контролируемой Германией организацией, которую не следует возрождать после войны. Он также признал, что ОЗЛН не выживет в ее нынешнем виде, но сможет стать основой для нового агентства, независимого от „вмешательства” дипломатов. В документе Готье содержалась фраза, которая позже в более уточненной форме будет включена в преамбулу Конституции Всемирной организации здравоохранения: „Ибо здоровье – это больше, чем отсутствие болезни; слово здоровье подразумевает нечто другое, позитивное, а именно физическую, умственную и моральную пригодность. Это цель, которую нужно достичь”.62 Это было четкое изложение социально-медицинской точки зрения, которая впоследствии вдохновила и определила важнейших параметров деятельности будущей Всемирной организации здравоохранения (ВОЗ) и легла в основе ее конституции, которую определяют как Magna Charta в области здравоохранения.63 Как положительное достижение при создании ВОЗ можно оценивать то, что дли59 Cuerto, Brown &, Fee, 2019: 32. Gautier, R. (1943b). Документ цитирован по: Cuerto, Brown &, Fee, 2019: 32. 61 Gautier, R. (1943a). 62 Gautier, R. (1943a). Документ цитирован по: Cuerto, Brown &, Fee, 2019: 33. 63 Belova & Pavlov, 2020: 136. 60 Page | 270 тельному соперничеству между OIHP и Организации здравоохранения Лиги Наций пришел конец и обе структуры были поглощены новой организацией. После Второй мировой войны из-за формирования двуполюсной системы и политики холодной войны, Райхман был исключен из планирования новой Всемирной организации здравоохранения, но он сыграл центральную роль в создании и руководстве ЮНИСЕФ – фонда, который в некотором роде стал своеобразным соперником ВОЗ. В заключении, возвращаясь к вызову современности COVID-19, нельзя не подчеркнуть, сто лет назад создание Организации здравоохранения Лиги наций являлось важнейшим шагом и основой для будущей ВОЗ. Последующий период характеризовался бурным развитием медицины и эпидемиологии. Но успехи и достижения науки не всегда достаточны без личностей как Райхман – преданных идее международного сотрудничества в области здравоохранения и бескорыстному служению на благо здоровья людей. Bibliography Sources Boudreau, F.G. (1935) ‘Health Work of the League of Nations’, The Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly 13.1: 3-7. https://doi.org/10.2307/3347906 Gautier, R. (1943a) ‘International Health of the Future’, unpublished document dated March 15 1943, accessible at United Nations Archives, Geneva; Cited from Cuerto, Brown &, Fee, 2019. Gautier, R. (1943b) ‘The Future Health Organization’, unpublished document dated May 31 1943, accessible at United Nations Archives, Geneva; Cited from Cuerto, Brown &, Fee, 2019. Heiser, V.G. (1926) ‘The Health Work of the League of Nations’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society (Supplement II) 65.5: 1-9. Literature Balińska, M.A. (1998) For the Good of Humanity: Ludwik Rajchman Medical Statesman. Budapest: Central European University Press. Belova, G., Pavlov, S. (2020) ‘Some Comments on the Highest Attainable Standard of Health’, KBO International conference Proceedings 26.2: 109-113. https://doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0065. Borowy, I. (2008) ‘Crisis as opportunity: International health work during the economic depression’, Dynamis 28: 29-51. Borowy, I. (2010) ‘The League of Nations Health Organisation: from European to Global Health Concerns?’, in International and Local Approaches to Health and Health Care, eds. A. Andresen, W. Hubbard, T. Ryymin, Bergen: University of Bergen, 11-30. Brown, T.M., Fee, E. (2014) ‘Ludwik Rajchman (1881-1965): World Leader in Social Medicine and Director of the League of Nations Health Organization, Voices From the Past’, American Journal of Public Health 104.9. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2014.301988. Bynum, W.F. (1993) ‘Policing Hearts of Darkness: Aspects of the International Sanitary Conferences’, History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences 15: 421-434. Clavin, P., Wessels, J.W. (2005) ‘Transnationalism and the League of Nations: Understanding the Work of its Economic and Financial Organisation’, Contemporary European History 14.4: 465-492. Cuerto, M., Brown, T., Fee, E. (2019) The World Health Organization: A History. Cambridge: Cambridge University press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108692878 Page | 271 Duffy, J. (1998) The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Espinosa, M. (2009) Epidemic Invasions: Yellow Fever and the Limits of Cuban Independence, 18781930. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. https://doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226218137.001.0001 Evans, R.J. (1988) ‘Epidemics and Revolutions: Cholera in Nineteenth Century Europe’, Past and Present 120.1: 123-146. https://doi.org/10.1093/past/120.1.123 Farley, J. (2004) To Cast Out Disease: A History of the International Health Division of the Rockefeller Foundation, 1913-1951. New York: Oxford University Press. Fee, E., Porter, D. (1991) ‘Public Health, Preventive Medicine, and Professionalization: Britain and the United States in the Nineteenth Century’, in The History of Education in Public Health. Health that Mocks the Doctors’ Rules, eds. E. Fee, R. Acheson, Oxford: Oxford Medical Publications, 15-43. Goodman, N.M. (1952) International Health Organizations and their work. Philadelphia: The Blakiston Company. https://doi.org/10.1002/jps.3030420122 Howard-Jones, N. (1975) The Scientific Background of the International Sanitary Conferences 1851-1938. Geneva: WHO. Hutchinson, J.F. (1996) Champions of Charity: War and the Rise of the Red Cross. Boulder: Westview. Kak Rokfeler stigna do Petrich? [How did Rockefeller get to Petrich?] Predavane: Bŭlgariya v 60 minuti, 18.12.2020, [https://bnt.bg/news/kak-rokfeler-stigna-do-petrich-v283834-288836news.html; (accessed on 12 May 2022] [In Bulgarian] La Berge, A. (1992) Mission and Method. The Early Nineteenth Century French Public Health Movement. Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press. Litsios, S. (2005) ‘Selskar Gunn and China: The Rockefeller Foundation’s ‘Other’ Approach to Public Health’, Bulletin for the History of Medicine 79.2: 295-318. Marks, S. (2003) The Illusion of Peace: International Relations in Europe, 1918-1933. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Pavlov, S. (2019) ‘Istorichesko razvitie na mezhdunarodnoto sŭtrudnichestvo v oblastta na zdraveopazvaneto [Historical development of international cooperation in the field of health care]’, Mezhdunarodna politika 2: 64-76. [In Bulgarian] Popov, N. (2009) Globalizatsiya i regionalizatsiya [Globalization and regionalization]. Blagoevgrad: UI „Neofit Rilski”. [In Bulgarian] Porter, D. (1998) Health, Civilization, and the State: A History of Public Health from Ancient to Modern Times. London: Routledge. Towers, B. (1995) ‘Red Cross organisational politics, 1918-1922: relations of dominance and the influence of the United States’, in International Health Organisations and Movements, 1918-1939, ed. P.Weindling, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 36-55. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511599606.005 Walters, F.P. (1952) A History of the League of Nations. New York: Oxford University Press. Zylberman, P. (2006) ‘Civilizing the State: Borders, Weak States and International Health in Modern Europe’, in Medicine at the Border: Disease, Globalization and Security, 1850 to the Present, ed. A. Bashford, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 21-40. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230288904_2 To cite this article: Belova, G., Georgieva, G., Leończyk, S. (2022). Международное сотрудничество в области здравоохранения между Первой и Второй мировыми войнами – уроки истории в борьбе с эпидемиями. Historia i Świat 11, 251-272, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.15 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 272 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Madi Tursynbekovich SHOTAYEV (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) Kairat Shakarimovich ALIMGAZINOV (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) Gulbanu ZHUGENBAYEVA (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) The attitude of the soviet authorities to the first wave of ‘nomaders’ according to the documents of the ‘special folders’ of the CC CP(B)K https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.16 Abstract: The central party organs dealt with all issues of the internal and foreign policy of the republic, led the national economy, public organizations, and personnel policy. Therefore, the documents of the ‘special folders’ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) Kazakhstan reflect various spheres of the life of the republic, which for a long time were not available to researchers due to the highest secrecy stamp imposed. The article deals with one of such areas of the problem – the settlement of Kazakh repatriates and representatives of other nationalities from China, who left during the civil war, collectivization, famine and repressions, who, unable to withstand the attitude of local residents and the persecution of the authorities of the country, republic or regions to which they moved, returned back to Kazakhstan. The ways of solving problems related to their settlement in Soviet farms, organization of trade with them, their cultural services, medical care, their resettlement, maintenance and veterinary services for their livestock are analyzed. Authors describes the reasons and measures to prevent the mass return of "nomads" back to China, despite all the decisions taken, the measures taken by the leadership of the republic in connection with the gaps made by some representatives of local authorities during their placement. Key words: Central Committee of the CP(b)K, Xinjiang, special folders, migration, defectors, nomads  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0535-7362. [email protected]; Al-Farabi Kazakh National University; Faculty of History; Department of World History, Historiography and Source Studies.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9993-3438. [email protected]; Al-Farabi Kazakh National University.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6869-6743. [email protected]; Al-Farabi Kazakh National University. Page | 273 Introduction In a nomadic civilization, there has long been a practice when members who do not agree with the decision of one or another ruler, head of the clan, sultan or khan, not wanting to have anything in common with them, separated from them and changed their summering or wintering place. By such an action, members of a tribe or clan expressed their disagreement with the decision made or the actions taken. The trend that has developed over thousands of years has become widespread with the suppression of national liberation movements against the colonial policy of the Russian Empire and as a result of political and economic reforms, repressions of the Stalinist regime in the Kazakh steppe. To this were added those fleeing the famine of 1931-1933 in search of food who fled to neighboring regions, republics and states. In Soviet historiography, they are known as ‘nomads’, although this had nothing to do with the above-mentioned migration. It was a spontaneous flight of the population from their places of permanent residence in search of food in order to survive. The reason for including in these terms, in this concept, both the Kazakhs who fled to escape during the suppression of the movement against the colonial policy of the Russian Empire, and the Kazakhs who fled against the forced collectivization of the Soviet government of that period, and ‘refugees’ to neighboring regions in the famine period of 1932-1933 for the purpose of self-preservation, can be seen as a way to hide information about the Clemming. Turar Ryskulov wrote in his letter to Stalin: “... this is not just a migration (usually in the summer, over short distances and in the presence of livestock), but leaving their homes by a significant part of hungry people in search of poor food, emigrants reach 40-50 percent of the total population”.1 As proof that the scale of emigration to neighboring regions, union republics and neighboring states exceeded the republican level and this reached the highest echelons of power in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (henceforth USSR), V. Kondrashin cites in his monograph The Tragedy of the Russian Village a telegram from Stalin and Molotov to the plenipotentiary representative of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) of Kazakhstan (henceforth CP(b)K) and the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR Sh.Z. Eliava for the procurement of meat products in Kazakhstan. In it, in connection with the letter of Kolosov, the consul in Kulzha, dated January 15, 1931, to the Deputy People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs L.M. Karakhan “instructed to establish the reasons for the Kazakhs’ migration to the Ili district territory of Xinjiang province.”2 Emigration and famine have acquired such a large-scale and dangerous character that the leadership of Kazakhstan was forced to deal with the issues of stopping emigration. 1 2 Aldazhumanov et al., 2010: 272. Kondrashin, 2008: 339. Page | 274 But many of them, unable to withstand the attitude of local residents and the persecution of the authorities of the country, republic or regions in which they moved, returned back to Kazakhstan from 1934 to 1964, and from Xinjiang (henceforth PRC) they began to return from 1943. Citizens who returned from the PRC received in the official documents of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K the name ‘defectors’, ‘nomads’, ‘returned Soviet citizens’. But these migration processes were kept in secret. In Soviet times, information about the problem of migration was not published for a long time, if such information was found little by little in the 1926 population census, then in the 1939 and 1959 censuses there is no information about migration at all. Questions about migration were not included in the census questionnaire. It only emphasized that migration in the USSR was carried out in an organized manner, the data of the current migration registration provide enough information about migration. Since it was decided that the study of migration processes is not valuable for planning state organizations and bodies, this question was not included in the 1959 census. Only since 1953 did the statistical departments begin to collect materials on those who had migrated and left. Only after a group of scientists justified the need to pay special attention to the problem of migration at the Congress of Statisticians in Minsk in 1960, a section on migration was included in the 1970 census.3 Since the 1960s, studies have been carried out related to demographic problems, including the problem of migration, although these were works written from a class, materialistic point of view, based on the principles of the ideology of the Soviet era, the valuable archival data presented in them will never lose its value. In the era of perestroika and glasnost in the second half of the 1980s, researchers began to analyze in a new way the political factors that directly influenced the demographic situation. In the works on the consequences of the suppression of the national liberation uprising of 1916, land reform, forced collectivization, the famine of 1931-1933, among the factors that directly influenced the decline in the Kazakh population, the problem of migration began to be considered as the main factor affecting the national composition of the population of Kazakhstan. Researchers got the opportunity to study in depth various multidirectional types of migration in the USSR, including the migration of Kazakhs from their homeland and return, its causes and consequences.4 Since the main object of research conducted during the Soviet era was population growth and demographic development, no special analysis was carried out on the problem of migration and it is considered within complex problems. 3 4 Asylbekov & Kudajbergenova, 2005: 74. See e.g. Aldazhumanov et al., 2010; Asylbekov, 2003. Page | 275 The demographic catastrophe caused by the policy of the Soviet government in the Kazakh steppe was written by such foreign scientists,5 who studied the scale and consequences of forced collectivization in the Soviet Union, including in Ukraine, the famine in 1931-1932, they condemned the economic policy of the Stalinist regime, they also dwelled on the problem of the mass migration of Kazakhs from the regions of Kazakhstan bordering China to China. Some of the researchers6 widely using archival data in their writings, criticize the one-sided Soviet policy that led to a demographic catastrophe in Kazakhstan in 1920-1930 years. After Kazakhstan gained independence, cardinal changes took place in the methodology of historical research. The importance is being given, more attention is being paid to and the shadow aspects of the history of Kazakhstan are being explored, which were not explored under a totalitarian system with strict restrictions.7 The number of people resettled in Russia, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Karakalpakstan, China, Iran and Afghanistan has reached 1 million 30 thousand people due to the excesses made during the famine campaign and collectivization. Of these, 616 thousand people emigrated permanently, including about 200 thousand Kazakhs moved to China, Mongolia, Afghanistan, Iran, and 414 thousand Kazakhs subsequently returned to Kazakhstan.8 The repatriation from China of Kazakhs and representatives of other nationalities who moved in those years together with the Kazakhs to Kazakhstan is described fragmentarily in the works of domestic and foreign researchers and demographers.9 The researchers of these periods, relying on the available materials of their time, in their works directly or indirectly provide a comprehensive analysis and assessment of migration processes in Kazakhstan. All domestic researchers conclude that the return of Kazakhs from China began in the second half of the 1950s. 5 Olcott, 1987; Kappeler, 2001; Wheatcroft & Davies, 2009. Conquest, 1961, Demko, 1969; Ohayon, 2006; Pyanchola, 2009; Kindler, 2017. 7 In the joint works of one of the founders of the formation as a science of the field of historical demography of Kazakhstan historical science Asylbekov & Galiev, 1991; see also Kozina, 2007; Zharkenova, 2017; Among the works that considered migration processes in Kazakhstan in the Soviet era, one can include the works of Karzhaubaeva, 2003; Naimanbaev, 2004; Yensenov, 2007; Smailova, 2007; Erimbetova, 2009; Kudaibergenova, 2011. 8 Aldazhumanov et al., 2010: 272. 9 And so Talas Omarbekuly (1997) comes to the conclusion that in 1932 the number of refugees from China to the USSR began to increase in comparison with refugees from the USSR to China and by the end of this year, the migration of Kazakhs to China had stopped; Yensenov (2007: 29) in his work gives accurate information about the actual number of people who moved in 1954-1956 from the People’s Republic of China ‘Soviet citizens’ and their placement in the regions; Kudaibergenova (2010: 52), in her dissertation connects the beginning of the migration of Kazakhs from the People’s Republic of China with the years of the ‘thaw’ in the political life of the USSR; Asylbekov (2003: 25-30) notes that the process of returning Kazakhs to their historical homeland began in the 1950s; Mazhitov (et al., 2016: 110) lack of growth in the number of Kazakhs in China in 1953-1964 years is explained by the return of the Kazakhs from China to their homeland; In the studies of Kinayatuly (2001: 22), migration from China in 1957-1962 is considered as the beginning of resettlement and moving to the historical Motherland. 6 Page | 276 According to this conclusion, the researchers covered only officially returned citizens after the establishment of diplomatic relations between the PRC and the USSR. Analyzing the work of researchers who considered the problems of repatriates from China in the Soviet era, the following theses were identified: 1. The return of Kazakhs and other nationalities from China in those years to Kazakhstan, in the works of domestic and foreign researchers and demographers, is described fragmentarily, in a complex with other problems. 2. The study shows that the process of immigration from China in the 1940s is not well understood. 3. In textbooks on the history of Kazakhstan, those who returned to their homeland in the 1940s are not indicated as Kazakhs who immigrated from China. 4. Researchers who worked with various sources of data, when determining the number, chronological framework, and national composition of repatriates from China have drawn different conclusions. 5. The official status assigned to them was also heterogeneous in the documents of different periods. If in some documents they were called ‘defectors’, then in others they were called ‘nomadic’, and since 1955 they have been called ‘returned Soviet citizens’.10 6. Due to the variety of such terminological equivalents and the secrecy, many documents have not been introduced into scientific circulation for a long time. The organized and mass repatriation of Kazakhs from China can be considered in several stages. The first wave of which refers to the 40s of the 20th century considered in this article. In the documents of these years, they are considered as ‘defectors’ of the borders, due to which there was an urgent need to establish diplomatic relations with the neighboring state by the highest authorities. After the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1954, a second wave of migrants from China began. But this was a process already planned and prepared for the reception of migrants. And the third wave of repatriates from China dates back to the years of the independent Republic of Kazakhstan. According to government policy, huge quotas were allocated to those wishing to return to Kazakhstan, which gave its result and many Kazakhs from around the world, including China, returned to their homeland. The Central Committee of the Communist Parties of Kazakhstan, as part of the state machine, existed in a totalitarian system and therefore worked in a secret mode. The archival fund inherited after the collapse of the parties has no precedent in modern archival work. This exclusivity lies in the specifics of its structure. Everyone knows that in the Soviet party and state office work there was a set of documents of 10 Kudaibergenova, 2011: 268. Page | 277 the highest category of secrecy, the so-called ‘special folders’. Most of the materials in the ‘special folder’ did indeed contain information constituting military and state secrets. These are issues of defense, mobilization, military-industrial production, border protection and others. Documents of an ideological nature were also kept, relating to party discipline, the struggle against nationalism, dissident movements, antiSoviet manifestations, and unrest in society. The specific approach required in assessing the reliability of party documentation is the features of the mechanisms of its functioning, interdepartmental duplication of information, the quantitative preponderance of materials with absorbed information and the decision-making mechanism of the central state and party bodies. Also of particular importance in a critical approach to assessing the reliability of information contained in party documents are the criterion of place, time of formation and the author of the document. If in the usual protocols the information was mainly of a propagandistic, ideological, educational nature, then the documents of the ‘special folders’ reflected the real situation of that time. They bear the imprint of the time in which they originated. These are documents that were used in current political activities that required an immediate and correct solution to the problem of that period. Although they are important sources for understanding the political history of the country, they require comparison with other sources of information. Reception and resettlement of ‘defectors’ from China One of these documents were documents from the complex of documents ‘special folders’ in the fund of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, stored in the Administrative Code of the Republic of Kazakhstan, declassified by the decision of the interdepartmental commission in 2004-2008, related to the reception of repatriates from China. The documents not previously introduced into scientific circulation, relating to the period 1943-1962 are defined as: resolutions of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K, protocols, special message, memorandum, certificate. None of the above researchers made references to these documents. It should be emphasized that the information contained in these documents is of great importance in studying the chronological framework of the process of repatriation from China, revising their number, when placing them, in providing employment, housing and solving other social issues. These documents were typed on a typewriter letterhead of the Central Committee of CP(b)K, in the upper right corner are stamped: ‘strictly secret’ and ‘special folder’. According to these documents, it is noted that due to the aggravation of the political situation in Xinjiang and the intensification of the persecution of the population by the Xinjiang authorities, cases of migration to the territory of the Kazakh SSR of those fleeing persecution have become more frequent and the issues of their reception and resettlement in specially designated areas and districts, providing jobs, housing, devices in schools, provision of food, medical Page | 278 care. Although in these documents they were called ‘defectors’, they were no different from the categories of ‘nomads’ and ‘returning Soviet citizens’. The only difference was that at that time there were no diplomatic relations with the PRC on this issue. In the explanatory dictionary of the Russian language, the word ‘defector’ means a fugitive who went over to the side of the enemy, and the word ‘nomad’ means to leave a certain place or move to another place.11 Documents on the first flows of refugees who, despite the difficulties of the war years, began to return to their homeland, ended up in the ‘special folders’ of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K. This is due to the consideration of their political status as ‘defectors’ and the need to quickly eliminate gross gaps and shortcomings in the organization of citizens who defected from the PRC. Seven resolutions, which were adopted by the Bureau of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K regarding the ‘migration’ of citizens from Xinjiang from 1943-1962, fell into ‘special files’. Despite the fact that the protocol is classified as ‘top secret’, the issue is not fully deciphered on the agenda, but only the code ‘NKGB issue’, ‘Sovnarkom issue’, ‘NKVD issue’, ‘Council of Ministers issue’ or simply ‘decision in special folders’. This means that the issue is discussed in a narrow circle of members of the bureau, on the provision of the NKGB, the NKVD, the Council of People’s Commissars or the Council of Ministers. Worried about the growing number of people persecuted by the Xinjiang authorities entering the territory of the Kazakh SSR, the NKGB in 1943 on September 24 proposed a solution to the issue in the bureau of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K. Therefore, at a meeting of the Bureau, it was decided, guided by state security measures, to place ‘defectors’ not in internal areas, but in specially designated areas and areas of border territories:  in Kaskelen, Zhambyl, Enbekshikazakh districts of Almaty region;  in Sharsk, Novo-Shulbinsk, Belagash districts of the Semipalatinsk region;  in Predgornensk, Shemonaikha, Kirovsk and Ulansk districts of the East Kazakhstan region. They ordered the leaders of these regions and districts to organize the reception of ‘defectors’ from Xinjiang and assist them in finding a job, study, as well as in providing them with housing, food supplies and medical care. They instructed the Council of People’s Commissars of the Kazakh SSR to allocate the necessary funds from the reserve fund of the Council of People’s Commissars for expenses related to the reception of defectors from Xinjiang. And the control over the implementation of this resolution is entrusted to a member of the bureau of the Central Committee of 11 Ozhegov & Shvedova, 2008: 472, 499. Page | 279 the Communist Party (b) K – the chairman of the NKGB of the Kazakh SSR comrade Babkin.12 The largest influx of ‘defectors’ from Xinjiang fell on the territory of the Markakol and Zaisan districts of the East Kazakhstan region. A lot of Kazakh population, along with a large number of livestock, moved to these areas of the East Kazakhstan region, in connection with which the bureau of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K on August 16, 1944, to resolve issues related to the economic organization of ‘defectors’ from Xinjiang, adopted a resolution on the creation of a commission these in the East Kazakhstan region as part of the Deputy Secretary of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K for animal husbandry, a representative of the NKGB of the Kazakh SSR, a representative of the Border Troops of the NKVD of the Kazakh District and a representative of the People’s Commissariat of Land of the Kazakh SSR under the chairmanship of the Deputy Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Kazakh SSR. The commission was instructed, together with the East Kazakhstan regional committee of the CP(b)K and the regional executive committee, to take the necessary measures for the resettlement, employment of ‘defectors-Kazakhs’ and the allocation of grazing for their livestock, to submit a report to the Council of People’s Commissars of the Kazakh SSR and the Central Committee of the CP(b)K to implement this resolution, as well as together with the East Kazakhstan regional committee of the CP(b)K and the regional executive committee – to submit practical proposals for the further economic arrangement of ‘defectors’ from Xinjiang.13 But as of April 4, 1945, the decision of the Bureau of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K had not been implemented. The Central Committee of the CP(b)K notes that cultural and medical services for migrants from Xinjiang, located in the Zaisan and Markakol districts of the East Kazakhstan region and the Alakul district of the TaldyKurgan region, trade with them and the provision of assistance in food and manufactured goods of the urgently needed part of the nomads are organized unsatisfactorily. The poor part of the nomads who did not have livestock to sell, purchase it in order to sell the delivered livestock for food and industrial goods was in a difficult situation. Explanatory work among the nomads was not deployed. Medical assistance to the nomads, among whom infectious diseases are common, was not provided to a sufficient extent. Animal treatment of nomadic cattle, which in many cases is a carrier of scabies, glanders and other diseases, was not organized, which threatened to transfer the diseases to the livestock of neighboring collective farms. In a number of cases, the executive committees of district councils and the boards of collective farms, for housing allocated for the resettlement of nomads, for the provision of livestock housing, pastures and fodder, took from the nomads a large number of 12 13 AP RK. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 6. p. 228. AP RK. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 7. p. 117. Page | 280 livestock, at a cost significantly exceeding the actual costs of collective farms for the resettlement of nomads and the maintenance of their livestock. The East Kazakhstan and Taldy-Kurgan regional executive committees and regional committees of the CP(b)K, as well as the Zaisan, Markakol and Alakul executive committees of the district councils and district committees of the party withdrew from the business of organizing trade, cultural services, providing medical assistance to nomads, their resettlement, maintenance and veterinary maintenance of livestock, as well as from the daily management of the matter of providing assistance in food and manufactured goods to the urgently needy part of the nomads. In connection with this state of affairs, the Central Committee of the CP(b)K adopted the following resolutions: “1. On the assignment of operational management of the organization of trade, cultural, medical care for the nomads, veterinary services for their livestock, as well as assistance in food and manufactured goods for the urgently needed part of the nomads. 2. Send Comrade Omarov to the East Kazakhstan region. 3. The organization of the reception of cattle sold by nomads, regardless of its quantity, and trade with nomads, shall be entrusted to the organizations of Cattle Import and Sovsintorg. 4. Oblige the Presidium of Kazpotrebsoyuz, the executive committee of the East Kazakhstan regional council and the regional committee of the CP(b)K to organize, through consumer cooperation in the Zaisan and Markakol districts, non-cash and gratuitous assistance to urgently needed nomadic farms (with the exception of singles) with food and manufactured goods at the expense of those released for this purpose by the government of the USSR of funds, according to the following assortment and norms for the release of goods for each month for one farm: cotton - 10 m, tea - 1 kg, flour - 16 kg, matches - 10 boxes, sugar - 2 kg, thread - 5 coils. 5. To ask the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks to allow the same procedure for helping urgently needy nomadic farms located in the Alakul district of the Taldy-Korgan region, to allocate Kazpotrebsoyuz for this purpose from the funds of the Sovsintorg for two months: cotton - 4000 m, tea - 500 kg, flour - 6.5 tons, matches 4000 boxes, sugar - 1 ton, thread - 250 spools, salt - 1 ton, kerosene - 1 ton. 6. Approve the composition of the brigades for the cultural and medical care of the nomads, as well as the repertoire of the cult brigades and the list of paintings. 7. To oblige the East Kazakhstan regional committee of the CP(b)K and the Taldy-Kurgan regional committee of the CP(b)K to attach one qualified Kazakh propagandist to each film shift for the period of its operation for a preliminary, before demonstration, explanation of the content of each film, Page | 281 translation of its text from Russian into Kazakh and loud reading of silent pictures in Kazakh. 8. Instruct the Council of People’s Commissars of the Kazakh SSR to discuss the issue of allocating funds to cover the costs of sending brigades and renting films for nomads. 9. Instruct the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K from April 5 this year. to send from the city of Alma-Ata one qualified lecturer each to the Zaisan, Markakol and Alakul districts to conduct conversations among the nomads on issues of national politics and the state structure of the USSR, the international situation and events on the fronts of the Patriotic War.”14 Reasons for the Return of ‘Defectors’ to China and Measures to Prevent Despite all the decisions taken, the measures taken by the leadership of the republic in connection with the difficult state of the country's economy during the war years and human factors, due to the gaps made by some representatives of the local authorities in the placement of ‘defectors’, there were facts of their mass return back to China. This is stated in a special message of the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Kazakh SSR, Major-General Pchelkin and the Head of the Kazakh District of the Border Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Major-General Badeinov, Secretary of the Central Committee of CP(b) K Shayakhmetov dated August 8, 1946.15 An additional reference to this letter indicates the number of persons detained while illegally crossing the border in the period from 1943 to 1946 and the areas where they were sent for accommodation. It was found that the reason for their return to China was poor material-andliving conditions. Citizens who arrived from China were forced to return to China within 1-2 years, unable to cope with domestic conditions due to an unidentified permanent place of residence. During this time, 2,213 people were detained and returned. The same memorandum was received on August 30, 1946 in the name of the Secretary of the Central Committee of CP(b)K Shayakhmetov and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR Comrade Undasynov from the Minister of State Security of the Kazakh SSR Byzov and the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Kazakh SSR Pchelkin, who write that such discriminatory, hostile and direct criminal actions against the ‘defectors’ that took place in Taldy-Korgan, Semipalatinsk, East Kazakhstan regions, became the reason for their escape back to China. For example: 14 15 AP RK. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 8. p. 324–327. AP RK. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 9. p. 92. Page | 282 Fig. 1. Information about the number of defectors from China detained by the frontier units, 1943-1946. In the Alakol district of the Taldy-Korgan region, under the pretext of helping to obtain a loan, 290 sheep were collected from ‘violators of the border’, which the workers of the district divided among themselves. For various reasons, the chairman of the collective farm ‘Sotsial’ of the same district, Terminov, received 3 horses, a bull, 24 sheep and 6,000 rubles of money from the ‘border violator’ Bayadilov. At the end of the list continuing on and on, it is said that the ‘defectors’ who returned to the USSR with their cattle, left without winter food, having lost their livestock, were left without funds, those wishing to join the collective farm were not taken to the collective farm because of the lack of instructions from above, young people among them who wanted to get an education were used for sowing work, without being placed in educational institutions. On August 26, 1946, the instructor of the personnel department B. Omarbekov, the representative of the Council of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR Aimambetov, the representative of the border troops of the Kazakh SSR captain Chernousov, who, on behalf of Secretary Kruglov, checked the work on the reception, employment and creation of housing and material conditions for those ‘defectors’ who returned from Western China to the Semipalatinsk and East Kazakhstan regions, reported that the decision of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K of September 24, 1943 in these areas is not being implemented, and the chairman of the Ayagoz district committee of Page | 283 the CP(b)K Beisembaev, the chairman of the Ayagoz district Council of working people’s deputies Amirgalin, the chairman of the Shar district committee of the Communist Party of Bolsheviks Abishev admitted that they were absolutely unaware of such a decision, that they did not deal with the issue of accommodating ‘defectors’ at all. As a result, it turned out that there were facts of leaving the place of location and migration to China by many ‘defectors’, that people detained at the border without being sent to permanent settlements in a timely manner, staying in the border zone for a long time, are used to carry out sowing and other work, there were cases of people being placed in other areas not specified in the government decree, in Ayaguz, Zyryanovsk and other areas, that ‘defectors’ who received a warning that they would not stay in these areas on a permanent basis and early or later they will be relocated to other regions and for this reason the lack of management of the economy has been in a state of uncertainty and turmoil for two years now. The head of the district department of the Ministry of State Security dealt with the issues of their employment, and the heads of the districts turned out to be completely unaware of the presence of ‘refugees’ from China in the region. In none of the districts where the inspection was carried out, general explanatory and propaganda work was carried out with the ‘defectors’. In Ayagoz, there were also cases of employing only able-bodied people, separating the disabled, the elderly and children from their families. The deputy head of the Ayagoz district department of the Ministry of State Security, junior lieutenant Satpaev, explaining the facts of family separation, the separation of the able-bodied from the disabled by hopelessness in front of the instructions received from above gives the following story as an example: “In July of this year, the senior inspector of the Administrative and economic department of the Ministry of State Security for the Semipalatinsk region, junior lieutenant Temirgazin, came from Semipalatinsk to Ayaguz, who, leaving their families in Ayaguz, selected 13 able-bodied border violators in Ayaguz, the latter were taken to Semipalatinsk. There were cases when representatives of various enterprises came from Semipalatinsk to Ayaguz and, by agreement with the Ministry of State Security, selected for themselves an able-bodied skilled workforce. When employing ‘defectors’, without taking into account their professional characteristics as blacksmiths, locksmiths, carpenters, felters, and shoemakers, all of them were sent to menial work or field work. The ‘defectors’ working at the enterprises had low wages, and they could not take advantage of the benefits established by Soviet law. At the enterprises where the ‘defectors’ worked, wages were not issued for more than 5 months, overproduction expenses were withheld from the wages of the ‘defectors’, ‘defectors’ were sent to unscheduled unpaid work. Page | 284 ‘Defectors’ were placed in basements that did not meet sanitary standards, barracks without furniture, blankets, dishes; they did not have wearable clothes and shoes. The situation with ‘defectors’ on the collective farm was about the same. From such enterprises and collective farms, ‘defectors’ who were not accepted as members of the collective farm, who worked as hired workers, who had no means of subsistence, ran away, since wages were paid only in the fall. The bodies of the Ministry of State Security did not actually record them. Of the 1850 people distributed to Semipalatinsk and East Kazakhstan, only 650 people were registered with them. The regional and district executive committees did not provide any assistance, placing the problem of accommodating ‘defectors’ entirely on the shoulders of the Ministry of State Security. When ‘defectors’ crossed the border, quarantined cattle had to be returned to them on the basis of a receipt issued upon arrival at their permanent place of residence. But the ‘defectors’ could not return their cattle. According to many ‘defectors’, despite the fact that they were allowed to cross the border and settle on the territory of the USSR, although they lived here for 1-2 years, they are depressed that the attitude towards them as ‘not Soviet people’ has not changed. Their lack of any document entitling them to citizenship or residence prevents them from using the benefits provided by Soviet legislation, joining a collective farm, or using benefits for mothers with many children. It’s not that they help, they don’t let me live, asking for documents.”16 Yusupov and Asanov, who froze their legs while crossing the border in the winter of 1945, having received no medical and material assistance upon arrival in Ust-Kamenogorsk, wandered around the city in miserable conditions. According to the representative of the Ministry of State Security Miroshnichenko, no matter how many times it was raised, this issue was not properly resolved. Also, the ‘defector’ Zhidov, who evacuated 10 families from the Tarbagatai region to Ust-Kamenogorsk at his own expense, could not withdraw his money from the regional council for a long time. According to Zhidov, who repeatedly asked for help, the Department of National Security sent to the regional council the relation,17 but there was no result. As a result of indifference, indifference in the reception, resettlement, housing, work and economic support of the “defectors”, due to the inhuman, heartless attitude towards them, anti-Soviet sentiments arose among them, facts of flight to China were recorded due to revelry of anti-Soviet conversations, leaving the workplace, 16 17 AP RK. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 9. p. 101. AP RK. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 9. p. 105. Page | 285 settlements. Only in 1946, 60 people were registered by the border units who tried to cross and crossed the border. When these data were reported to the chairman of the Semipalatinsk Regional Council of Working People’s Deputies Baizakov, he noted that he could not take any measures until he received any instructions from the Council of Ministers, and the revision brigade of the Central Committee, which had been waiting for 6 hours for the 2nd secretary of the regional committee and could not get to him, believes that in the Semipalatinsk and East Kazakhstan regions ‘defectors’ are in a difficult situation, since no party or Soviet bodies are engaged in their accommodation, employment and improvement of their material and living conditions and proposes to consider this question to the Bureau of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K. Based on the memorandum of the instructor of the personnel department B. Omarbekov, who checked the special message of the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Kazakh SSR, Major General Pchelkin and the Head of the Kazakh District of the Border Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Major General Badeinov, to the Secretary of the Central Committee of the CP(b)K Shayakhmetov from August 8, 1946 and verification of work on the reception, employment of ‘defectors’ who migrated from Western China to the Semipalatinsk and East Kazakhstan regions and the creation of housing and material conditions for them, representative of the Council of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR Aimambetov, representative of the border troops of the Kazakh SSR Captain Chernousov, by post – update of the Council of Ministers and the Central Committee of the CPC (b) of December 14, 1946: “The executive committees of Almaty, Semipalatinsk, Taldy-Korgan, East Kazakhstan regions were instructed to place, work and arrange ‘defectors’ who migrated from Xinjiang within 2 months, it was forbidden to change their location. In these areas, it was decided to stop the placement of ‘defectors’ and send 600 families to the Kokshetau region, 800 families to the Kostanay region, 2000 families to the Pavlodar region, 500 families to the North Kazakhstan region. Thus, unable to cope with the arrangement of ‘defectors’ in the border areas specially designated for this, the Central Committee of the CP(b)K changes its policy towards ‘defectors’ in order to prevent further departures to China, decides to send them to the internal regions of the republic. The resolution obligated local executive committees to deliver ‘defectors’ from the border to state farms, provide finance, food, medical services, provide jobs, allocate land for housing construction, provide building materials, place children in schools, give a 10-year loan for the construction of a house, exempt from all taxes in 1947-1951, exchange certificates received at the consulate in Xinjiang for a Soviet document and grant Soviet citizenship”.18 18 AP RK. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 9. p. 93–96. Page | 286 As a result of checking in April 1947 the level of implementation of the decisions of these adopted resolutions, based on the fact that it is not being implemented in the Taldy-Kurgan region, the Council of Ministers and the Central Committee of the CP(b)K adopt a new resolution. The resolution obliges the leaders of the region to eliminate the shortcomings as soon as possible. A brigade formed from the Council of Ministers and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (b) is sent to the region on a business trip.19 Conclusions Providing the first wave of ‘defectors’ with assistance in settling in the country’s farms, arranging material and living conditions, providing medical, social, and veterinary assistance was necessary to speed up the process of returning our compatriots who remained in China to the country. The poor demographic situation during the war years, the shortage of labor in the rear required an urgent solution to this problem. Therefore, since this was one of the ‘especially important’, ‘urgent’ issues, this is one of the reasons why these documents were stored in ‘special folders’. Despite the difficulties of the war and post-war years, with such special care, perseverance, the work performed on the reception and placement of ‘defectors’ became the reason for the massive return of compatriots to the country in 1954-1962. According to these documents, it can be seen that even during the war the flow of refugees did not subside, they testify that such facts took place from time to time on the border of China and the Kazakh SSR, they make it clear that the process of returning our compatriots to our country continued uninterruptedly and for a long time. There was no agreement between the USSR and the People’s Republic of China on the return of Soviet citizens. That is why they were called ‘defectors’ due to the lack of a regulatory and legal framework for the migration. And in 1954, during the years of the thaw, on the basis of a 10-year agreement on relations between China and the USSR, ‘Soviet citizens’ began to return to the USSR. They were given the status of ‘nomads’. At the same time, on April 16, 1954, the Council of Ministers of the USSR adopted a resolution On the resettlement of “Soviet citizens” in the People’s Republic of China for the development of “virgin lands on September 17, 1955 (by a top secret decree № 751-329), in June-August adopted Decree (№ 1701) On the repatriation of Soviet citizens outside the border and their employment in the USSR.20 The Central Committee of the CP(b)K of the KazSSR (Kazahskaya Sovetskaya Socialisticheskaya Respublika) also had resolutions during these years concerning the elimination of the shortcomings in the placement of ‘Soviet citizens’ who migrated from China. For example, the decision adopted on August 17, 1955, cited in the telegram of the Consul 19 20 AP RK. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 10. p. 228. Kudaibergenova, 2011: 268. Page | 287 of the USSR, comrade Romanchuk, to eliminate flagrant shortcomings in the accommodation of ‘Soviet citizens’ who migrated from the PRC.21 Documents related to ‘nomads’ are also found in other descriptions of the affairs of the Council of People’s Commissars, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR. The process of the return of the Kazakhs from China began in 1934, in accordance with the documents from the fund of the ‘Kazakh Regional Committee’,22 it became known that only in 1943 this issue began to be discussed in the highest echelons of power and that this year so many people crossed the border so that the attention of the authorities was focused on this process. If these documents provide information on the number of citizens who migrated from the PRC, areas and areas of their deployment, allocated funds, food, clothing, building materials, then in documents related to ‘defectors’ and ‘migrants’ in ‘special folders’ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR contains information on the reception, placement of nomads, the identification and correction of shortcomings made by local state bodies when working to improve their employment and living conditions, in political and ideological propaganda. The fact that these documents were classified is not surprising, because at that time 80 percent of party documents were classified for no reason. And the fact that they were stored in special folders means that the party leaders gave the solution to this problem a special status and kept the Central Committee of CP(b)K under control. These documents have been preserved in the ‘special folders’ document complex as documents considering topical, important and urgent issues on the agenda of that period. Despite the difficult times during the Great Patriotic War, the attitude of the Soviet authorities to the first wave of repatriates from the PRC was very positive. Enormous funds were allocated for their resettlement, employment, housing, food, industrial goods, building materials. Organized medical care, cultural-mass work among the population, veterinary care for livestock, provided pasture for livestock. It should be noted that many settlers crossed the border with a huge number of livestock. Decrees of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan were adopted on the immediate elimination of shortcomings in the reception of migrants and the punishment of those responsible for committing illegal actions and even inaction against migrants. There have always been shortcomings, in any undertakings and in any business, but despite all the difficulties, a scheme was built for accepting citizens of Kazakhstan who migrated from China, identified possible problems, obstacles and difficulties that had to be faced in the process of their economic organization and 21 22 AP RK. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 19. p. 19. AP RK. F. 141. Op. 1. D. 7372. p. 103. Page | 288 ways to solve them. Thanks to this, the republic was able to accept and equip the bulk of the nomads who returned from China in 1954-1964. Bibliography Document sources AP RK – Arhiv prezidenta Respubliki Kazahstan [Archive of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan] F. 141. Op. 1. D. 7372. p. 103. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 6. p. 228. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 7. p. 117. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 8. p. 324–327. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 9. p. 92. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 9. p. 93–96. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 9. p. 101. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 9. p. 105. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 10. p. 228. F. 708. Op. 1/1. D. 19. p. 19. Literature Aldazhumanov, K.S., Abilgozhin, Zh.B., Burhanov, K.N., Kapaeva, A.T., Mәzhitov, S.F. (2010) Kazakstan tarihy (kone zamannan buginge dejin). Bes tomdyk. 4-tom [History of Kazakhstan (from Ancient times to the present day). Five volumes. Volume 4]. Almaty: Atamura. [in Kazakh] Asylbekov M. H., & A B Galiev, 1991, Sot︠︡ sialʹno-demograficheskie prot︠︡ sessy v Kazhakhstane: 1917-1980 [The socio-demographic processes in Kazakhstan], Almaty: Gylym. [in Kazakh] Asylbekov, M. (2003) ‘Kazakstan tarihi demografiyasynyn ozekti maselelerin zhanasha koncep-tualdyk pajymdau [A New Conceptual Vision of Actual Problems of the Historical Demography of Kazakhstan]’, Otan tarihy 1: 25-30. [in Kazakh] Asylbekov, M.H., Kudajbergenova, A.I. (2005) Kazakstan halkynyn aleumettik demografiyalyk zhagdajy (1939–1959 zhzh.) [The socio-demographic situation of the population of Kazakhstan (1939-1959)]. Almaty: Urkeniet. [in Kazakh] Conquest, R. (1961) Power and Policy in the U.S.S.R.: The Study of Soviet Dynastics. New York: St. Martins Press. Conquest, R. (1991) Bol'shoj terror [The Great Terror]. Riga: Rakstnieks. [in Russian] Demko, G. (1969) The Russian Colonization of Kazakhstan, 1896-1916. Bloomington: University Press. Ensenov, K.A. (2007) Kazakstandagy koshi-kon procesteri zhane onyn zerttelui (1926-1959) [Migration processes in Kazakhstan and its study (1926-1959)]. A thesis of the dissertation. KazNU, Almaty. [in Kazakh] Erimbetova, K.M. (2009) Migratory policy of the Soviet state in Kazakhstan (1960-1990). Almaty: Tarikh. Kappeler, A. (2001) The Russian Empire: a Multiethnic History. Harlow: Longman. Karzhaubaeva, A.I. (2003) Rol migracionnyh processov v formirovanii sovremennogo naseleniya Zapadnogo Kazahstana [The role of migration processes in the formation of the modern population of Western Kazakhstan]: avtoref. dis. ... kand. ist. nauk. Almaty: [B. i.]. [in Russian] Kinayatuly, Z. (2001) ‘Kosh ol – ult omirindegi kubylys [Migration is a phenomenon in the life of a nation]’ Egemen Kazakstan 22. [in Kazakh] Kindler, R. (2017) Stalinskie kochevniki: vlast' i golod v Kazahstane [Stalin's nomads: power and hunger in Kazakhstan]. Moskva: Political Encyclopedia. [in Russian] Page | 289 Kondrashin, V.V. (2008) ‘Golod 1932-1933 godov: tragediya rossijskoj derevni [The famine of 1932 -1933: the tragedy of the Russian village]’, in Rossijskaya politicheskaya enciklopediya (ROSSPEN); Fond pervogo Prezidenta Rossii B.N. Elcina, Moskva: ROSSPEN, 519. [in Russian] Kozina, V.V. (2007) Demograficheskaya istoriya Kazahstana: Ucheb. pos. [Demographic history of Kazakhstan: Proc. settlement]. Karaganda: KarGU. [in Russian] Kudaibergenova, A.I. (2010) Kenes dauirindegi Kazakstandagy koshi-kon uderisteri: tarihidemografiyalyk aspekt (1917-1991 zhzh.) [Migration processes in Kazakhstan in the Soviet era as a historical and demographic aspect (1917-1991)]. Dissertation, KazNU, Almaty. [in Kazakh] Kudaibergenova, A.I. (2011) Kazakstandagy koshi-kon uderisterinin tarihi-demografiyalyk kyry (1917-1991 zhzh.) [Historical and demographic aspect of migration processes in Kazakhstan (1917-1991)]. Almaty: Eltanym baspasy. [in Kazakh] Mazhitov, S.F., Baltabayeva, K.N., Mamashev, T.A., Ermekbay, Zh.A. Baimaganbetova, A.Zh. (eds.) (2016) Kazak diasporasy zhane Atamekenge oralu (1991-2012) [Kazakh diaspora and return to the Fatherland (1991-2012)]. Almaty: Yeltanym. [in Kazakh] Naimanbaev, B.R. (2004) Kazakstandagy 1970-1990 zhyldar aralygyndagy koshi-kon (migraciya) procesterinin tarihy [History of migration processes in Kazakhstan in the period 1970-1990]: tarih gyl. kand. ... dis. avtoref. Almaty: [B. i.]. [in Kazakh] Ohayon, I. (2006) La sédentarisation des Kazakhs dans I’URSS de Staline: Collectivisation et changement social (1928-1945). Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose-Institut Français d’Études sur I’Asie Centrale. Olcott, M. (1987) The Kazakhs. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press. Omarbekov, T. (1997) 20–30 zhyldardagy Kazakstan kasireti [The tragedy of Kazakhstan in the 20 30s]. Almaty: Sanat. [in Kazakh] Ozhegov, S.I., Shvedova, N.Yu. (2008) Tolkovyj slovar russkogo yazyka 80 000 slov i frazeologicheskih vyrazhenij [Interpretive dictionary of the Russian language of 80,000 words and phraseological expressions]. Moskva: Rossijskaya akdemiya nauk, Institut russkogo yazyka im. V.V. Vinogradova. [in Russian] Pyanchola, N. (2009) Stalinismo di frontiera: Collonizzazione agricola, sterminio dei nomadi e costruzione statale in Asia centrale (1905-1936). Rome: Viella. Smailova, K.K. (2007) Dinamika migracii naseleniya Kazahstana v 1959-1989 gody [Dynamics of migration of the population of Kazakhstan in 1959-1989]: avtoref. dis. ... kand. ist. nauk. Almaty: [B. i.]. [in Russian] Wheatcroft, S.G., Davies, R.W. (2009) The Years of Hunger: Soviet Agriculture, 1931-1933. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Zharkenova, A.M. (2017) Social'no-demograficheskoe razvitie naseleniya Severnogo Kazahstana vo vtoroj polovine XIX - nachale XXI v. [Socio-demographic development of the population of Northern Kazakhstan in the second half of the 19th - early 21st centuries]. Dissertation, Belorusskij gosudarstvennyj universitet, Minsk. [in Russian] To cite this article: Shotayev, M, T., Alimgazinov, K.S., Zhugenbayeva, G. (2022). The attitude of the soviet authorities to the first wave of ‘nomaders’ according to the documents of the ‘special folders’ of the CC CP(B)K. Historia i Świat 11, 273-290, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.16 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 290 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Dariusz MAGIER (Siedlce University, Poland) Sergiy POSOKHOV (Kharkiv National University, Ukraine) Crossing the Rubicon in archival sciences. Redefining the scope of state archivists in the 21st century Poland (with Ukrainian reflection) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.17 Abstract: The archivist’s profession has been shaped by its relations with historic sciences. In the 19th century, where first archival institutions were founded, they attracted numerous historians. It was them who primarily joined the ranks of archives’ personnel and contributed to their development. It constitutes a foundation for the traditional archival methodology, the perception of archives themselves and the selfidentification of their employees. Nowadays, the world is changing more rapidly than ever before affecting the archives. Polish state archives influenced by both techno-logical and cultural revolutions are faced with a difficult choice for further advancement of their scope and activities. This article outlines the principle reasons behind the discernible changes in the Polish archival realism. The authors try to answer the question of what these changes are, in which spheres of archival work take place and on what levels. They also prepare a portrait of an employee of the modern state archive in Poland and describe the transformations in the consciousness, self-esteem and intellectual and professional condition of archivists. They confront this picture with the situation in Ukrainian archives operating in a similar geographical area, although with the experience of the realities of the Soviet Union and a different systemic path after 1991. This comparative study was based on an analysis of the scientific literature on Polish and Ukrainian archivists and the results of research conducted by the authors among employees state archives. Key words: archival system, Poland, Ukraine, state archives, technology, transformations Introduction Polish state archives are a special government administration reporting to the minister responsible for culture and national heritage. It was established in 1919, after Poland regained independence after 123 years of captivity. Currently, it is made  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9367-7448. [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1390-0625. [email protected]  Page | 291 up of a network of 33 institutions operating in all regions of the country. These are 3 archives of a central nature (gathering documentation produced by central state authorities), regional state archives and their regional branches located in all regions of the country. State Archives are budgetary organizational units of the State Treasury, managed by the General Director of the State Archives. A total of 1,560 people work in Polish state archives, 65% are archivists, and 35% are administrative and service employees. This structure has a rich tradition, has a legal basis and its own work ethic. The turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, however, brought about major changes in the life of archivists related to global trends. The world is changing more rapidly than ever before and the archives along with them. Polish state archives, whose endeavours are moulded mainly under the pressure of both technological and cultural revolutions, face a difficult dilemma of which path to choose with regards to their objectives and methodologies. This article indicates principal reasons behind shifts in the realism of Polish archives and aims to answer the questions concerning the scope and actual extent of the aforementioned shifts. Moreover, it is an attempt to portray an employee of a modern state archive in Poland as well as to capture the changes in consciousness, self-assessment and both professional and competences of archives’ employees. A special character of the research carried out is given by the general presentation of the situation in the Ukrainian archives. The comparison of the directions of development of archival systems in two neighboring countries with a similar past shows the chances of imitating good foreign solutions. This article was based on scientific literature concerning Polish and Ukrainian archives and the results of a survey conducted by the authors among state archives employees between 2017 and 2018. Polish archival traditions Similarly as in other parts of Europe, the bases for the profession of an archivist were sciences of history. In the 19th century, when Polish lands were under occupation of the neighbouring countries and when first archiving institutions were founded, they attracted a lot of attention from historians using them to build a fundament of historical sciences. It changed the definition of ‘the archive’ which up until that moment signified a set of documents pertaining to closed institutions and historiographic branches. From then on, it began a new era of archives as an academic institutes.1 The archives founded in Galicia in the second half of the 19th century, meaning both the National Archives of Municipal and Land Records in Lviv and the National Archives of Municipal and Land Records in Krakow are historical archives in their own right and were managed by Jagiellonian University professors.2 1 2 Łodyński, 1937: 279. Ciara, 2002: 88. Page | 292 Furthermore, they were the roots of state archives associated with the independent state proclaimed in 1918. No later than exactly the times of the Second Polish Republic, it has become crystal clear that academic activities of archives are at the same time their factual main objectives. These aforementioned objectives are organising acts, compiling inventories, registers and indexes as well as providing documents to scholars and making archival materials fit for print3. These duties became a foundation for the ethos of the archivists’ profession in Poland. In consequence, 60% of all state archives’ personnel were academics (IX 1939) and an Archeion journal was founded.4 After German occupation of 1939-1945, this path was not only continued but highly encouraged by communist archivists.5 As a result of this approach, the state archives were moved under the Ministry of Science and Higher Education and granting them the right to hire academics with the same privileges as employees of academic institutes.6 It reinforced the importance of the key array of archival activities consisting of: 1. Academic sessions, the purpose of which were a) enabling employees to overcome methodical difficulties in ongoing works; b) encouraging and instructing younger members of personnel in the fields of academic research; c) become a source for articles pertaining to archival sciences that should be published. 2. Preparing prefaces to inventories. 3. Compiling inventories based on themes to this day considered as one of the most important enterprises of national archival sciences. 4. Cooperating with academic institutions. 5. Organising and participating in academic conferences. 6. Publishing journals and monographs.7 The beginning and directions of changes This situation changed in the final years of the communist reign and its eventual fall. The 1970s, and especially 1980s up until 21st century mark the time of transformation of state archives into state administration offices and by doing so, decreasing their academic activities. This process combined with distinctive troubles in studying of the archival materials happened to derive post-factum rather than a result of executing actual acts of law. The current archiving act8 leaves no room for 3 Motas, 1969: 122-123. Tomczak, 1966: 72-73. 5 Bańkowski, 1964: 161. 6 Magier, 2019b: 93-96. 7 Bańkowski, 1955: 88-89. 8 Ustawa z dnia 14 lipca 1983 r. o narodowym zasobie archiwalnym i archiwach; Dz.U. 2020 poz. 164. 4 Page | 293 interpretation other than that academic activities are still in scope of the state archives. Moreover, it should be considered as one of the state archives’ main objectives, equal to other tasks despite being a supplementary competence due to principal archival responsibilities. This approach is shared among academic circles who, in the process of educating new archivists, highly emphasise the need for research and scientific competences. The General Director of State Archives is responsible for the policy of departing from the traditional model of functioning of state archives. It is accompanied by two phenomena in the recent decades, meaning the troubles in documents studying and in consequence, the identity crisis of archivists. Together, both paint a grim picture of archivists standing at a crossroads, immersed in a deep crisis of archival endeavours. Renouncing science and in consequence, a more common public perception of archives as state offices rather than academic or even cultural institutions led to treating them as typical government administration offices. Gradually, classic methodologies were abandoned in favour of the so-called archival techniques, a term coined by German archival sciences but debatable in the light of Polish literature or archival sciences in general.9 The stress put on publicising with limiting the role of document studying (in itself a slight to the archivist’s profession) half a century ago would be considered revering the archival techniques over the essential substance. Computer systems and other technological advances should be perceived as an auxiliary support and not the determinant in the ways of studying archive materials.10 Technological revolution It is worth to consider the past and the present influence of the computing technology on the archivist profession, meaning coexisting with machines.11 Computer utilisation which took off on a massive scale after the fall of communism in Poland was nothing out of the ordinary for the national archives. It is due to the fact that in the 1970s, the General Director of the State Archives created a taskforce titled Information Technology and archives. This team had two main goals: being up to date with foreign literature on the subject and researching the possibilities of using new technological means with regards to all stored data and its sources. It was destined mainly to make the archival tools more efficient as well as preparing for mechanical and automated way of providing the archive materials to the public.12 In reality, it involved creating a new standard for labelling archive records, indexing documents Arłamowski, 1962: 42. Chorążyczewski & Gut, 2020: 64. 11 Magier, 2018: 31-47. 12 Krystek, 2004. 9 10 Page | 294 and a glossary containing labels and descriptions of archive materials in order to facilitate information and search purposes. Nevertheless, the appearance of computers in Polish archives in 1990s paved the way to a revolution we still see today. An archivist would attempt at getting familiar with its setup, software and programming language. It soon became apparent that years of preparation would not help avoid the archivist the never-ceasing shock for having to face a super machine. Certain remarks from a decade ago have lost none of their relevance. It appears that something considered impossible at that time simply became a common standard. Technology level which was completely out of reach for archivists only yesterday became widely available and with relentless innovation it becomes already partially obsolete at the same time. 13 Nowadays, the phenomenon of crossing boundaries between humans and machines, or even nature and culture is mentioned more often while undoubtedly the technology of today plays a part in every science domain, including archival sciences.14 This problem was not in fact a new occurrence and could be philosophically considered a wider problem of the universal influence of technology on human civilisation. As a consequence, the machine began to dictate the methodologies for archival works. In the very beginning, it served as a tool for creating new forms of archival materials as well as analyses of databases which had started growing exponentially in an uncontrollable manner to thousands of instances. Due to the technological influence, at first it was the archival information system which began to change. Slowly, it forced the evolution of methodologies for studying the records. The tendency to force changes on archivists to alter their methods became permanent in archival methodologies. The legacy of generations had to be subdued to newly created standards for labelling and descriptions supported by the language and operational capacity of the machine.15 The paradox that functioning of the archives in the modern world is impossible without machines became excruciatingly apparent. Moreover, the dominance of machine in the area of archiving may as well be a failure of the human archivist since it is becoming something completely brand new, renouncing the archival heritage.16 Archivists became yet another profession dependent on a machine. Nowadays, 76% representants believe they are completely reliant on machines while 81% of them cannot imagine modern work without the support of machines (despite assumptions, the distribution of answers pointing out those ‘unimaginable’ tasks per particular archival responsibility is not immediately obvious: reprography – 48%, conservation – 14%, making information available to the public – 14%, popularisation – 9.5%, supervision – 9.5%, studies – 5%) and sadly all 100% of respondents believe that the influence of machines on archivists will only gradually 13 Biernat, 2001: 21. Manhoff, 2015: 514. 15 Roman, 2017: 13-14. 16 Berdyaev, 1933: 19, 26. 14 Page | 295 increase in time (The ‘Machines in the archives’ survey was conducted in September 2017 via a social networking site in the Archiwista24 group, which brings together ‘identity advanced’ archivists. It was completed by 70% of the entire community).17 Until, of course, a fateful confrontation in which the main stake will be the creation of a unified system entirely subservient to a machine.18 All of this take place in the “fever of transforming the society into information society” 19 which affected archivists as well. It is worth to highlight that the majority (68%) of respondents, despite their pragmatic assessment of being dependent on a machine, still maintain that its influence on the archival works is largely positive, 30% see both positive and negative aspects while only 5% deemed the technological influence as entirely negative. Among examples of the negative effect the following were listed:       electrostatic charges, human dependence on machines, close surveillance, primitivizing the factual substance, the need for constant raising of qualifications, a high probability of making errors which could be costly to the organisation.20 Currently, it is the machine which seems to dominate humans. In order to facilitate our work, the machine caused irreversible changes to the perception of time and space. It forces its own logic and understanding of interhuman relations as well as defines ways of communication and expressing feelings. Imperceptibly, the machine stopped being simply ‘an archival tool’, in a same way a common ladder in the archive’s room becomes ‘an archival works’ dedicated ladder’ or a typewriter could ‘become an archival works’ dedicated typewriter’. The inability to ‘subjugate’ the super machine to archival needs stems from the limited influence of archivists on its software. They can only use it as long as they conform to its rules. The machine ceased to be the means and became the main objective of an archivist’s life.21 The few who could actually determine the configuration of the machine, the IT specialists, are far away from the state archives. Naturally, this magnifies the methodical revolution within the archival sciences domain and the chaos it entails.22 The Electronic Documentation Management System (EZD), Integrated Archival Information System (ZoSIA) as well as all national databases and the whole digitalisation domain forces archivists to connect only with machines and the world 17 Magier, 2017. Żakowski, 2013: 16. 19 Roman, 2017: 20. 20 Magier, 2017. 21 Skrzydlewski, 2004: 211. 22 Roman, 2017: 21. 18 Page | 296 it creates for them. In addition to the aforementioned, let us consider the effects of extended reality in the process of the archival education, popularisation or even archival tourism utilising computers, tablets or smartphones, basically any technology capable of visualising archival data. As a consequence, archivists become more and more anxious to stay true to themselves. Under the cover of human individualisation, a deindividualisation occurs which forces humans to become simply a cog in the system depriving them from intimacy. Furthermore, functioning in two different realities seems to create a boundary between public and private more distorted than ever. Actions and reactions In such a complex reality, the traditional activity of archives pertaining to science found adversaries both those in favour of transforming state archives into administration offices as well as those who expected in a substantial increase in a widely understood idea of popularisation. Reasons behind the resistance expressed by archivists who are unhappy with changes being forced in a top-down manner in an aim to renounce its academic roots have always been diverse. From the abundant amount of academic research in the archival works or considering its academic mission as inessential and overly theoretic to stating that calls for scientific research is responsible for holding on to traditional practices much too tightly.23 Popularisation and providing materials to the public was visibly articulated in a State archives strategy 2010-202024 which highlighted the need of focusing on education at the expense of scientific enterprises which may be disregarded. The creators of this policy attempted to reconcile seemingly irreconcilable differences, meaning focusing on popularisation and education but eliminating scientific research. As a result, it impoverished the earlier and forced to reuse the works of other institutions. In effect, state archives began to use already published works (books, comic books and mainly games) created by other institutions, mostly the Institute of National Remembrance. It poses challenging questions such as: does it really help in raising awareness regarding state archives and their vast data collections? Additionally, could an archivist who is out of touch with the classic archival science be an efficient addition to the archive’s personnel? The aforementioned dilemmas have been highly important to people responsible for archival policies in Poland in the last 20 years. Władysław Stępniak, the General Director of the State Archives in years 2011-2016 attempted at a change in previous policies. Due to his efforts in amending the laws pertaining to archives, a possibility of employing academic personnel was included. However, due to a lack 23 24 Chojecka, 2019: 126. Strategia archiwów państwowych na lata 2010-2020. Page | 297 of executive acts, this regulation became defunct. The academic circles highlighted the importance of research activities in the archives to the successor of the General Director. As a result there was a session of the General Directory of the State Archives and academics in the summer of 2018. Unfortunately, the newly appointed Academic Council for Cooperation with the General Directory of the State Archives as well as State Archives themselves with academic circles in Poland could not act in the light of the personnel change on the position of the General Director.25 The aforementioned direction of changes in the archival reality met with a complete misunderstanding by state archives’ employees. Naturally, they happily welcomed the salary increase resulting from the fact of including state archives’ employees into civil service.26 However, they were nowhere near ready to face the consequences of that change, i.e. transforming archives into state administration offices. As a result, there were not only modifications in the archival practices but also adjustments in the consciousness of the personnel which proved quite an interesting matter. Archivists’ awareness It is extremely important to answer the question what their employees think about the current situation in archives. On July 20 – September 17, 2018, I conducted an anonymous internet survey entitled Study in the state archives AD 2018.27 The questionnaire was completed by 13.5% of all employees, which means that it may be a representative group for statistical assessments. The results turned out to be very interesting. The majority of personnel are tasked with factual execution of archival requests (49.5%), publishing and archiving information (40%), studies (39%), and finally supervising documentation production by their authors (26.7%). The lowest number of people are in charge of digitalisation (12.9%), administration (15.7%) and academic works (16.7%). It is worth to highlight that most employees are tasked with more than one objective despite the nominal specialisation suggested by the state archives the structure of which is organised in specialised units. These individual specialties concern mostly supervision – 11% of employees are exclusively handling this particular task, archival queries – 10%, studies – 8%, making documents available 5% and digitalisation 3%. A typical employee of a state archive is fairly experienced with 60% of staff members with more 11 years of experience. The newcomers also constitute a discernible share of more than 10%. However, there is a noticeable fluctuation of workers during the first two years which is why there is a small share 25 Ciechanowski, 2018: 326. Ustawa z dnia 5 lipca 1996 r. o służbie cywilnej; Dz. U. Nr 89, poz. 402. 27 Magier, 2019a. 26 Page | 298 of employees with 3 up to 5 years of experience (little over 7%). It seems that those who can survive the first three years are more likely to stay there permanently. Most of them work in cities with population over 50.000 inhabitants where central and regional archives have their seats. Only close to 20% of employees work in provincial towns. The large majority have completed some form of archival education (university diploma of Archival Studies, university diploma in Historical Studies with special emphasis on archival studies, post-graduate archival courses, independent archival courses). Only 18% state archives employees admitted, they have no archival education background. Of those 18% staff members, a little beneath 22% work in office administration, 8% in digitalisation and 70% perform various other tasks such as archival queries (53%), making documents available (31%), as well as document studies (22%), archival supervision (11%) and others. As expected, the highest number of employees with no archival education background are experienced archivists with at least 11 years of experience (53%). However, what is very surprising is the fact that there is a remarkable share of 25% newcomers with an experience for up to 2 years with no archival education background. In the light of widely available archival education opportunities in multiple education centres throughout the country, these 25% of young staff members with no archival education are a questionable result given that only 22% of those are in charge of digitalisation while 11% work in administration. Highly significant questions in this survey which could indicate signs of problems for modern archives pertain to attitudes regarding specific tasks executed by the state archives employees. Tasks which were pointed out as most appealing were archival queries (43%), studies (33%) as well as providing documents to the public and archival information (26%) and efforts in popularisation (25%). The aforementioned results are a close match with responses concerning tasks considered the least favourite among employees. It turns out that the most dreadful tasks according to Polish archivists are supervision over the ever-piling documentation (45%) closely followed by digitalisation (36%). Although the reasons for which these were chosen could not be more different. While the archival supervision is undoubtedly a highly difficult task which requires not only knowledge in many domains but also systematic acquisition of new competence. Additionally, it requires social competences to efficiently communicate with the outside world which is something not immediately associated with the archivist profession. The digitalisation efforts, on the other side, are a sequence of technical, menial and mundane tasks for which archivists feel overqualified and consider them below their competence. In third place, as the least favourite archivist activity concerns the academic pursuits. It may be a sign of a more overt way to express moving away from the classic operational formula of the national state archives, renouncing the roots reaching back to the 19th century historical science. On the other hand, it could be an indication of an imbalance in the traditional dichotomy of the Polish archive as a science facility and seat of an administration Page | 299 office by leaning towards only the latter function. For most archivists, this direction is a shortcut to a trivialisation of the archive studies. Renouncing the academic roots of archive studies could eventually lead to archivists fading away among other office clerks. This is especially visible in the scope of tasks concerning studies where many staff members believe that it is a direct continuation of the historical role of archivists as a profession (43% of respondents). Moreover, less than 40% of state archives’ employees are in charge of document studies and for only as much as half of them, it is the one and only task in their scope. All other are forced to combine it with archival queries, making documents available to the public, popularisation as well as supporting storage areas and academic pursuits. However, the ubiquitous process of retroconversion seems to be the most detrimental in the eyes of Polish archivists. It entails a conversion of printed catalogues containing descriptions for archival evidences into a machine-readable form such as an Integrated Archival Information System (ZoSIA) which was forced into state archives in 2017-2018. Almost all staff members were instructed to abandon any other task in order to enter information into the system. This activity was seemingly accompanied by trial balloons exemplified by statements from the management who disapproved of traditional tasks performed by archivists in the light of evidence keeping and the needs of the digital world. Sadly, this left the archivists in a sense of frustration. It coincided with years of struggle typical for state administration employees such as low salaries by comparison to expectations resulting from knowledge and education levels (indicated by 90% of respondents), inadequate staffing (54%) and the excessive bureaucracy (35%). Additionally, combined with surprisingly numerous cases of negative issues dragging for years such as flawed organisational systems (25%) and bad atmosphere at work (15%), it most definitely led to a decrease in efficiency of state archives staff members. Among defects of working in a state archive, employees listed a poor perception of the public on the archival work, a lack of regard for the institution, its work and its employees, and a continued process of delegating more work without additional hiring or salary increase (as in the example of the digitalisation process) not to mention a director described as ‘not easy to deal with’. Furthermore, the respondents also mention the everchanging priorities, a more frequent ‘randomness’ of people working in the archives but also poor working conditions as well as non-transparent career paths and the substantial gap between the expectations for archival work and the policies formulated by responsible management. Despite all these reasons, by far the one that has been raised the most is lacking a clear objective for archive’s actual functioning as well as missing a comprehensive long-term policy plan. It may indicate that the concepts and priorities introduced by of the gallery of previous general directors are not in line with employees’ beliefs. That could be one of the reasons behind a considerable, close to 10% of respondents, agreement among state archives employees for not considering Page | 300 it a permanent workplace. Another grim thought is that further 32% of staff members is not sure if they would like to stay in their current workplace.28 Who are the modern Polish archivists that seem to emerge as a result of this survey? They are certainly seasoned employees with a dozen years of experience. Additionally, they are accustomed to performing almost any task that is in scope of the state archive in spite of not refraining from narrow fields of expertise, especially with regards to archival queries and studies as well as information and making documents available to the public. They are formally educated in the field of classic archival sciences leading to preferences for traditional archival tasks, rather than assignments immediately connected to administrative or legal efforts or even technical tasks such as digitalisation. In the recent years, the state archives renouncing their traditional roots in favour of compiling inventories and the aforementioned retroconversion led a distinct identity crisis. What is more, low salaries, insufficient hiring associated with cumbersome bureaucracy as well as the lack of clear objectives for the functioning of the archives have a detrimental effect on the staff morale. Together, they all translate to a considerable feeling of frustration. Especially the last part fills modern archivists with apprehension and doubt whether they should stay in the archival service.29 Simultaneously, there are new developments in the archival world. There is an emergence of ‘new archivists’ working side by side with the classical archivists. These are the archivists who always play the role of clerks. They do not have the same dilemmas. It corresponds directly with an arrival of archivist faculties’ graduates who are not purely historians. It is a phenomenon beginning in Poland from 2009. The Polish experience and transformations in the Ukrainian archival system The Polish experience of reforming all spheres of life, and not just archives, turned out to be extremely important for Ukraine, which has chosen a course for European integration. As for the archives, first of all, we are talking about the introduction of the latest information technologies.30 Ukrainian archivists note the progress made by Polish colleagues in the development of technologies for working with electronic documents, as well as in the transition to electronic document management, and in the implementation of large-scale digitization of archival documents and the provision of electronic services to users.31 However, the internships of Ukrainian archivists in Poland, including the author, make it possible to see other achievements. In terms of material support and state support, the archives of Poland are significantly ahead of the Ukrainian ones, the high level of qualification 28 Magier, 2019a. Magier, 2019c: 119-120. 30 Romanovsʹkyy, 2019. 31 Palamarchuk & Cherniatyns’ka, 2018. 29 Page | 301 of personnel is obvious, and the traditions that Polish archivists develop are also important. In particular, let's pay attention to democracy as the basis of corporate culture. At the same time, a number of problems are common for Polish and Ukrainian archivists, and their solution is of mutual interest. The Strategy for the Development of Archival affairs for the Period up to 2025,32 presented by the State Archival Service of Ukraine for public discussion in 2020, contains a number of important points that are the result, among other things, of studying and foreign experience. Particular attention should be paid to the 2nd section Main Problems, Challenges and Risks, which presents a SWOT analysis of archiving in Ukraine. Without characterizing the statements available here, which, in our opinion, quite accurately capture the state of affairs in the industry, we allow ourselves to express only a few theses related to risks and challenges. In particular, we note that digitalization and computerization are not only the main route for all archival institutions in the world, but also a certain kind of challenge for archivists, because of imply major changes in competencies and professional approaches. Although the digitalization of all processes of archiving and office work has been identified as priority No. 1 for the work of the State Archival Service of Ukraine33 for several years, nevertheless, the development of not only regulatory and methodological documents that should regulate the entire range of works on digitization, but also the digitization strategies of the National Archival Fund.34 Accordingly, there is no single methodology for creating digital copies, recording and providing access to them. The situation differs significantly in different archives, as evidenced by the results of the survey of employees of Ukrainian archives.35 And yet, there was an awareness of the fact that digital technologies are the future of archivism. It became clear that they significantly affect changes in the mechanisms of state administration, the system of values, social interaction in culture, standards and patterns of people’s behavior.36 So far, among Ukrainian archivists there are quite optimistic opinions about the role of such technologies in archiving. In particular, they are seen as an important factor in those transformations of the archival industry, which will determine its openness, will contribute to its integration into the global archival and information space, “ensure the highest level of functioning of the entire system of archival institutions at the central, sectoral and local levels”.37 Attention is drawn to the fact that the use of information technology opens up additional opportunities for improving the management of personnel of archival institutions, increasing the efficiency of planning work and executing decisions made, 32 Stratehiia Rozvytku Arkhivnoi Spravy, 2020. Alyeksyeyenko & Balyshev, 2019: 192. 34 Maystrenko & Romanovsʹkyy, 2018: 81. 35 Didukh & Zalietok, 2019: 90 and further. 36 Prychod’ko, 2020: 106. 37 Kalakura & Kovtaniuk, 2019: 20. 33 Page | 302 and electronic interaction between users of archives and archivists minimizes their physical communication, which, in turn, minimizes the number of conflict situations.38 In part, this view influenced the changes that have taken place in the system of archival education. So, in 2015, archival education was removed from the faculties of history, within which archivists were trained from the middle of the 20th century. Moreover, it should be mentioned that in the mid-1990s, within the framework of the ‘history’ direction, a separate specialty ‘archival studies’ was introduced at universities and in-depth training of students in this field began. Since that time, at the historical faculties, even a separate enrollment for this specialty was carried out from the 1st year. Then, since 2006, this specialty corresponded only to the ‘Master’ level. In April 2015, the Ministry of Education of Ukraine changed the list of specialties. Instead of ‘archival studies’, the specialty ‘information, library and archival affairs’ was introduced within the framework of the ‘culture and art’ direction. Only at some historical faculties, in particular at the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv in 2019, began training students in this new specialty, which is associated with the development of a “new model of archival education”.39 However, such a solution is associated with a number of difficulties, and the main one is a different set of basic disciplines, which does not correspond to the profile of the Faculty of History. In fact, we are talking about the change in the main focus in the training of archivists, about different understanding of the functions of an archivist. Although it is said about the interdisciplinary basis of the new specialty, however, the turn associated with adaptation to the requirements of the digital environment is obvious. To what extent is such a step justified? In our opinion, there has been some absolutization of technological innovations and the leveling of the role of traditions in the development of ways for the development of archiving. Thus, it must be remembered that one of the most difficult issues of archivism is the examination of the value of a document, which implies an understanding of many social processes in a broad historical perspective. The newest formats for the existence of documents in no way cancel the fact that the specified expertise remains in the list of top topics of archivism.40 In our opinion, it is also important that the traditional archival document was not opposed to a person, but connected with a person. We are talking about the fact that historians-archivists behind each document saw people involved in its occurrence, with their plans, thoughts, feelings. Thus, an attempt to bring archivism beyond the boundaries of the humanities can be quite dangerous. By the way, such a model, which provides for the training of a certain universal archivist, “who would possess universal and humanitarian, and scientific, technical, and socio-economic and managerial knowledge, is also seen as difficult to achieve, and 38 Kalakura & Kovtaniuk, 2019: 33-34. Voytsekhivsʹka & Paliyenko, 2019. 40 Bezdrabko, 2019b. 39 Page | 303 was ready ... for the technogenization of archival production processes”.41 Obviously, archives perform a fairly wide range of functions (including social orientation42) and require specialists of various profiles. Accordingly, in our opinion, a more correct solution would be to provide higher educational institutions with the opportunity to train archivists with a designated specialization (technical educational institutions with a bias towards the latest computer technologies, humanitarian ones with an emphasis on the traditional functions of an archivist, on the problems of source study, historical memory, etc.), as well as to create a system of archival postgraduate education, which would allow archives to get the missing specialists through the retraining of their employees. Special attention should be paid to the issue of specialists-restorers of archival documents. To date, the training of such specialists in Ukraine has actually been transferred to the archives themselves and is based on the enthusiasm of the relevant workers, and the technologies used correspond to the level of the last century.43 Speaking about the problems of archiving in Ukraine, one cannot fail to mention the personnel problem. With the adoption of a new version of the law On the National Archival Fund and Archival Institutions (2001),44 archivists received the status of civil servants. This strengthened their financial situation, but at the same time strengthened the regulation of their activities, and also approved their image as employees of the state apparatus, in fact, officials. Moreover, as the researchers note, this contributed to a reduction in the number of archival workers, since, as a result of the proclaimed state policy of reducing the number of civil servants, in the regions they began with the reduction of archivists. As a result, the total staffing of archival institutions decreased by 21% between 2013 and 2018.45 In addition, some administrators responsible for the work of archives in the regions (including some directors of archives) began to insist that the main task of the archives is to provide all kinds of information, and scientific work in the archives is not provided. The bureaucratic routine, which is inevitable in such institutions, began to be quite definitely opposed to creative work, which could not but affect the negative perception of archives by university graduates who were offered to work in the archive, but at the same time they were immediately warned that they have no prospects for doing scientific work in the archive.46 It is not surprising that there is a tendency towards 41 Bezdrabko, 2019a: 62. O. Levchuk (2021: 29) names eight such functions. In the Strategy for the development of archival affairs for the period up to 2025 the modern system of archival institutions is called the “social information industry” (Stratehiia Rozvytku Arkhivnoi Spravy, 2020). 43 Kalakura & Kovtaniuk, 2019: 37. 44 Zakon Ukrainy vid 13 hrudnia 2001 roku pro vnesennia zmin do Zakonu Ukrainy "Pro Nacional'nyi arkhivnyi fond i arkhivni ustanovy" (VVR, 2002, N 11, st. 81) 45 Kalakura & Kovtaniuk, 2019: 37. 46 The Strategy for the development of archival affairs for the period up to 2025 directly states that there is a “curtailment of the scientific initiative” in the central and regional state archives (Stratehiia Rozvytku Arkhivnoi Spravy, 2020). 42 Page | 304 an increase in the average age of archive workers, a slight replenishment of the archival sphere by young specialists. It is noted that among the workers of archives there are many people without the appropriate education, that often training is carried out directly at the workplace. The low level of wages and the image of archives in society explain the fact that in the system of archival institutions in Ukraine, more than 80% are women.47 Today, Ukrainian archives have not only very limited opportunities for interaction with scientific institutions and other structures, but also a weakly express desire to cooperate with them. This position can be characterized as ‘social exclusion of archives’. To a large extent, this is due to the orientation of the archives, first of all, to the authorities and administration. The isolation of archives from the local society hinders the popularization of archival heritage and participation in educational programs in the regions. Not surprisingly, the media does not show much interest in them. In the public report of the Chairman of the State Archival Service of Ukraine for 2020,48 a figure was announced – 192 TV spots and TV programs with the participation of archivists. However, it should be noted that these data relate to both central and regional archives, both central and regional television. In general, it can be argued that the public interest in archives is weak, but some responsibility for this should also be assigned to archivists. The orientation of the archives mentioned above also affects the service of visitors, when archives in various ways limit the work of researchers who come to them first of all and are more attentive to requests from administrative bodies. Correspondence to the ‘state status’ began to be interpreted by the leaders of the archival industry and specific archives as the unquestioning implementation of state programs without any local initiative. This includes the direct instrumentalization of history (the use of historical information in the interests of political power). In the Strategy for the development of archival affairs for the period up to 202549 these and other problems are indicated, as well as ways to overcome them. In particular, it is proposed to introduce a ‘client-oriented approach to serving users of archives’, to create a ‘creative space for users’, etc. Particular attention is drawn to the use of social networks as a tool for creating a positive image of archival institutions. However, the researchers noticed that such tasks require special employees.50 In fact, we are talking about the positions of PR managers in the archives. Thus, by analyzing the challenges and risks, as well as trends in the development and transformation of the archival industry, it is possible to predict certain changes in the staff of archivists, as well as changes in their corporate culture. It is possible that the level of technological culture will increase, but the humanistic Kalakura & Kovtaniuk, 2019: 36; ‘Kruhlyj Stil…’, 2019: 255. Pidsumky Diial’nosti Ukrderzharkhivu, 2020. 49 Stratehiia Rozvytku Arkhivnoi Spravy, 2020. 50 Levchuk, 2021: 39. 47 48 Page | 305 essence of archiving may be threatened. Even now, especially in regional archives, one can observe a weakening of archaeographic work, a decrease in the number of exhibitions of documents, a decrease in interest to documents of personal origin, an unwillingness to conduct oral history researches and other works that would allow documenting the phenomena of public and private life in the 21st century, a decrease of qualifications of archivists in the field of auxiliary historical disciplines, etc. Such trends require the attention of the entire archival community. However, now the main challenge for Ukraine is the Russian military aggression, which has already led to numerous casualties and destruction, including those objects that represented the cultural heritage. End In the address by the new General Director of State Archives and his cabinet appointed in 2019 to lead the archives, there was a clear indication of a return to traditional, classic methodologies. A revolutionary attempt at forgoing all archival marks of identity was put to a standstill and the archives are back to square one with regards to the main dilemma. The natural evolution placing rendering documents available, which is one of the most recent archival tasks, in front of archival studies caused multiple changes in the day-to-day operations. In addition to a technological revolution, we could observe a revolution in the consciousness of the archivists themselves. Such are the results of popular tendencies. An identity crisis in the Polish archival studies is closely related to a lack of a clear objective for the archives and all their tasks. Surely, we can expect another attempt to combine traditional archival activities with a new methodology tailored to the technological revolution and modern challenges. Polish archivists are at the Rubicon, behind which is the future. Reaching the other side of the river is inevitable, yet, as in any case, there may be numerous ways to cross it. The responsibility is even greater as the chosen development strategy may become a model (good or bad) for the archival policy in post-Soviet countries such as Ukraine. 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(2019) ‘Ocifrovuvannia arkhivnykh dokumentiv: dosvid derzhavnykh arkhiviv Pol’shi [Digitization of archival documents: the experience of the state archives of Poland]’, Arkhivy Ukrainy 3 (320): 113-127. [in Ukrainian] Skrzydlewski, P. (2004) ‘Cywilizacja łacińska wobec techniki’, in Kultura wobec techniki : materiały z sympozjum z cyklu "Przyszłość cywilizacji Zachodu”, eds. P. Jaroszyński, I. Chłodna, P. Gondek, Lublin: Fundacja Rozwoju Kultury Polskiej, 189-213. Tomczak, A. (1966) ‘Rzut oka na dzieje archiwów polskich i na ich aktualne zadania’, Archeion 43: 55-82. Voytsekhivsʹka, I.N., Paliyenko, M.H. (2019) ‘Arkhivoznavcha shkola Kyivs’koho uniwersytetu: tradycji ta perspektywy rozvytku [School of archival studies of Kyiv University: traditions and development prospects]’, Arkhivy Ukrainy 4 (321): 42-60. [in Ukrainian] Żakowski, J. (2013) ‘Uwięzieni w maszynie’, Polityka 44: 16-17. To cite this article: Magier, D., Posokhov, S. (2022). Crossing the Rubicon in archival sciences. Redefining the scope of state archivists in the 21st century Poland (with Ukrainian reflection). Historia i Świat 11, 291-309, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.17 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 309 Page | 310 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Akmaral YSKAK (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) Gabit ZHUMATAY (KazNU, Almaty, Kazakhstan) The Impact of Digital Technologies on Kazakh archivists in the Age of Globalization https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.18 Abstract: Based on the survey questionnaire and interviews with employees of the state archives across Kazakhstan, this article examines the impact of digital technology on Kazakh archivists. Although the impact of information technology on human life in the information age is growing, there is a lack of research in Kazakhstan about how the deep transformation in society engendered by digital technology has affected the national archival system and archivists. It is therefore not fully understood how they can influence and what changes they bring to the archival system in Kazakhstan and archivists. Hence, this study aims to fill the gap in this specific area and contribute to the scholarship on archival science. The results of the study empirically confirm the positive impact of information technology on the work of archivists. The obtained data require a critical approach to the role of information technology in the work of archivists. Key words: Digital Technologies, Globalization, Kazakhstan, archivists Introduction Digital transformation of society has become a key and inevitable trend today. The rapid development of information technology has affected both archives and archivists. At the same time, it sets difficult tasks for the theory and practice of archival affairs. Every specialist in the archival field is expected to master the information culture and digital skills to realize their potential and achieve professional success. Created under the influence of digital transformation in the world, the introduction of e-government in Kazakhstan has led to the rapid spread of electronic documents, which in turn has led to the automation of traditional archives inherited from the USSR. Like other spheres of society, the influence of computers on archives is growing from year to year. The number of documents is  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3998-584X. [email protected]; Al-Farabi Kazakh National University.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0468-8538. [email protected]; Al-Farabi Kazakh National University. Page | 311 growing rapidly, and this process is certain to persist for many years.1 This study hence is guided by the following research questions: What is the impact of computer technology on the work of archivists and how can it be in the future? Will Kazakh archivists, who positively assess the impact of computer technology, become dependent on digital technology? Or do archivists with digital skills develop archival technological methodology? In any case, in the current situation, computer technology dominates the work of Kazakh archivists. The digital transformation has brought technical changes to the work of archivists. Are these changes likely to have other effects? The implications of this study may be useful and important for archivists, and archival management in the age of digital technology. Background information In the classical sense, the archive is an institution that preserves social memory, being an attribute of statehood that reflects the stability of the state. The reason why Kazakhs have not been able to create a national archive for centuries is due to historical circumstances. This was due to the tradition of oral history, which has been integral part of the nomadic civilization. The beginning of the history of archives in Kazakhstan dates back to the end of the 18th century. It is connected with the history of the archive organized by Bokei khan in western Kazakhstan. In the following years, the initiative of the archive continued during the reign of Zhangir Khan, who ruled the Bukey Horde. During the Russian colonization of the Kazakh steppe in the 19th century the colonial archives were established. The archives organized in connection with the system of regional and provincial authorities were the departmental archives primarily related to the activities of civil, police and military-public administration. The archival work was performed by archivists with military ranks. The system of state archives of modern Kazakhstan was formed in the Soviet era. In the first quarter of the twentieth century, a new Soviet model of governance was introduced, which, along with political reforms, led to profound administrative, territorial, economic, cultural, and social changes. The principle of centralization was followed in the organization of archives. The Unified State Archive Fund was set up, and state management and control over archives was established.2 Compared to the Polish archives, there are both differences and similarities. During the empire, the departmental archives of the metropole were not engaged in academic activities. And in the Soviet era, from the very beginning, special attention was paid to the academic activity of the archives, their scientific organization. Changes in the system of public administration in the context of the transformation of society also affected the archives. The archive, like a mirror of society, was not only a reflection of 1 2 Zhakypov, 2008. Seksenbayeva & Makanbaev, 2021. Page | 312 its development, but also a tool to influence it. The influence of the Soviet ideology made the system of state archives consistent, a common methodology was developed, and it was strictly centralized. The Regional Archive, established in 1921, was transferred to the Presidium of the Kazakh Central Executive Committee two years later.3 During this period, there were some difficulties in the organization of archives in the country. Gathering and storing archival documents in one center took time and effort. On the other hand, the issue of establishing provincial archives on the ground was also on the agenda. The shortage of professional archivists was obvious. The archives had the advantage of being under the jurisdiction of the Central Archives of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). Centralized management unified the work of archives. Courses of archival departments, Central Archives were organized at Petrograd and Moscow universities to train archival staff. The practice of archival work and the teaching of historical disciplines corresponded to the areas of archival activity, in particular, the history of Soviet institutions, the history of pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary Russian archives, Western archives, the theory and practice of archival work, the archival part of proceedings, archival legislation, reading ancient manuscripts, librarianship, museum studies.4 This approach, firstly, led to the involvement of scientific personnel in the archives, and secondly, to engage in research work. In fact, archivists turned to scientific research and the direction of the archives was correctly determined. Particularly, in the evening courses, in-service trainings, seminars, clubs scientific processing of documents, use of documents and in-depth study of individual issues of document storage methods were provided.5 Gradually, new subjects of political content were introduced into the curriculum, in particular, the basics of Marxism-Leninism, philosophy, political economy and international issues, the history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), archeography and a series of special lectures on current politics. The party had an urgent task to organize scientific and publishing work in the archives. The influence of the party authorities began to gain momentum in the work of the archives. The work of propaganda of communist ideology was intensified by the publication of research works. In 1945, in accordance with the order of the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR, the archives were included in the list of research institutions.6 The reading rooms of the archives became a center for the advancement of historical science and the creation of new ideas. In fact, the scientific and publishing work of state archives was politicized, and archival documents became a political tool. The actions of archivists with the status of administrative staff were based on three principles such as collection, storage, and use. 3 Sarieva & Abdulina, 2006. Akkali, 2010. 5 Sarieva & Abdulina, 2006. 6 Archives and archivists of Kazakhstan, 2015. 4 Page | 313 This situation changed with the collapse of the Soviet Union, like in Poland, with the independence of Kazakhstan. The period from 1991 to the present is still a ‘turning point’. The centralized system of archives and the unity of the National Archive Fund have been preserved.7 Gradually, the academic activities of state archives began to expand as a state institution. This was due to the integration of the then party archives with the state archives, on the one hand, and the formation of a new independent consciousness in society, on the other hand. The task was to open the blank pages of Kazakh history and systematically study historical events from a new perspective. The archives served to form the historical consciousness of the nation in a rapidly changing political situation.8 The publication of new historical data, with the help of historians and archivists, allowed to show the work of archives in a new light. Although Kazakhstan’s archives were affected by the ‘microcomputer revolution’ in the 1990s, the level of computerization of the workplace was rather limited.9 In 1997, the Central State Archive had only three computers, and the situation in the regional archives was similar. First of all, the computer was used to record documents. It was planned to create an industry of automated archival information system. Working on a computer was a step-by-step process for archivists. Most of the work in the archives was based on traditional methods. The rapid development of information technology over the next decade has contributed to the emergence and rapid growth of electronic documents. In 2003, the Law on Electronic Documents and Electronic Digital Signatures was adopted. With the implementation of the Unified Electronic Document Management System, the issue of storage of electronic documents was put on the agenda.10 In the 1990s, archivists used computers only to record documents, but now every archivist cannot imagine working without a computer. In fact, this is not a new phenomenon in the world, especially in the work of archives. At the same time, it is important to remember that electronic document management and electronic archives are two separate worlds. For many, this is a new unexplored topic, and it should be noted that “some cultural or national traditions do not stand in front of the all-encompassing power of information technology, and even amazing IT achievements shock the legacy of the past and change in this irreversible branch”.11 It is no secret that the universal impact of technology on human civilization is a big problem. In this regard, archivists did not fall into the state of ‘cognitive dissonance’, realizing that the real situation, the use of archival technology requires 7 Analytical review, 2012. National Archive of the Republic of Kazakhstan, 1992. 9 Government of Kazakhstan, 2001. 10 Mustafina, 2020. 11 Manarbek et al., 2020. 8 Page | 314 a change in traditional methods.12 But the influence of computer technology on Kazakh archivists, like Polish archivists, is growing. Yesterday, the gap between the computer and the archivist was significant, but today it is rapidly shrinking. There are many problems for Kazakhstan. Due to the lack of websites of some regional state archives, computerization of archives and lack of monitoring of their quality, it is impossible to assess the level of computerization. Still, it is hard to imagine archiving something meaningful without a computer. Therefore, the vast majority of archivists (96%) believe that the impact of computer technology on the work of the archive is positive. The study The purpose of the study is to consider and evaluate the impact of information technology on the work of archivists and changes in their minds and attitudes, along with the development trends of state archives in Kazakhstan. The research is based on scientific works on archives, archival documents, the results of surveys and interviews with employees of state archives in Kazakhstan. Research context and participants Data for this study was collected from participating Kazakh archivists who were selected among employees working in central and local state archives of Kazakhstan. Their opinions and views allowed to correctly understand and answer research questions. In total, 600 archivists of Kazakhstan voluntarily took part in the survey, 180 of them answered in Russian and the rest in Kazakh. Participants were selected virtually from most state archives throughout Kazakhstan, namely from Karaganda, Turkestan, Mangistau, Pavlodar, Zhambyl, Akmola, Kyzyl-Orda, East Kazakhstan region, Almaty, Nur-Sultan, Taraz, as well as the Archive of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Central State Archive of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Central State Archive of Scientific and Technical Documentation. 28% of the participants are young archivists with up to five years of experience. The survey was conducted between 13-21 December 2021 through Google Forms. Questionnaires were prepared in Kazakh and Russian. The questionnaire included twenty-three items, and was divided into several sections, of which six items were designed to obtain background information from participants, and the remainder was constructed to collect data related to professional work of participants. The four key findings were found due to an in-depth analysis of the results of the survey. First, computer technology has a widespread and total impact on archives and is positive. Second, Kazakh archivists are experiencing difficulties with the implementation of the E-Archive project. Third, a modern archivist should be 12 Vernon, 1985. Page | 315 engaged in scientific research. Fourth, in the context of digital transformation, the status of the archive and the modern archivist should be raised. An interview was conducted to further analyze these findings. In order to solve the research problem, an interview was required to clarify and supplement the findings from the survey data. To get participants’ consent they were asked to be interviewed. As a result, 14 participants agreed to be interviewed, which was conducted online through the Zoom platform. The interviews were conducted from December 20, 2021, through March 10, 2022, with 9 participants in Kazakh and 5 participants in Russian. The interview was transcribed, followed by an analysis of the transcripts. A coding was performed through rereading the transcripts. Since this study was the first research undertaken on the impact of digital technology in Kazakhstan, this research may lead to a clearer understanding of some of the issues, and may inform future research. And this is the first sociological survey organized for the purpose of the study. With the help of combined methods of sociological research, surveys and interviews, an internal content, qualitative assessment was achieved in answering research questions. The qualitative interpretation paradigm was used in data analysis. The findings and discussion First, computer technology has a widespread and total impact on archives and is positive. Should archives adapt to new changes in the context of digital transformation of society? Of course, they should. Informatization touched archives too. If at first the archives lagged behind, today we see the result of their gradual transition to computerization. There are certain well-established rules for working with documents, the receipt and transmission of correspondence is carried out through Egov, E-Otinish and documents are compiled on the same computers, a database is maintained, and digitization is carried out. Compiling, storing, recording, issuing certificates and using documents in archives can no longer be done without computer technology. This means that in all areas of the archive, the work of each section is automated. Once upon a time, computers were used only for printing papers, but today it is difficult to imagine an archivist without them. In today’s digital transformation, the influence of computers on archives, as in other sectors of society, is growing from year to year. The introduction of computer technology in the archives is a matter of time. It should be noted that since 2006, all state bodies have been working with electronic documents.13 The number of electronic documents is growing 13 Zhakypov, 2021. Page | 316 and the volume of correspondence in state bodies today is 400 terabytes. This is data only for state bodies at the initial stage and it will constantly have an increase factor. In reality, today in the archival sphere one cannot do without high specialized computer technology. Everyone understands that the impact of computer technology on archives is enormous and the automation of the work of archives would facilitate the work of archivists. However, how archivists themselves look at it. Most archivists point to an increase in the number of electronic documents, the emergence of which is associated with the introduction of electronic document management and, accordingly, the creation of electronic archives is inevitable. Despite the backlog of the archival sphere at the initial stage, today the archives keep up with the time and development. With the introduction of electronic document management system in government agencies, the question arose as to how the collection, storage, and use of electronic documents. Currently, archivists and clerks are faced with two types of documents – paper documents and electronic documents.14 Despite the fact that the archives, which are preparing for the transition to e-archives, are provided with the necessary equipment (modern computer, scanner), archivists believe that it is important to master special programs. At the same time, archivists understand that it is important to know any program when creating a database. Yet most archivists see the positive side of computer technology in service delivery. In the age of digital technologies, the number of services provided via the Internet, computers in a geometric projection are only growing. Within the framework of E-government, the percentage of services provided to the population is growing and people have already forgotten about the concept of long queues for some kind of information. This is a good trend. Now about 700 online services are provided through the E-gov portal, and this is not the limit, it is developing. For example, more than 1,400 online services are provided in South Korea, and they are already moving to the third model of receiving online services through a mobile phone. Kazakhstan should also strive for this, and the trend is such that sooner or later we will come to this. It is obvious that the transfer of paper documents to electronic format is not carried out by centuries-old traditional methods. The problem lies in the technological methodology. While it is important for an archivist to gain a wealth of experience, digital skills and experience are also needed to develop a technological methodology. Will Kazakh archivists in such a turbulent situation remain completely dependent on computer technology, or, conversely, are they ready to develop a technological methodology? And what changes can this lead to in the work of the archive. Despite today’s development trends, there is a difference between a document stored on an electronic medium (especially disks) only a decade ago and a modern medium. Archivists as supporters of the traditional method of storage and IT specialists, can come to an agreement on the storage of electronic documents. This is because 14 Zhakypov, 2008. Page | 317 the technological methods of creating, storing, and using documents cannot be solved by a specialist other than an archivist.15 Archival software products should be aimed at facilitating human work. This is confirmed by the opinion of respondents, and 94% of respondents confirm that the influence of computers on archivists is gradually increasing over time. Despite the large percentage of recognition of the positive impact of computers, archivists highlight partly a negative character. Any data created in the electronic document management system has versioning and it will be necessary to constantly change their versions so that the documents are always in a readable form. The second question is the long-term storage of data carriers as servers, computers, which have their own life cycle (service life) often does not exceed 5-6 years and must be constantly updated. According to the measurements made by some scientists about the financial profitability of servers and paper offices, statistics show that it is more profitable to maintain on paper than servers. And of course, we must not forget about information security, which is also an important component. There are three factors, such as directed attack and undirected attack by hackers, human negligence, on which the safety of data in storage depends. The impact of technology on human health, in particular on vision, has not been fully stated. Along with the opinions expressed, the need for progress from which there is no escape was indicated optimistically. Be that as it may, negatively or positively, we need to look for a methodology, approaches to work, go with the flow, rather than trying to go back. But at the same time, care should be taken, since an important task of archives is to preserve information. Second, Kazakh archivists are experiencing difficulties with the implementation of the E-Archive project. Information technology is seen as a tool that simplifies and optimizes the work of archivists and researchers. The main task of archivists is to store documents. With the development of modern information technology, it is necessary to change the existing stereotypes in the organization of the use of documents and facilitate maximum access to archival documents. The priority is to create a single information resource.16 In the fall of 2021, the information system Single Electronic Archive of Documents was put into operation. The project envisages three areas of archival work – replenishment of documents, their accounting and storage, as well as automation of the use of documents of the National Archive Fund. The implementation of four goals is expected: 1) automation of interaction processes in the transfer of documents from departmental archives to the state archives and the creation of a single database; 15 16 Sarsenova, 2016. Abilova, 2015. Page | 318 2) automation of processes of rendering of the state service in the field of archival affairs; 3) increase the efficiency of government agencies and state archives; 4) ensuring the safety of documents on digital media. A total of 1,574 government organizations, including 223 state archives, are connected to the information system Single Electronic Archive of Documents, which consists of 9 modules. Work is underway to integrate with the information system Cloud Document flow. According to archivists, the difficulties are primarily related to the lack of development of the system, and the state archives of Kazakhstan cannot now completely switch to this system. It is known that the customer of the E-Archive project is the Ministry of Culture, the developer is the Iserv company. Of course, there are advantages of the system when searching for information and issuing documents to the same researchers. During the quarantine, archivists were forced to fulfill requests through E-gov and the lion’s share of requests from citizens and government agencies was made in electronic format. It was an experience of accustoming people to new technologies by force, on the one hand. On the other hand, people wrote the program, and of course, there are flaws, in the process of work they are identified, and in the working order something is eliminated, but something is not. This is supportive in the beginning. The main tasks, for example, the array of documents that the archives managed to digitize before the introduction of the program, their integration with the system is painless. There are blocks that do not work as expected, but they will be improved. Archivists directly working in this system have a completely different approach. In their opinion, good, qualified methodologists, having seen this system, already want to bring it to a level that would allow both archivists and researchers to work comfortably. They are well aware that any system, including the Unified Electronic Document Management System (UEDMS), at the initial stage is rough and they have always been improved. The lack of qualified personnel who are experienced in IT technology is another difficulty that state archives often face. Young people do not go to the regions because of low wages, many prefer to work in central cities and in private companies. At the same time, when connecting the work with departmental organizations (archives) in the E-archive, it was difficult not to receive a response from those organizations. This is because they are fully equipped with the necessary computer technology, and some institutions are not even equipped with ordinary computers. The next difficulty is related to the insufficient development of the methodology. Any information system should not be introduced separately on its own, a methodology should go with it. Along with the methodology, amendments to the existing regulatory legal acts should go in parallel. It is very important to take into account the intersectoral nature of the archival sphere and not to forget the introduction of amendments and additions to all regulatory legal acts relating to part of the work of the E-archive. In general, comments and suggestions for improving the system are transferred to the developers and the supervising body to take into account all Page | 319 the shortcomings with the specifics of the archive. Is it possible to agree with the view of other archivists who argue that due to the untimely adoption of the system, archives do not experience difficulties, understanding the evolution of work processes well and treat them normally? It is important to recall the problem when the developers of the program do not quite know the theory and methodology of archiving, and the need for joint work was obvious. Ensuring the reliability, uninterrupted operation of the system and how the system will cover all areas of the archives’ activities is the prerogative of the E-archive, since there must be uniformity, one platform and everyone must work with a single standard. When working with a single standard, there should be a Document Information Classifier. Most importantly, archivists are striving to develop and learn to respond to the changes brought about by the total impact of computer technology on archives. Third, a modern archivist should be engaged in scientific research. Archivists serve as the golden bridge that connects the past and the present as well as their task is to make sure that the link between various generations is continuous and is not interrupted. This is their historic mission. The advantage of a researcher over an archivist is that he publishes the results of his research and makes them available to the public. The survey data showed that only 6% of archivists have an academic degree while 94% do not. Among them the share of candidate of science is 0.5%, PhD is 0.2%, master is 5.3%. Interestingly, the number of Kazakh archivists with academic degrees did not exceed 1% in the Soviet era and in the first quarter of independence. How can an archivist organize historical research based on the three principles of collection, storage, and use of professional work? Can an archivist help shape history? If possible, will the professional work of an archivist be secondary? An archivist develops the use of documents in archival practice, such as document collections, databases, various thematic queries. In the current situation, Kazakh archivists are familiar with the development of collections of documents as a basis for research. It is carried out as planned. 89% of respondents believe that research work determines the historical role of the archivist as a profession. Historical research is based on archival data. Although archivists are well aware of this, to this day they have not been able to engage in science and research. Although access to historical data is an advantage for archivists, it is important to know the methodology and new areas of research, which requires constant scientific research. Over the years, the transformation of state archives into a state administrative institution has led to a decline in research. The quality of archival work, which is logically disconnected, has also decreased. It has become an institution that fulfills the social needs of citizens in society, the needs of government agencies in the implementation of important activities. Weakening and even cessation of research, Page | 320 scientific and methodological work on archival science and documentation is one of the reasons for the decline in the quality of archives. Another reason is the lack of a thematic manual based on the experience of archivists.17 As a result of the interview, the following was revealed. An archivist can write good instructions, rules, and a memo. To engage in research, either the staff needs to be increased by giving them such an opportunity and at the same time taking into account the desire to do this with archivists. In archival practice, some of the work requires knowledge of the basics of scientific research, for example, when compiling a scientific reference apparatus, each archivist already does this. Today, few leaders have the desire to involve science as archives once treated as scientific institutions and consider this a prerogative. Archives should be closer to science and the status of a researcher should be returned to archivists as before. Archives, in fact, as the center of auxiliary historical disciplines, should be tied to educational and research processes. It is difficult for a modern archivist without a scientific degree to write a large scientific work, therefore, a person with basic scientific knowledge is needed. To write a scientific article, a team of 3-4 specialists is needed and they must be led by a specialist (even an archivist) with a scientific degree. All archivists agree on the motivation of scientific work, for example, receiving a honorarium, and of course this would not prevent the archivist from doing his main work. Now Kazakh archivists are loaded according to the norms at low salaries and it will be additional work to involve them in scientific research, since mental work is primarily research like searching in libraries and archives. The view of the archivists that they need to create a database for historians is interesting. Scientists do not always have the opportunity to work in archives, especially in foreign archives. Archivists should prepare collections of documents on research topics. Despite not having a scientific degree, archivists study the types of documents and their content. An archivist is engaged in scientific research on a daily basis, because getting acquainted with the content of the document and working is a study. This means that they are going through the initial stage of scientific work. There is no limit to the archivist’s interest in science. The advantage of archivists’ research is that they strengthen their knowledge, innovate, communicate with scientists and achieve professional growth. In today’s realities, lack of time and low wages do not allow this. Fourth, in the context of digital transformation, the status of the archive and the modern archivist should be raised. In general, it is necessary to raise the status of archives, with the increase in status, the attitude towards the archives themselves will change. The year is 2022 17 Sarieva & Mustafina, 2019. Page | 321 and the old stereotype still exists. This area is not given much attention. The status of archives in society is underestimated, but with digital transformation it needs to be raised. An archive is an information center. The task of archives is to provide information that everyone needs. To ensure the transparency of the archive to the population in full, which requires the implementation of comprehensive measures at the state level. Until 1996, the authorized body for the management of the archive sector was the Main Archives Department under the Cabinet of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR. Due to the improvement of the administration, the abbreviated archival body was reorganized in 1999 as the Committee for Archives and Documentation Management of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Until 2014, the Committee’s governing body was removed from the Ministry of Culture and remained at the department level, which had a negative impact on archival policy. With the adoption of the program Archive – 2025 in 2020, the following year the Committee for Archival Affairs and Documentation Management was re-established within the Ministry of Culture. In 2018, the Law on the National Archive Fund and Archives legalized the provision of paid services by state archives and the fact that the proceeds will be on the archive balance. However, although the hiring of academic staff is not provided, for the first time the Center for Advanced Training of employees of State Archives was opened under the Ministry of Culture. The Concept for the Development of Archives in the Republic of Kazakhstan for 2001 -2005 identified priorities for long-term development of this sector. The main goal is to transform the National Archives into an information system that meets modern requirements. The processes of collecting, processing, storing, retrieving, and delivering information are complex systems that are logically interconnected. It was planned to create a single information space by gradually automating them with the help of information and archival technologies. In the implementation of this goal, priority was given to improving the situation of archivists and raising the prestige of the profession.18 It is hoped that the revival of the Committee, the opening of the Republican Center for Advanced Training of employees of State Archives will ensure the realization of this goal. Computer technology in archives requires several skills. In this case, let us assess the impact of the diversification of the work of archivists, the combination of several tasks. At first glance, the diversification of work helps develop archivists in every way. They can gain invaluable experience by getting experience from other jobs and doing it responsibly. It is possible to combine technical and creative work and become a professional archivist for some time. The second approach, of course, has a great impact on the quality of work. It leads to poor performance, without completing the actual work. However, the question is how long it will take to learn 18 Government of Kazakhstan, 2001. Page | 322 everything. The third approach is that the work of archives is planned, one has to perform the task for several days. In the state archives, tasks are given from a higher authority, and they are strictly executed. Without performing one function, they do not see a good performer in the archivist, and the management often, without risking the performance of other tasks in the old manner, entrusts the employee who previously performed this at a good level. Over time, an employee, not performing parallel functions, does not develop a skill, experience that would help him advance in the future. All this is connected with interest, you need to motivate something, without motivation there is hardly any movement. Often this leads to such consequences as a negative impact on the quality of work, leading to the ineffectiveness of the assigned task, and as a result, young cadres do not stay long. In recent years, there has been a growing trend of young people in the central archives. According to pragmatic young people, it is better for an archivist to perform the functions assigned to him. There must be adequate staff for quality work. Digitization of priority documents is a requirement of today. However, the adoption of documents, their description, storage, and use are also important. Special attention should be paid to the condition of documents, especially in the field of storage. The survey data confirmed that while 31% of respondents perform the tasks assigned to them, 69% of them are assigned to perform several other tasks in addition to their main job. The order of work in which several tasks are performed simultaneously:         execution of applications – 31% digitization of documents – 22% scientific and technical processing of documents – 14% work with a new founder – 8% publication of documents – 7% media coverage – 4% research – 2% reprography – 1% A very small minority of respondents (1%) reported that they do all the work, because they feel obliged to do additional urgent tasks. At the same time, the topical issue raised by archivists of all state archives is low wages. Only 28% of respondents are satisfied with the salary level whereas 77% are dissatisfied. From the position of archivists, if one looks at the archives from the inside, then each of them has the main areas of activity and each has its own nuances. It does not matter what exactly the archivist does, but it is important that they should know the entire archival system, the complex of archival works. The archivist should not be limited to his functional task, since technology has advanced far in each direction of archival work and, accordingly, they must know the changes in the principles and approaches in the work of other structures. The materials (carriers) of storage have Page | 323 changed and therefore the archivist must be versatile. In safeguarding, they must know the methods of preservation, the operation of large data processing centers (DPCs), how data is stored in local servers and how it is filled in, who fills in and how digitization takes place to fill the servers, how safety is ensured in local servers and how archival documents are issued. The issuing department also uses modern technology. There are a lot of narrowly focused specialists, and in order to get an education, a modern archivist needs to turn to several practitioners in his field. Obviously, in the advanced courses of the Institute of Archival Technologies, archival staff often improve their qualifications in their function and do not try to develop, there is no desire to expand the range of education. They are professionals though. In this regard, it is interesting to explore how IT specialists and analysts work. An analyst who comes to the archive becomes a specialist in all areas and he knows 70-80 percent of the work of each specialist, since he must analyze everything to write an information system. Unfortunately, among archivists there are those who do not deeply know what their colleagues in the archive are doing. Sometimes this leads to misunderstandings and conflicts. In fact, knowing everything is necessary to discuss issues, propose and make an ideal solution. It is impossible to achieve this, while according to the job description, each professional specialist is required to perform four to five functional tasks. During automation, a number of archives faced a problem, although automation meant changing the form of management a little, the form itself is changing, without deviating from the standards prescribed in laws and regulations. In fact, this was only a modification of the work, and according to some archivists, this was perceived as a change in the work itself and the whole mechanism of work would change. This indicated a lack of trust. With knowledge of the work of each section, trust will also appear, which will lead in a logical sequence to the development of the following points. And so training for archivists should be comprehensive. In general, the archivist must know and own everything that the archive does. The views of other archivists on this matter should be noted as well. Sometimes one can hear that all in one voice say archivists must be prepared. In the 1990s, people, who knew the basics of computer literacy, knew Word, Excel, were valued. Often in job advertisements, this could be found. Now there is a tendency towards progress and a whole generation has a powerful command of new technologies, active users of various programs and are well versed in this. Archivists first of all need to get a basic fundamental understanding of the work of the archive, that is, working with documents. Understand the essence of the work, work with the scientific reference apparatus, look for something, find it. On the other hand, while supporting the innovation of Internet technologies, everything is drawn to electronic, information technology, conferences in recent years only about electronic document and electronic archive. The worst thing is that for many people the understanding of the very essence of the archive is lost, firstly, the storage Page | 324 of information and the presentation of this information to society, the acquisition of the archive. A young specialist does not need to be loaded with electronic ones, put him at the computer and he himself will deal with the program in a day. Ultimately, whoever comes to the archive to work in their specialty will have to understand for several years how this mechanism works, what kind of state system works, how files are formed and from what, how the nomenclature of files is compiled. A person must understand how it is formed, by what criteria documents are selected, what is written off, what is transferred to permanent storage, where is valuable information. In the head and in practice, to make an examination of the value of documents. The task of archivists is how to determine for the same historians which document is valuable and how to preserve it so that they can work with these documents. 19 Undoubtedly, all this is based on the academic understanding of the archive, the knowledge of which can be achieved through the acquisition of academic knowledge from archival thought to the theory and methodology of archiving. Conclusions This study contributes to the literature on the possible impact of computer technology on the work of archivists in the context of digital transformation in Kazakhstan. It is worth noting the following. Only a quarter of the total number of Kazakh archivists were involved in this qualitative study, so it is necessary to be careful in interpreting the results. The results are based on information provided by respondents. And it would be useful to observe the long-term study (longitudinal) of real changes in the impact of computer technology on the archives and the work of archivists, their consciousness. However, despite such limitations, a number of important points can be made. First, computer technology has a universal impact on archives and carries a positive character. In the current state of Kazakhstan’s archives, computer technology has a dominant role. Along with their positive impact, the archives took the negative impact as an appeal and showed their readiness to develop a technological methodology without giving up progress. Second, it was found that the difficulties of the archives in the transition to the E-archive are due to shortcomings in the development of the system at the initial stage and the need to correct deficiencies in the work process, as well as the development of new methodologies and amendments to existing legislation. Third, it became clear that modern archivists do scientific research in their work with everyday documents, and their research is primarily a priority for their professional growth, which in turn contributes to the academic development of archives. Fourth, in the context of digital transformation, government support is needed to enhance the status of archives and archivists. As the archive is a center for providing information, the public should 19 Vernon, 1985. Page | 325 be more involved in explaining the meaning of the archive. Archives should become a center for research, a platform for the exchange of archival experience. Academic status should be preserved, and classical education should be its backbone. Innovative technologies should be considered as a tool, and it is important to ensure the combination of traditional methodology and technological methodology. This task can be solved only by archivists who are always ready for new changes associated with the digital transformation, constantly eager for development and innovation. Bibliography Document sources Archives and archivists of Kazakhstan (2015). – Arhivy i arhivisty Kazahstana. 20-21 veka. Sbornik dokumentov i materialov [Archives and archivists of Kazakhstan. XX and XXI centuries Collection of Documents and materials], eds. R.M. Abduali, Zh.T. Bajkash, Almaty: Arhiv Prezidenta RK. Analytical review (2012) – Analiticheskij obzor o razvitii arhivnogo dela v Respublike Kazahstan v 19992010 gg.[Analytical review of the development of archives in the Republic of Kazakhstan in 1999-2010], Moskva: VNIIDAD. 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(2021) ‘Opyt upravlenija dokumentami v gosudarstvennyh organah Respubliki Kazahstan’ [Experience in document management in state bodies of the Republic of Kazakhstan.], in «General'nyy reglament»: 300 let na sluzhbe Rossii: Ot kollezhskogo deloproizvodstva do tsifrovoy transformatsii upravleniya dokumentami: Materialy Mezhdunarodnoy nauchnopraktich. konf. Moskva, RGGU, 14−16 oktyabrya 2020 g. [“General Regulations”: 300 years in the service of Russia: From collegiate office work to digital transformation of document management: Proceedings of the International Scientific and Practical Conference, Moscow, October 14-16, 2020], ed. M.V. Larin, Moskva: Russian State University for the Humanities, 123-132. [in Russian] To cite this article: Yskak, A., Zhumatay, G. (2022). The Impact of Digital Technologies on Kazakh archivists in the Age of Globalization. Historia i Świat 11, 311-327, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.18 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 327 Page | 328 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Tomasz STĘPNIEWSKI (KUL, Lublin, Poland) Russia’s war with Ukraine and Russia’s revisionism on the international stage https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.19 Abstract: Russia’s armed conflict with Ukraine, ongoing since 2014, has created conditions for Russia to revise the balance of power in Eastern Europe, and even the international order established after the Cold War. The aim of this article is firstly to show Ukraine, in a highly synthetic way, as a state at a crossroads but simultaneously a key state in terms of Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet area, then the motives for Russia’s redrawing the post-Cold War international order, taking into account the location and role of Ukraine. The article merely indicates the problem of research, and does not claim the right to comprehensively cover the issue in question. Key words: Russia-Ukraine war, Russia’s revisionism, Ukraine, Russia, Ukraine’s security, Central Europe’s security Introduction The European Union has for many years been facing crises and turning points affecting the shape of its foreign policy, including towards its immediate neighbourhood.1 This neighbourhood, both southern (Mediterranean) and eastern, has in recent years become unstable and begun to create problems for the security of adjacent states and regions. In the case of the southern neighbourhood, we are referring to the war in Syria and the resulting mass migration from that country into EU territory and the areas of the Middle East and North Africa. Meanwhile in the eastern neighbourhood, we are dealing with an armed conflict (hybrid war) between Russia and Ukraine in the Donbas, the annexation of Crimea, and challenges for the security of Eastern Europe, and even of Europe as a whole.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4581-5145. [email protected]; The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin and The Institute of Central Europe in Lublin; The article is a part of the project funded by the Ministry of Education and Science, Republic of Poland, “Regional Initiative of Excellence” in 2019-2022, 028/RID/2018/19, the amount of funding: 11742500 PLN. 1 For more details on the crises for the EU cf.: Zielonka, 2014; Wojtaszczyk & Nadolska, 2015; Stępniewski, 2015b; Grosse, 2008. Page | 329 The present analysis will be concentrated on Ukraine, located geopolitically in Eastern Europe. The states of Eastern Europe, namely Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine (and indirectly those of the Southern Caucasus) are currently positioned between the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance on one side, and an increasingly assertive Russian Federation on the other. In other words, the countries in the eastern neighbourhood of the EU are the subject of international rivalry. Bearing in mind the effects of the international environment on the situation of the countries of Eastern Europe, it should be pointed out that these are mainly the actions of the European Union (and indirectly NATO) and Russia, which is decisively (particularly in recent years: Russia’s war with Georgia in 2008, and since 2014 Russia’s war against Ukraine, which in 2022 transformed into a full-scale conflict) attempting to maintain its sphere of influence in the region of the Commonwealth of Independent states, as well as aiming to alter the balance of power not only on a European, but also global, scale. From the point of view of Russia’s interests in Eastern Europe, it is Ukraine which appears as the country of crucial significance for Russia’s foreign policy. One could risk stating that an unstable or dysfunctional Ukraine is in Russia’s interests. An unstable Ukraine mired in internal conflicts is not an attractive partner (potential membership candidate) for Western structures such as the European Union or NATO. In addition, the Ukrainian crisis (the annexation of Crimea by Russia and the armed conflict in the Donbas since 2014, where Russia has been providing armed assistance to so-called separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk, and the current full-scale war) has created conditions to question the role of Russia in the post-Cold War international order. This article shows Ukraine, in a highly synthetic way, as a state at a crossroads, while also being a key state in terms of Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet area, then the motives for Russia’s redrawing of the post-Cold War international order, taking into account the place and role of Ukraine. The article merely indicates the problem of research, and does not claim the right to comprehensively cover the issue. The significance of Ukraine for the Russian Federation’s international position One of the main geostrategic aims of the Russian Federation in Vladimir Putin’s time is to rebuild its influences on the periphery, which were lost due to the collapse of the USSR. Analysing the actions of Russia with regard to states of Eastern Europe, it should be noted that in spite of 30 years passing since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation still strives to maintain a dominant position in Eastern Europe (more broadly the Commonwealth of Independent States), and applies various means to do so, including military strength in the case of the Russian-Georgian war of August 2008, and the ongoing war against Ukraine in Donbas. Its main objectives remain the desire to reintegrate the post-Soviet space and strengthen the position of Russia as a leader in the region. This is the position of Page | 330 a great power that it is to assure Russia exclusive control over the post-Soviet space, and enable it to realise its role as a global power – one of the axes of power in the new multi-polar international order desired by Russia. In this context, the Eastern European region constitutes a natural area of operation for Russia – a historical field of its vital interests and exclusive influence, as well as an area subject to the policy of reintegration conducted by Russia.2 What is more, the Russian Federation has its own definition of integration, different to that of the West. It is synonymous with a comprehensive reconstruction of Russian domination in the CIS region and a tightening of the strategic dependence of the states in the region on Russia, particularly in the field of economy and regional security. This process should thus not be compared with the integration taking place within the European Union, which by contrast is bottom-up and assumes a community of shared values and interests, voluntary accession and discounting of multilateral benefits.3 In addition, the treatment of the matter of the post-Soviet space as a priority in Russia’s external politics is a result not only of geopolitical factors, but also cultural and historical ones,4 shared security interests, economic ties, the necessity to take care of the Russian diaspora, etc. Matters of prestige are also of exceptional importance for Russia, as manifested in the desire to play the role of a bridge between Asia and Europe. The Eastern Europe region additionally forms a permanent component of Russia’s cultural identity. One symptom of this is the conviction held by Russians themselves that the lands of Great, Little and White Russia and Southern Caucasus, considered separate from the Western cultural ecumene, are indivisible. The importance of this region thus affects the very essence of Russianness and Russia’s self-identification in its new spatial circumstances. In particular, Ukraine and Belarus, are considered by Russia to be a guarantee of its superpower status, as they form a natural frontier between East and West. It is those states which are seen as an integral part of Great Russia from a linguistic, ethno-cultural and historical point of view. This is why the policy towards the so-called ‘near abroad’ is based on the unwavering conviction that their independence should remain simply a temporary phenomenon. It is also worth noticing that there is a shadow cast over Russia’s relations with the EU by the superpower rhetoric and the policy of strongly preferring contacts with the large and powerful countries within the EU itself – Germany, France and Italy – while simultaneously ignoring its remaining member countries, particular those of the former Eastern bloc and the Baltic States. A dismissive and hostile attitude towards the integrational aspirations of the Eastern Europe states (particularly Ukraine) also dominates.5 Based on proper arrangements with the major European powers, Cf. Świder, 2015; Rotfeld, 2012. Włodkowska, 2006. 4 Włodkowska, 2008: 139. 5 On the conflict of interests between the European Union and Russia in their shared neighbourhood see Haukkala, 2015; Youngs, 2017; Korosteleva, 2016. 2 3 Page | 331 the Russian Federation unscrupulously exploits the internal divisions within the EU, and treats them as a tool of political influence. In addition, mutual relations between the EU and Russia contain many elements connected with potential rivalry. Conflicts of interest arising between the politically expanding European Union, which is increasing its international involvement, and a Russia trying to maintain its former sphere of influence in Eastern Europe remain the best examples of this. It is this complex and ambivalent state of the relationships which influences the effectiveness of Russia’s cooperation with the EU, although that cooperation is currently suspended anyway, due to the annexation of Crimea and ongoing conflict in Donbas (sanctions).6 Russian policy towards Ukraine after 24 February, and the migration crisis in Central Europe Russia’s armed conflict with Ukraine changed in February 2022. It was then that Russia launched a full-scale war against Ukraine. Against the Kremlin’s expectations, the first days of the Russian offensive did not result in quick capitulation by Ukraine. The Ukrainian army put up effective resistance to the Russian forces, which experienced major losses in personnel and equipment. The Russians have not succeeded in gaining full control over key cities in Eastern and Central Ukraine. A number of Ukrainian cities continued to be targeted by massed rocket and artillery attacks and bombings. The defenders resisted Russian forces, but were unable to halt the Russian offensive. Attacks carried out on a large scale against civilian targets bear all the hallmarks of war crimes and crimes against humanity, and the International Criminal Court at the Hague has already initiated an investigation in this matter. The European Union and NATO provided assistance to Ukraine, while at the same time sanctions and an escalating boycott of Russia are being increasingly felt by the Russian economy and by ordinary citizens of the Russian Federation. The failure of the offensive on several fronts led the Russian leadership in late March and early April to abandon the idea of occupying Kyiv, and to direct most of their forces towards the south and east of Ukraine. A war of manoeuvres gradually became a positional war. The Russian military applied scorched earth tactics, using massed artillery and missile bombardment to break the resistance of the Ukrainian army and to destroy civilian facilities and critical infrastructure. The change in strategy did not, however, bring the expected results. The Ukrainian armed forces put up fierce resistance at the cost of enormous losses, but nevertheless the Russian army moved systematically forward. Western support in the shape of ammunition and heavy equipment enabled the Ukrainians to gradually reduce the tempo of the Russian offensive, while thanks to new, accurate weaponry they managed to strike Russian arms stockpiles and command points with increasing effectiveness. This has led to 6 More on the significance of the sanctions see Ćwiek-Karpowicz & Secrieru, 2015. Page | 332 a systematic rise in Russian losses in personnel and equipment. A new stage of the Russian invasion commenced in April of this year, which aimed to occupy the entire Luhansk and Donetsk regions but did not prove effective. The Russian offensive lost impetus with each passing week, due to major losses and the low morale of the Russian soldiers fighting Ukrainian forces. The Russians are continuing the strategy adopted in early April, attempting to use mass artillery and rocket bombardment to break the resistance of the Ukrainian military. As highly inaccurate weapons are often used, civilians often fall victim to the attacks. The resistance of the Ukrainian side, which halted the Russian offensive, would have been impossible without enormous mobilisation of society not only in Ukraine, but also in many other European countries. This allowed the accommodation of millions of internally displaced people and forced migrants fleeing the war, and large amounts of humanitarian aid to be provided to those needing it in Ukraine, as well as collections to be organised on various scales to buy military equipment for the Ukrainian armed forces. The most famous examples were the Bayraktar TB2 drones crowdfunded in Lithuania and Poland. Well-known charitable organisations got involved in humanitarian aid, including World Central Kitchen, the Polish Center for International Aid, Polish Humanitarian Action, the Polish Red Cross, Caritas, the Polish Medical Mission. Coordination centres were set up in many cities in Ukraine and the European Union to help refugees and support the Ukrainian military, the Ukrainian health service, etc. The lack of visible Russian successes, massive losses in manpower and equipment, and the unprecedented sanctions have led the Kremlin authorities to soften their position and increasingly signal their readiness to start talks with Ukraine. The Russian Federation is counting on the approaching winter and problems with replacing Russian energy resources causing EU states to change their position and increase their readiness to make concessions to Russia. This would lead to a reduction in military, humanitarian and financial aid to Ukraine, and increase pressure by European politicians on the Ukrainian authorities to start negotiating with Russia and accept the Kremlin’s conditions at least partially. Instead of an ending: the Russian Federation’s revisionism on the international stage7 The collapse of the bi-polar system has meant that a new type of order is currently forming. As Adam D. Rotfeld has noted, power and strength in international relations are dispersed and polycentric in nature. Meanwhile, the rules and norms agreed in the past reflect an international situation which no longer exists, and correspond to the previous situation. Norms and rules need to be adapted to the new 7 More on the topic see Stępniewski, 2015a: 153-166; Gerlach & Ryndzak, 2022: 17-29. Page | 333 international reality shaped by new powers. A type of vacuum is thus created, which the new powers attempt to exploit. Hence we can currently observe the situation where Russia is attempting to unilaterally impose new rules of play on the world. Such a new game without rules is illustrated in the attempt to subjugate Ukraine to the standards of the Russian World.8 Autumn 2013 saw the start of protests in Ukraine known as the Euromaidan, which led to geopolitical changes in Eastern Europe,9 and indirectly to the outbreak of armed conflict between Russian and Ukraine. However it is difficult to understand the causes of the Ukrainian crisis without referring to the evolution of Russia’s foreign policy and the way it has perceived international relations in recent years. Richard Sakwa considers that Russia’s policy has recently evolved towards revisionism, which has led to the confrontation on the territory of Ukraine.10 The author believes that the change in Russian policy has at least four causes. Firstly, it was influenced by the gradual worsening of relations with the EU. Secondly, of key importance was the successive fragmentation of the Europe-wide security system in which Russia could operate as an autonomous partner in collaboration with the West. Thirdly, Russia and many more rising powers, such as China, were undermining American claims of exceptionalism and global leadership. Fourthly, one catalyst for Russian revisionism was the ideology of ‘democratism’, which differs from the practice of actual democracy. R. Sakwa thus considers that Russia is convinced that the promotion of democracy constitutes a cover for the West to realise its strategic goals.11 With regard to the views of R. Sakwa, it can be assumed that revisionism does not mean an attempt to completely destroy the existing international order, but a desire for all the powers to adhere to the international rules of the game and to respect the equal status of Russia within the system.12 Lilia Szewcowa, meanwhile, believes that Russia’s anti-Western policy is influenced by several external factors: 1) the naivety of the West (it is generally considered that help given to Boris Yeltsin would lead to the democratisation of Russia); 2) collaboration with Russia at the cost of abandoning Western values (that liberal democracy ceased to be a role model for Russia is one of the most disastrous phenomena of the past 20 years): 3) Russia was unable to seize the opportunity after its defeat in the Cold War to transform into a state of law.13 In addition, Lilia Szewcowa considers that in relations between Russia and the liberal West, Vladimir Putin’s policy is leading to a search for balance between cooperation and prevention. In her view, prevention has three dimensions: 1) preventing expansion of the West’s geopolitical activities in Eurasia (slogans such 8 Cf. Rotfeld, 2014: 46. For more on the topic see Ochmann & Wojas, 2016: 89-110; Grzebyk, 2014: 19-37; Stępniewski, 2015b: 11-25; Ekengren, 2018: 503-519. 10 Sakwa, 2015: 30. 11 Sakwa, 2015: 31-34. 12 Sakwa, 2015: 34. 13 Szewcowa, 2015. 9 Page | 334 as stop stationing NATO forces in Eastern Europe and the Baltic States, stop offering former-Soviet states EU membership); 2) inducing the West to accept the spheres of influence in that region; 3) blocking any channels of Western influence on Russia’s internal affairs.14 Apart from the statements quoted above, there is an opinion which is rather commonly repeated not only among Russian politicians, but also Russian analysts, that Russian’s revisionism in the international arena in recent years has resulted from the United States of America creating a ‘unipolar world’ and strengthening American hegemony in Europe. This is why Lilia Szewcowa rightly states that Russian decision-makers believe that “the West should see Russia as a global power and recognise its energy interests, for example by granting guarantees to Gazprom or extending Nord Stream II. Russia additionally expects of the West that it will forget about the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbas, and lift the sanctions for breaching the Minsk Agreement”.15 In conclusion, it may be stated that there is a discrepancy protocol between Russia and the European Union with regard to Eastern Europe (rivalry over the immediate neighbourhood, energy matters, the rules of economic cooperation, and also questions of democracy, human rights and civic freedoms). This raises the question of the place of Ukraine in this rivalry between the powers over the future balance of power in this part of Europe. In addition, can Russia’s revisionism (with the participation of other powers, such as China) by means of the full-scale war in Ukraine, and previously in Syria, lead to the appearance of a post-unipolar international order? Bibliography Ćwiek-Karpowicz, J., Secrieru, S. (eds.) (2015) Sankcje i Rosja. Warszawa: Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych. Ekengren, M. (2018) ‘A return to geopolitics? The future of the security community in the Baltic Sea Region’, Global Affairs 4.4-5: 503-519. https://doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2018.1535250 Gerlach, I., Ryndzak, O. (2022) ‘Ukrainian migration crisis caused by the war’, Studia Europejskie – Studies in European Affairs 2: 17-29. Grosse, T.G. (2008) Europa na rozdrożu. Warszawa: Instytut Spraw Publicznych. Grzebyk, P. (2014) ‘Aneksja Krymu przez Rosję w świetle prawa międzynarodowego’, Sprawy Międzynarodowe 1: 19-37. 14 Szewcowa, 2015. On the Minsk I and Minsk II agreements in more detail see Stępniewski, 2016; Piskorska, 2016: 223, 242-243. 15 Page | 335 Haukkala, H. (2015) ‘From Cooperative to Contested Europe? The Conflict in Ukraine as a Culmination of a Long-Term Crisis in EU–Russia Relations’, Journal of Contemporary European Studies 23.1: 25-40. https://doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2014.1001822 Korosteleva, E. (2016) ‘The European Union, Russia and the Eastern region: The analytics of government for sustainable cohabitation’, Cooperation and Conflict 51.3: 365-383. https://www.jstor.org/stable/ 48512909 Ochmann, P., Wojas, J. (2016) ‘Zagadnienia prawne rosyjskiej interwencji zbrojnej na Krymie w 2014 r.’, Sprawy Międzynarodowe 1: 89-110. Piskorska, B. (2016) ‘Między retoryką a rzeczywistością: relacje Ukrainy z Unią Europejską w kontekście kryzysu na Ukrainie 2013/2014’, in Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie 1991-2014. Próba bilansu, eds. M. Pietraś, M. Malskyj, B. Surmacz, Lublin: Wydawnictwo UMCS, 223-244. Rotfeld, A.D. (2012) Myśli o Rosji ...i nie tylko: eseje i wywiady. Warszawa: Świat Książki. Rotfeld, A.D. (2014) ‘Porządek międzynarodowy. Parametry zmiany’, Sprawy Międzynarodowe 4: 31-54. Sakwa, R. (2015) Frontline Ukraine: Crisis in the Borderlands. London & New York: I.B.Tauris. Stępniewski, T. (2015a) ‘Wojna Ukrainy o niepodległość, pamięć i tożsamość’, Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 13.2: 153-166. Stępniewski, T. (2015b) ‘Unia Europejska, Ukraina i Rosja: kryzysy i bezpieczeństwo’, Studia Europejskie 4 (76): 11-25. Stępniewski, T. (2016) ‘Konflikt zbrojny Rosji z Ukrainą i negocjacje pokojowe w Mińsku’, Studia Europejskie 3(79): 43-59. Szewcowa, L. (2015) ‘Polem gry Kremla jest chaos’ [http://wyborcza.pl/magazyn/1,145325,18248326, Polem_gry_Kremla_jest_chaos.html#TRwknd; accessed Juni 27, 2017]. Świder, K. (2015) Rosyjska świadomość geopolityczna a Ukraina i Białoruś (po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego). Warszawa: Instytut Studiów Politycznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk. Włodkowska, A. (2006) Polityka Federacji Rosyjskiej na obszarze WNP. Toruń: Adam Marszałek. Włodkowska, A. (2008) ‘Polityka Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Wspólnoty Niepodległych Państw’, in Polityka zagraniczna Rosji, eds. S. Bieleń, M. Raś, Warszawa: Difin, 128-130. Wojtaszczyk, K.A., Nadolska, J. (eds.) (2015) Kryzysy w procesie integracji europejskiej i sposoby ich przezwyciężania. Warszawa: Aspra. Youngs, R. (2017) ‘Is ‹‹Hybrid Geopolitics›› the Next EU Foreign Policy Doctrine?’ [https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2017/06/19/is-hybrid-geopolitics-the-next-eu-foreign-policy-doctrine/; accessed July 7, 2017]. Zielonka, J. (2014) Koniec Unii Europejskiej?. Warszawa: Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych. To cite this article: Stępniewski, T., (2022). Russia’s war with Ukraine and Russia’s revisionism on the international stage. Historia i Świat 11, 329-336, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.19 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 336 REVIEWS AND POLEMICS Page | 337 Page | 338 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Erich KETTENHOFEN (University of Trier, Germany) Heinz Fähnrich, Die Könige der Parnawasiden. Georgien in der Weltgeschichte, Wiesbaden: Reichert-Verlag, 2020, ISBN: 978-3-9549-0525-6 https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.20 Heinz Fähnrich (* 1941) hatte in Jena bis zu seiner Emeritierung den einzigen Lehrstuhl für Kaukasiologie an einer deutschen Universität inne. Er ist durch zahlreiche Arbeiten aus diesem Forschungsgebiet hervorgetreten, darunter die Kurze Grammatik der georgischen Sprache.1 Auch zahlreiche georgische Märchen hat er ins Deutsche übersetzt. Er ist somit ein ausgewiesener Kenner der georgischen Sprache und Literatur.2 Im Jahr 2020 wurde sein 121 Seiten fassendes Büchlein Die Könige der Parnawasiden. Georgien in der Weltgeschichte publiziert. Ein knappes Vorwort (S. 7-8) streicht den Beitrag Georgiens (georgisch: Sakartvelo) zur Weltkultur heraus.3 Ausführlichst wird die landschaftliche Gliederung Georgiens (S. 9-27) beschrieben.4 Da keinerlei Kartenmaterial beigegeben wird und auch nicht auf Kartenwerke verwiesen wird,5 steht der/die Leser/in etwas ratlos vor einer wahren Namensflut. Nur wenigen wird der dynastische Namen ‘Parnawasiden’ bekannt sein. Es ist die erste Herrscherdynastie, die Das Leben Kartlis mit Parnawas beginnen lässt, dessen Vater angeblich von Alexander d. Gr. getötet worden sein soll.6 Sie soll bis ins 6. Jh. n. Chr. regiert haben. Abgelöst wurde sie später von den Bagratiden. Auch wenn diese Quelle eine lückenlose Herrscherliste mit über 40 Namen bietet,7 ist keineswegs  Abteilung Alte Geschichte, [email protected] 1 Leipzig, 21987. Ich benutze hier die Transliterationstabelle dieser Grammatik. Hier im Folgenden als Vf. zitiert. Weitere Informationen: [https://de.wikipedia.org/w/index.php? title=Heinz_Fähnrich&oldid=199217000; Zugriff: 13.07.2022] 3 In der älteren georgischen Historiographie Kartli genannt: Mokcevay Kartlisaj = Die Bekehrung Kartlis sowie Kartlis Cxovreba = Das Leben Kartlis. 4 Bedeutsam ist die Differenzierung in Westgeorgien, später auch Egrisi genannt, und Ostgeorgien, das in hellenistischen und römischen Quellen ‘Iberien’ genannt wird (vgl. S. 17). 5 Vgl. etwa: Atlas gruzinskoj sovetskoj socialističeskoj respubliki, Tbilisi/Moskva 1964. 6 Ich übernehme die Schreibung der Namen von G. Pätsch (Hg.), Das Leben Kartlis. Eine Chronik aus Georgien 300-1200, Sammlung Dieterich 330, Leipzig 1985. 7 Siehe die Übersicht bei Pätsch (hier Anm. 6), S. 493-496. 2 Page | 339 ausgemacht, dass alle als historische Herrschergestalten gelten dürfen. Allein manch lange Regierungszeiten werfen stärkste Zweifel auf; so soll Parnawas 65 Jahre ungestört regiert haben, was Vf. unbesehen übernimmt.8 Von der Länge der Regierungszeit seines Sohnes Saurmag heißt es bei Rayfield: “Saurmag, too, is assigned a reign of pentateuchal length, from 234 to 159 BC”.9 Von Aderki, dem 10. König der Liste, räumt Vf. immerhin ein: “Der Überlieferung nach soll Aderki 57 Jahre lang in Mzcheta regiert haben” (S. 46). In der chronologischen Tafel auf S. 107 des Buches geht er Kardsam (Kartam) und Bratman (Bartom) voraus, die Vf. (S. 107) in die 60er Jahre des 2. Jhs. v. Chr. datiert; im ersten Jahr der Herrschaft Aderkis soll aber bereits Jesus Christus geboren worden sein,10 und unter den ihm folgenden Herrschern soll der römische Kaiser Vespasian Jerusalem zerstört haben.11 Solche Widersprüche sind nicht aufzulösen, und es ist verlorene Mühe, den Königen jeweils approximative Daten beizugeben, wie dies Vf. tut. Noch problematischer wird das Unterfangen, wenn inschriftliche Funde iberische Könige nennen, die die georgische Überlieferung nicht kennt, wie Ξηφαρνούγου (Gen.) in der aramäisch-griechischen Bilingue aus Armazi (SEG 52, 2002, Nr. 1508).12 Der/die Leser/in wird leider auf die Fragwürdigkeit dieser Überlieferung nicht hingewiesen.13 Der Abschnitt Die Vorgeschichte der Parnawasiden (S. 28-34) reicht weit bis in das 11. Jh. v. Chr. zurück, als die Assyrer nach Norden vorstießen. Die erwähnten Diaochi (Daiaeni) (S. 30) stehen jedoch in keinem genealogischen Zusammenhang mit den ‘Parnawasiden’. Später werden die Diaochi von den Urartäern unterworfen.14 Die Anfänge der Parnawasiden-Dynastie (S. 35-48) bietet großenteils eine Paraphrase des entsprechenden Abschnitts im Leben Kartlis, teilweise mit Ausschmückungen. Sie umfasst die ersten 16 Königsherrschaften, die Vf. auf S. 107 seines Buches zusammengestellt hat. Immerhin räumt er zahlreiche Unklarheiten in der Abfolge der georgischen Könige ein (S. 48). U. Hartmann hat vor wenigen Jahren mit Recht von einer “weitgehend legendären Überlieferung” gesprochen.15 Ein Textvergleich mit der 1993 vom Vf. publizierten Arbeit zur Geschichte Georgiens ergab das verblüffende Resultat, das in diesem Kapitel bereits größere Vgl. Pätsch (hier Anm. 6), S. 76 sowie Vf., S. 41. Man beachte auch den Anachronismus: “und er diente Antiochos, dem König von Assyrien”. 9 Vgl. D. Rayfield, Edge of Empires. A History of Georgia, London 2012, S. 24. Vf. (S. 44) übernimmt einen gravierenden Anachronismus: “Wie sein Vater erkannte Saurmag die Oberhoheit des Königs von Assyrien an”. Das assyrische Reich war bereits 610 v. Chr. untergegangen. 10 Vgl. Pätsch (hier Anm. 6), S. 88. 11 Vgl. Pätsch (hier Anm. 6), S. 101. 12 Die aramäische Namensform in Z. 5 lautet ‫חסיפרנוג‬. 13 Die Darlegungen auf S. 41 können dies keinesfalls entkräften. 14 Näheres u.a. bei M. Salvini, Geschichte und Kultur der Urartäer, Darmstadt 1995, besonders S. 55-59. 15 U. Hartmann, ‘Iberien in der Historia Augusta’, in: Iberien zwischen Rom und Iran. Beiträge zur Geschichte und Kultur Transkaukasiens in der Antike. Hg. v. F. Schleicher, T. Stickler und U. Hartmann, Oriens et Occidens 29, Stuttgart 2019, S. 25-68, hier S. 28 Anm. 11. 8 Page | 340 Textabschnitte wortwörtlich in die neuere Monographie übernommen wurde, ohne dies näher zu kennzeichnen.16 Stärker wird nun vom Vf. die Entstehung der georgischen Schrift bereits in vorchristlicher Zeit herausgestellt.17 J. Assfalg, ein exzellenter Kenner Georgiens, datierte die ältesten Inschriften hingegen in die Mitte des 5. Jhs. n. Chr.18 Sehr knapp ist das Kapitel Die Römer in Iberien (S. 49-52) gehalten, wiederum textnah zum entsprechenden Abschnitt in der Monographie von 1993.19 Behandelt wird lediglich das Vorrücken des Cn. Pompeius im Jahr 65 v. Chr. in Iberien, dessen König nun auch in der griechisch-römischen Überlieferung erwähnt wird.20 Hier liegt erstmals eine recht ausführliche Schilderung des Angriffs des Pompeius vor.21 Iberien gerät nun in den römischen Machtbereich, Von “einem zermürbenden und für die Römer verlustreichen Kleinkrieg” (so Vf., S. 50) wissen die römischen Quellen hingegen nichts. Die Überschrift des nächsten Abschnitts Iberien in der Antike und Spätantike (S. 53-66) ist insoweit missverständlich, da die Darstellung mit dem Regierungsantritt Mireans (Mirians) als König in Iberien endet, der nach der Liste der Parnawasidenkönige auf S. 108 in das Jahr 298 n. Chr. zu datieren ist. Die Behandlung der römisch iberischen Beziehungen im 2. Jh. n. Chr. – wiederum in starker Anlehnung, manchmal in fast wörtlicher Übernahme des Textes aus dem Jahr 1993 – ist knapp gehalten, allerdings mit manchen Übertreibungen der Stärke Iberiens.22 Wann sich später “freundschaftliche Beziehungen” (S. 64) entwickelten, bleibt im Dunkeln; jedenfalls wird unter den 67 Würdenträgern am Hof Šāhpuhrs I. im Jahr 262 16 H. Fähnrich, Geschichte Georgiens von den Anfängen bis zur Mongolenherrschaft, Aachen 1993 (200 S.). Umfangreiche Teile dieser Arbeit sind wiederum in die große Geschichte Georgiens übernommen worden, die im Jahr 2010 erschien (Handbook of Oriental Studies: Section B. Central Asia 21, Leiden u.a.). Dort ist Die Dynastie der Parnawasiden auf den Seiten 88-147 abgehandelt. Hier habe ich auf einen Textvergleich verzichtet. Es muss verwundern, dass keines der beiden Werke im Literaturverzeichnis aufgeführt wird. 17 Vgl. Vf. (1993), S. 109-110 sowie (2020), S. 41-43. 18 J. Assfalg, ‘Georgische Inschriften’, in: Kleines Lexikon des Christlichen Orients. 2. Aufl. des Kleinen Wörterbuches des Christlichen Orients. Hg. v. H. Kaufhold, Wiesbaden 2007, S. 167. Vgl. jetzt auch den vorzüglichen Überblick von F. Schleicher in seiner Habilitationsschrift: Iberia Caucasica. Ein Kleinkönigreich im Spannungsfeld großer Imperien, Forum historische Forschung‖Antike, Stuttgart 2021, S. 365-373. 19 Dort S. 55-58. 20 ᾽Αρτώκης ὁ ᾽Ιβήρων bei Appian (Mithridateion, Kap. 103). In Eutrops Breviarium heißt er Artacen (Akk.) (VI 14). Im Leben Kartlis heißt der König Artag, doch ist die Überlieferung eine ganz andere; vgl. Pätsch (hier Anm. 6), S. 82-83. 21 Vgl. neben den hier in Anm. 20 genannten Quellenbelegen Cass. Dio, Römische Geschichte, Buch 37, Kap. 1-3 sowie Plutarch, Pompeius, Kap. 34. Vgl. die knappe Darstellung bei M. Gelzer, Pompeius. Lebensbild eines Römers. Neudruck der Ausgabe von 1984 mit einem Forschungsüberblick und einer Ergänzungsbibliographie von E. Herrmann-Otto, Stuttgart 2005, S. 88 sowie jüngst B. Bäbler, ‘Pompeius im Kaukasus’, in: Iberien zwischen Rom und Iran (hier Anm. 15), S. 15-24. 22 Vgl. etwa S. 55: “Iberien war zur stärksten Macht in Vorderasien geworden, und alle Versuche der Parther, Iberiens Macht zu brechen, endeten mit Niederlagen. Selbst als in Persien die Sassaniden die Regierung übernahmen, konnten sie Iberien nicht in die Knie zwingen”. Vgl. jetzt die quellenmäßig ausgezeichnet belegte Darstellung von U. Hartmann (hier Anm. 15). Page | 341 an vierter Stelle König Hamazasp von Iberien angeführt.23 Nicht in verlässlichen historischen Quellen belegt sind die Darlegungen des Vf. (S. 65): “Gegen Ende seiner Regierungszeit [das Datum kennen wir nicht, E.K.] kämpfte er im Bündnis mit den Persern gegen die Römer, auf deren Seiten die Truppen Westgeorgiens, die Armenier und die Osseten standen”. Rom sei es in dieser Zeit gelungen, “seine Herrschaft im Orient weiterauszubauen”,24 und so hätte Iberien, “um seine Unabhängigkeit zu bewahren”, eine “Wahl zwischen den beiden Gegnern treffen” müssen.25 Roms Einfluss wurde erst durch die Niederlage der Sāsāniden im Jahr 297 stärker und in den Verhandlungen setzte Rom durch, dass Iberien wieder ein römischer Klientelstaat wurde; es war nicht Iberien, das “das weiter entfernte Rom als Bündnispartner gegen das unmittelbar seine Grenze bedrohende Persien” wählte.26 Auf der georgischen Überlieferung fußt auch der letzte Abschnitt: Rew, der Sohn von Amazasps Schwester, sei Nachfolger Hamazasps geworden; Er habe eine Frau aus dem Imperium Romanum geheiratet, und auch seine Nachfolger Watsche, Bakur, Mirdat und Aspagur seien römisch orientiert gewesen.27 Aspagur, der keinen Sohn gehabt habe, sei im Feldzug gegen die Perser gefallen – mit ihm starben die Könige von Kartli aus dem Geschlecht der Parnawasiden aus28 –, und da “die Perser damals gerade wieder einmal militärische und politische Erfolge in Armenien gehabt hatten, wandten sich die Eristawen Iberiens29 an den Herrscher Persiens und baten ihn, einen seiner Söhne als König in Mzcheta einzusetzen und ihn mit Aspagurs Tochter zu vermählen”.30 So wurde der Sohn des Sāsānidenkönigs, Mirian (Mihran), König in Iberien. Er habe sich aber, trotz seiner persischen Abstammung, am Ende seiner Regierung, die Vf. in das Jahr 334 datiert,31 mit dem Römischen Reich verbündet. Dies sollte hier einmal ausführlich dargelegt werden, um die fragile Quellenbasis der Darstellung des Vf. zu dokumentieren.32 ŠKZ, mp., Z. 30f (᾽mcspy wlwc᾽n MLK᾽), pa., Z. 25 (hmz᾽sp wyršn MLK᾽), gr., Z. 60 (᾽Αμαζάσπου τοῦ βασιλέως τῆς ᾽Ιβηρίας). Diese und weitere Zeugnisse sind in die Prosopographie von U. Weber übernommen worden. Vgl. www.dr-ursula-weber.de/Prosopographie; Zugriff: 13.08.2022. 24 So ebenfalls S. 65. Viele der Aussagen auf dieser Seite sind quellenkritisch äußerst fragwürdig. 25 So ebenfalls S. 65. 26 So ebenfalls S. 65, Vgl. hingegen A. Demandt, Die Spätantike. Römische Geschichte von Diokletian bis Justinian 284-565 n. Chr., HAW III 6, München 22007, S. 65 mit Anm. 76. 27 Vgl. Vf., S. 66 sowie die Liste der Parnawasiden-Könige auf den Seiten 107-108. 28 Vgl. Pätsch (hier Anm. 6), S. 118. 29 Pätsch (hier Anm. 6), S. 489: “wörtlich >Herzog<, Bedeutungswandel vom Stammesführer zum Feudalfürsten”. 30 So Vf., S. 66. 31 Vgl. Vf. S. 108: “Mirean (Mirian) 298-334”? 32 Vgl. meinen Betrag ‘Die kaukasischen Reiche’, in: Die Zeit der Soldatenkaiser. Krise und Transformation des Römischen Reiches im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. Bd. I. Hg. v. K.-P. Johne, Berlin 2008, S. 475-500, näherhin S. 490-493 und zu Aspagurs Regierungszeit jüngst F. Schleicher, ‘Die Chronologie der k‘art‘velischen Könige. Das Ende des iberischen Königtums’, in: Iberien zwischen Rom und Iran (hier Anm. 15), S. 69-98, hier S. 70-73. Wie georgische Forscher zögern, die Abhängigkeit Iberiens vom Sāsānidenreich in der 2. Hälfte des 3. Jhs. einzugestehen, hatte ich in meiner Habilitationsschrift aufzuzeigen versucht: Tirdād und die Inschrift von Paikuli. Kritik der Quellen zur Geschichte Armeniens im späten 3. und frühen 4. Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden 1995, S. 22-23. 23 Page | 342 In diesem Abschnitt hat Vf. lesenswerte Informationen zusammengetragen zu Baukunst, Infrastruktur, Bautätigkeit, die später (S. 93-101) eigens noch behandelt wird, zum altgeorgischen Pantheon, zu Metall- und Glasgewinnung, Bestattungsarten, Gräberformen, Grabbeigaben, Kultstätten und Theaterkunst (S. 55-64), verständlicherweise ohne die christliche Architektur, Malerei und Goldschmiedekunst. In Die Christianisierung Georgiens (S. 67-72) referiert Vf., wiederum in starker Anlehnung an seine Darstellung von 1993 (S. 76-82), die Legende von der Heiligen Nino nach der georgischen Überlieferung. Mit dem Christentum werden neue Formen der Architektur notwendig, über die Vf. knapp informiert: Die schwierige Quellenlage zur Christianisierung wird nicht diskutiert, deren älteste Spuren in der Kirchengeschichte des Rufinus von Aquileja (X 11) für uns greifbar werden, die sich wiederum auf die verlorene Kirchengeschichte des Gelasius von Kaisareia stützte.33 Die Unsicherheit in der Datierung der Erstbekehrung bleibt unberücksichtigt: König Mirean (Mirian) habe in den 30er Jahren des 4. Jhs. n. Chr. das Christentum zur offiziellen Religion in Iberien erklärt (S. 67-68), nach dem Vorbild Konstantins I., der als erster Kaiser das Christentum in seinem Reich zur Staatsreligion erklärt haben soll, eine Behauptung, die leider durch ihre häufige Wiederholung nicht wahrer wird. Neu gegenüber der Fassung von 1993 ist ein Abschnitt über Der alte Glaube der Georgier (S. 73-80), in dem sich Vf. auf einen Beitrag seiner Lehrerin G. Pätsch stützen kann.34 Äußerst knapp ist der Abschnitt Das christliche Iberien im Kampf gegen die Perser (S. 81-83), wo Vf. bewusst die georgischen Überlieferung bevorzugt35 gegenüber den zeitgenössischen Informationen, die Ammianus Marcellinus im 27. und 30. Buch seiner Römischen Geschichte bietet: Šāhpuhr II. (Ammian: Sapor) vertrieb den von den Römern eingesetzten König Sauromaces – ihn kennt die georgische Überlieferung nicht – und ersetzt ihn durch seinen Vetter Aspacures (XXVII 12.4).36 Um 370 n. Chr. wird Sauromaces nach Iberien zurückgeführt, wo er sich mit Aspacures die Herrschaft mit Billigung des Kaisers Valens teilt, was Šāhpuhr II. nicht Vgl. jetzt J. Rist, ‘Nino versus Gregor. Die Christianisierung Iberiens im Vergleich zu Armenien’, in: Iberien zwischen Rom und Iran (hier Anm. 15), S. 201-221, besonders S. 209-217. Immer noch brauchbar ist die knappe Übersicht in: O. Lordkipanidse & H. Brakmann, ‘Iberia II (Georgien)’, Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum XVII, 1, 1994, Sp. 12-106, näherhin Sp. 40-54. 34 G. Pätsch, ‘Über georgisches Heidentum’, Bedi Kartlisa 31, 1973, S. 207-224. Vgl. auch die neuere Arbeit des Vf., In den Bergen der Götter. Alte Glaubensvorstellungen, Überlieferungen und Bräuche bei den Georgiern des Kaukasus, Wiesbaden 2009 (non vidi). 35 Vgl. die Übersetzung bei Pätsch (hier Anm. 6), S. 187-190. 36 In der Liste der Parnawasiden-Könige auf S. 108 wird zu Bakar – seine Regierungszeit gibt Vf. mit 368/69 – 383 an – noch die Namensformen Waras-Bakar (die Namensform des 27. Königs des Lebens Kartlis; vgl. Pätsch [hier Anm. 6], S. 189), Waras-Bakur wie Aspagur, eine verräterische Harmonisierung des Vf. Im 2021 erschienenen Band (vgl. meine Rezension in Historia i Świat 11, 2022, 347-354) wird dann (S. 222) Saurmag eingeführt: “Um 368. König v. Iberien”? 33 Page | 343 akzeptiert, bis schließlich das gesamte Iberien unter Aspacures in die Einflusssphäre der Sāsāniden gerät (XXX 2.2-7).37 Ein eigener Abschnitt ist Wachtang Gorgasal gewidmet (S. 84-92), dem Idealkönig der späteren georgischen Literatur.38 Die Lebensbeschreibung soll von Džuanšer (vielleicht 8. Jh.) stammen und wurde später ein Teil der Sammlung Kartlis cxovreba.39 Andere Quellen, die den Ereignissen viel näherstanden, wie Priskos von Panion, dessen Werk allerdings nur in Fragmenten auf uns gekommen ist,40 sowie die Geschichte Armeniens (Պատմութիւն Հայոց) des Łazar Pՙarpecՙi aus dem späten 5. Jh. n. Chr. hat Vf. nicht herangezogen. Viele Fragen bleiben nach wie vor ungelöst, betrachtet man allein die unterschiedlichen Datierungsvorschläge für Wachtangs Regierungszeit.41 Ausführlich wird ‘Die Ära Vaxtang Gorgasali’ nun bei F. Schleicher behandelt, die Vf. noch nicht bekannt sein konnte.42 Der folgende Abschnitt ist der Bautätigkeit unter den Parnawasiden (S. 93 -101) gewidmet, der die Vertrautheit des Vf. mit der Topographie und Geographie Georgiens dokumentiert, aber durch das Fehlen jeglicher Karten und Skizzen ähnlich unanschaulich ist wie dasjenige über die landschaftliche Gliederung Georgiens auf den Seiten 9-27. Die Geschichtswerke Georgiens werden gebührend ausgewertet, ohne dass bisweilen nach ihrer historischen Zuverlässigkeit gefragt wird. Die Tendenz, Bau der Städte, Burgen und Festungen schon in die Zeit vor dem Dynastiegründer Parnawas zu datieren, ist ebenso spürbar.43 Die Datierung der Inschriften aus diesem Ort in die vorchristliche Zeit (S. 98-99) bleibt weiter umstritten.44 Ganz knapp ist Die Zeit nach Wachtang Gorgasal behandelt (S. 102-104). Nach der Chronologie des Vf. endet im Jahr 537 n. Chr. das Königtum in Iberien.45 Vf. folgt wieder den georgischen Quellen, weiß jedoch den bei Prokop genannten Gourgenes46 nicht in der Königsliste zu platzieren (S. 102). Schon der alte Lexikonartikel von O. Seeck hat das Wesentliche festgehalten: ‘Aspacures’, RE II 2, 1896, 1709. 38 So Lordkipanidse & Brakmann (hier Anm. 33), Sp. 36 im Anschluss an B. Martin-Hisard (zit. in Sp. 102). 39 73 Seiten fasst die Übersetzung von Pätsch (hier Anm. 6), S. 201-273. 40 Vgl. dazu: Priscus of Panium, in: R. C. Blockley, The Fragmentary Classicising Historian of the Later Roman Empire. Eunapius, Olympiodorus, Priscus and Malchus, ARCA 6, Liverpool 1981, S. 48-70. 41 So weist ihm Rayfield (hier Anm. 9), S. 436 unglaubliche 75 Jahre zu [447-522], Vf., S. 108, gibt 438-491 als Daten an, J. Assfalg, ‘Georgische Kirche’, in: Kleines Lexikon (hier Anm. 18), S. 167-170, hier S. 168 die Jahre 446-499. Vgl. auch jüngst Schleicher (hier Anm. 18), S. 163 Anm. 602. Identifiziert man ihn mit dem Gurgenes (Γουργένης) bei Prokop, Perserkriege, I 12.4-5. 10-13; II 28.20), was allerdings unwahrscheinlich ist (vgl. Schleicher [hier Anm. 32], S. 81; anders PLRE II, S. 527), müsste er noch den Regierungsantritt des Kaisers Iustin I. (518-527 n. Chr.) erlebt haben. 42 Vgl. Schleicher (hier Anm. 18), S. 147-166. 43 Vgl. etwa S. 98 zu Nekresi/Nelkarisi in Kachetien. 44 Schleicher (Anm. 18) hat jüngst, wie gezeigt, erhebliche Zweifel geäußert; vgl. dort S. 359-365. 45 Vgl. Vf., S. 108: “48. Bakur 535-537 [letzter König]”. 46 Vgl. hier Anm. 41. 37 Page | 344 Die Zuordnung des in der Chronik des Theophanes genannten Königs Zamanarsos und des in der Vita Peter des Iberers genannten Bosmarios48 stellt weitere Probleme.49 Das Ende der Dynastie ist das letzte Kapitel der Darstellung umschrieben (S. 105-106). Der Titel ist problematisch, da die Könige aus dem Geschlecht der Parnawasiden mit Aspagur, so Kartlis cxovreba50 ausstarben. Mit Mirian, dem Sohn des Perserkönigs Kasre, folgten die ‘Chosroiden’.51 Vf. listet im Anschluss die Parnawasidenkönige auf (S. 107-108), ein methodisch höchst unbefriedigendes Unterfangen, da die Glaubwürdigkeit der lückenlosen Herrscherliste alles andere als gesichert ist, worauf ich hier bereits hinwies, Namen von iberischen Königen, die nur anderweitig belegt sind, in der Liste zusätzlich platziert werden wie Kseparnug (Chseparnug) oder Aspacures, dem von Ammianus Marcellinus erwähnten König (XXVII 12.4.16; XXX 2.2), unter dem georgischen Namen Aspagur dem Namen Bakars als weiteren Namen hinzufügt. Die Daten, die Vf. gelegentlich beigibt, verdienen ebenfalls wenig Vertrauen. Meines Erachtens wäre es wertvoller gewesen, die Namen und die Daten, die man aus verlässlichen Quellen gewinnen kann, einzeln aufzulisten. So erwähnt etwa Cassius Dio in seiner Römischen Geschichte (49.24.1) König Pharnabazos (Φαρνάβαζος), den der Feldherr P. Canidius Crassus im Jahr 36 v. Chr. als Bundesgenossen gewinnen kann. Im Jahr 262 n. Chr., als die sogenannten Res Gestae Divi Saporis an der Kaʻbe-ye Zartošt angebracht wurden, war König Hamazasp von Iberien ein hoher Würdenträger am Sāsānidenhof.52 In der Armenischen Geschichte des Łazar Pʻarpecʻi lesen wir in Kap. 66, dass im 25. Jahr des sāsānidischen Königs Pērōz Vaḫṭang (Վախթանգ) den ‘ruchlosen’ 47 47 Vgl. Schleicher (hier Anm. 32), S. 75, dort in Anm. 25 auch zu den unterschiedlichen Schreibungen in den Parallelzeugnissen. 48 Vgl. dazu ausführlich jetzt Schleicher (Anm. 18), S. 132-137. 49 Vf. bietet die Namen nicht in der Liste der Parnawasidenkönige auf S. 108. Zu dem dort unter Nr.40 geführten Mirdat mit den Regierungsdaten 398-399 setzt er Busmihr mit Fragezeichen in Klammern. In den 2021 publizierten Gestalten der Geschichte Georgiens (vgl. meine Rezension), S. 79 führt er ihn als Busmar/Busmir (georg. Buzmari/Buzmiri/Buzmihri), datiert ihn in die 10-20er Jahre des 5. Jhs. und nennt ihn eine einflußreiche Persönlichkeit in Iberien (Kartli), möglicherweise Spaspet unter König Artschil, der nach Vf. (S. 108) in den Jahren 402-426 regiert hat. 50 Vgl. Pätsch (hier Anm. 6), S. 118: “Die Könige von Kartli aus dem Geschlecht der Parnawasiden aber starben aus” (mit Aspagur). 51 Vgl. die Liste der ‘Chosroids’ von Miriam III 284-361 bis Bakur III? 580 in: Rewriting Caucasian History. The Medieval Armenian Adaptation of the Georgian Chronicles, Translated with Introduction and Commentary By R. W. Thomson, Oxford 1996, S. 380. Die Liste der ‘Princes’ führt Thomson, ebenda, von Guaram I 580-590 bis zu Davit I 876-881. Vf. verzichtet hier auf Daten, lässt aber die Liste mit Iowane und Dshuanscher enden, die er in den Gestalten der Geschichte Georgiens (vgl. hier Anm. 49), S. 97 sowie S. 146 ins 8. Jh. datiert. Dies kann man vertreten, da Dshuanscher‚ eine Frau aus dem Geschlecht der Bagratiden heimführte (so die Übersetzung bei Pätsch [hier Anm. 6], S. 325) und damit die Dynastie der Bagratiden ihre Herrschaft begründete, wenn man der georgischen Überlieferung folgen will. 52 In Anm. 23 sind hier die Belegstellen aufgelistet. Dafür, dass er bereits seit den 40er Jahren d. 3. Jhs. König war (so Vf., S. 107), gibt es keinerlei Beleg. Page | 345 bdeašḫ Vazgēn getötet habe, also im Jahr 482 n. Chr.53 Dies mag genügen. Dieses Verfahren erlaubt jedoch nicht, eine durchgehende Königsliste zu erstellen, bietet aber wertvolle Fixpunkte. Verblüfft ist der/die Leser/in, dass unter Literatur außer der hier in Anm. 6 erwähnten Übersetzung des Leben Kartlis von Gertrud Pätsch und seiner eigenen Publikation zu den ältesten georgischen Inschriften54 ausnahmslos Werke in georgischer Sprache aufgelistet sind (S. 109-110), deren Verfasser und Titel zwar in deutscher Sprache beigegeben sind, von denen jedoch keine Übersetzungen in eine moderne Sprache vorliegen.55 Das Namensverzeichnis, das sehr ausführlich und zuverlässig ist, fasst die Seiten 111-121. Mit ihm schließt das schmale Buch. Der Ertrag der Lektüre für den/die Leser/in dürfte sehr gering sein. Der Text basiert auf weite Strecken auf der Monographie, die Vf. vor 30 Jahren vorgelegt hat. Verhängnisvoll ist seine Entscheidung, der georgischen Überlieferung ein so hohes Maß an Vertrauen zu schenken. Der Verlag hat wohl die Kosten gescheut, um eine Karte oder wenigstens einige Kartenskizzen beizugeben. Die wissenschaftliche Forschung wird das Buch ohnehin nicht berücksichtigen, da auf jede Dokumentation mit Quellen und Literatur verzichtet wurde.56 Es ist eine vertane Chance, den “gewaltigen Beitrag, den Georgien zur Entwicklung der Weltkultur geleistet hat” (Vf., im Vorwort, S. 7), anschaulich zu machen. To cite this article: Kettenhofen, E. (2022). [review] Heinz Fähnrich, Die Könige der Parnawasiden. Georgien in der Weltgeschichte, Wiesbaden: Reichert-Verlag, 2020, ISBN: 978-3-9549-0525-6. Historia i Świat 11, 339-346, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.20 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Vgl. die knappe Notiz Thomsons in seiner Łazar-Übersetzung: The History of Łazar Pʻarpecʻi translated by R.W. Thomson, Columbia University. Program in Armenian Studies. Suren D. Fesjian Academic Publications 4, Atlanta 1991, S. 171 Anm. 6. 54 H. Fähnrich, Die ältesten georgischen Inschriften, London/Boston 2013. 55 Ältere Literatur ist bequem im RAC-Artikel zu Iberien (hier Anm.33), Sp. 97-106 zusammengetragen. Selbst die verschiedenen Artikel zu Georgien im Kleinen Lexikon des Christlichen Orient, alle aus der Feder von J. Assfalg (hier Anm.18, S. 164-189 enthalten die wichtigste Literatur, darunter auch Titel in georgischer Sprache in Transkription. Und das Literaturverzeichnis der jüngsten Arbeit von F. Schleicher (hier Anm. 18) fasst 49 Seiten (S. 551-599). 56 Auch steht ihr mit der hier in Anm. 18 genannten Monographie von F. Schleicher aus dem Jahr 2021 eine hervorragende Arbeitsgrundlage zur Verfügung. 53 Page | 346 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Erich KETTENHOFEN (University of Trier, Germany) Heinz Fähnrich, Gestalten der Geschichte Georgiens vom 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. bis zu den Mongolen, Wiesbaden: Reichert-Verlag, 2021, ISBN: 978-3-7520-0591-2 https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.21 Ein Jahr nach der Veröffentlichung der Könige der Parnawasiden1 ließ H. Fähnrich ein weiteres umfangreicheres Buch mit insgesamt 261 Seiten folgen. Über die Zuordnung der beiden Bücher äußert sich Vf. nicht. Der geschichtliche Rahmen ist noch weiter gespannt und reicht vom 2. Jt. v. Chr. bis zu den Einfällen der Mongolen in Georgien in den 20er und 30er Jahren des 13. Jh. n. Chr. Königin Rusudan, die im Jahr 1245 n. Chr. starb, wird noch behandelt, nicht mehr jedoch die nach ihrem Tod von den Mongolen eingesetzten Regenten. Das Vorwort (S. 7-35) enthält erneut einen Überblick über die landschaftliche Gliederung Georgiens, der jedoch knapper als der des vorausgehenden Buches ist, jedoch teilweise wörtlich übernommen wurde (S. 7-21). Der geschichtliche Überblick, der mit der späten Bronzezeit in der 2. Hälfte des 2. Jts. v. Chr. beginnt, streicht erneut die Zeit des Königs Parnawas und seiner Nachfolger als “eine der bedeutendsten Epochen in der Geschichte des georgischen Staatswesens” heraus.2 Sehr gerafft wird die Zeit der Zugehörigkeit zum Imperium Romanum wie diejenige zum Sāsānidenreich vom 1. Jh. v. bis zum beginnenden 7. Jh. n. Chr. behandelt (vgl. S. 23). Der Vorstoß der Araber in der Mitte des 7. Jhs. n. Chr. änderte die Landkarte des Kaukasus entscheidend. Stärker beleuchtet wird die Zeit der Herrschaft der Bagratiden nach der Schaffung eines wiedervereinigten Georgiens unter Bagrat III. (+ 1014 n. Chr.) mit der Blütezeit unter Dawit, dem ‚Erbauer‘ (1089-1125 n. Chr.), Giorgi III. (1156-1184 n. Chr.) sowie seiner Tochter Tamar (+ 1213 n. Chr.).3 Die Tochter Tamars, Rusudan, muss die Oberhoheit der Mongolen anerkennen, mit dem der Niedergang begann. Quellenangaben fehlen gänzlich, auch Forschungskontroversen werden nicht erörtert.  Abteilung Alte Geschichte, [email protected] Siehe meine Rezension in Historia i Świat 11, 2022, 339-346. Vgl. Vf., S. 22. 3 Vgl. die Beschreibungen auf den Seiten 86-88, 111-113 sowie S. 238-240. 1 2 Page | 347 Es folgt eine Übersicht (S. 37-258), die wie Vf. sagt, “zahlreiche, aber bei weitem nicht alle georgischen Persönlichkeiten” (S. 35) enthält, deren Namen bis zu den Eroberungszügen der Mongolen reichend bekannt sind. Das Verzeichnis der Namen (in Fettdruck) ist nach dem lateinischen Alphabet gestaltet. Es folgt die Schreibung des Namens in der georgischen Mchedruli-Schrift, wobei Vf. von der Transkription in seiner Kurzen Grammatik der georgischen Sprache4 abweicht.5 Namensformen, die in Parallelquellen begegnen – etwa Վախթանգ (Vaḫṭang) bei Łazar P‘arpec’i6 – werden nicht notiert. Die ungefähre Lebenszeit wird angeführt, Beruf und/oder Ämter, die die betreffende Person bekleidete, werden genannt. Auch Verwandtschaften nennt Vf., allerdings ohne Verweise. Den Abschluss jedes Personenartikels bildet “ein Literaturhinweis, aus dem zusätzliche Informationen gewonnen werden können”, heißt es im Vorwort (S. 35). Das wird für den/die Leser/in nicht leicht sein, werden doch, mit einer Ausnahme, ausnahmslos Titel in georgischer Sprache und Schrift genannt, und zwar ohne Transkription, die wenigstens einen bequemen Blick in das Zusammenfassende Literaturverzeichnis (S. 259-261) erlauben würde. Mir bleibt unerklärlich, warum in den Literaturangaben statt der kritischen Textausgabe vom Leben Kartlis (Kartlis cxovreba) von S. Qauxčišvili7 nicht die deutsche Übersetzung von G. Pätsch oder die englische von R. W. Thomson angegeben wird.8 Bei der Ausnahme handelt es sich um die von G. Schwab erzählte ‘Argonautensage’ in seinen Schönsten Sagen des Klassischen Altertums.9 Die Aufnahme dieses Titels ist darin begründet, dass Vf. auch Gestalten der Sage, wie Absyrtos (S. 38) oder Aietes (S. 44-45) in seinen Katalog mitaufgenommen hat. Auch Personen aus der Zeit, als Assur und Urartu in den Raum des späteren Georgiens vorstießen, sind verzeichnet wie Kaki (Ḳaḳi), König der Tabaler/Tibarener im 8. Jh. v. Chr. (S. 156) oder Utupursi (Uṭupursi), König von Daiaeni (Diaochi), im 9./8. Jh. v. Chr. (S. 250). Selbst Namen auf Münzen sind berücksichtigt wie Ake/Ako/Aki 4 Leipzig 21987. Vgl. etwa Weshan auf S. 256, dem nach der Transkriptionstabelle Vežani entspräche, oder Nikolos auf S. 193, dem Niḳolozi entspräche. Ich füge die Transkription nach der Kurzen Grammatik in Klammern hinzu. 6 Łazar P‘arpets῾i. History of the Armenians and the Letter to Vahan Mamikonean. A Photographic Reproduction of the 1904 Tiflis Edition with a New Introduction and Critical Bibliography by D. Kouymjian, Delmar, New York 1985, S. 118, Z. 20, S. 119, Z. 3, S. 126, Z. 24, S. 132, Z. 20, S. 134, Z. 6, S. 135, Z. 25, S. 146, Z. 13. Vgl. den Eintrag Wachtang/Wachtang Gorgasal beim Vf., S. 251-252. 7 Tbilisi 1955-1959. Die Textausgabe ist S. 260 zitiert. 8 G. Pätsch (Hg.), Das Leben Kartlis. Eine Chronik aus Georgien 300-1200, Sammlung Dieterich 330, Leipzig 1985 sowie Rewriting Caucasian History. The Medieval Armenian Adaptation of the Georgian Chronicles. Translated with an Introduction and Commentary by R. W. Thomson, Oxford 1996. Die Übersetzung des älteren Werkes Mokcevay Kartlisay (Die Bekehrung Georgiens), ebenfalls von G. Pätsch, sucht man vergebens: Die Bekehrung Georgiens. Mokcevay Kartlisay (Verfasser unbekannt), Bedi Kartlisa 33, 1975, S. 288-337. 9 Bei Leipzig 1968 handelt es sich um einen Nachdruck der Erstausgabe Stuttgart 1838. Es fehlt u.a. P. Dräger, Argo pasimelousa. Der Argonautenmythos in der griechischen und römischen Literatur, Teil 1: Theos aitios, Palingenesia 43, Stuttgart 1993. 5 Page | 348 (Aḳe/Aḳo/Aḳi), König der Kolchis im 3. Jh. v. Chr. (S. 45)10 oder der in der Naturgeschichte des Plinius erwähnte Saulaces.11 Dawit Schawteli (Davit Šavteli) (S. 90) wird als fiktive Persönlichkeit aufgenommen; seine Existenz und Wirken als Verfasser des Tamariani beruhe, so Vf., “auf einer unangemessenen Lesung einer Textstelle der Ode”. Allein dieser Hinweis beweist die ungeheure Belesenheit des Vf., die nur Respekt und Hochachtung verdienen. Aber wem ist mit diesem so exakt ausgearbeiteten Namensverzeichnis gedient? Die Leser/innen des Vorwortes der Seiten 23 -35 mögen manche Namen des knappen Abrisses der Zeit vom 7. bis zum 13. Jh. so besser in ihren historischen Kontext einordnen können.12 Und für die Auswertung der Literatur bedarf es ausgezeichneter georgischer Sprachkenntnisse, und wie viele der Leser/innen verfügen über diese? Manche Wünsche bleiben offen. So hat Vf. konsequent darauf verzichtet, Namen in Parallelquellen mit Quellenangaben und der sie interpretierenden modernen Literatur zu notieren. Schon der erste iberische König, mit dem die Römer im Jahr 65 v. Chr. bekannt wurden, ist mehrmals erwähnt: in Appians Mithridateios, Kap. 103 (᾿Αρτώκης ὅ ᾿Ιβήρων), Kap. 117 (᾿Αρτώκης Ἴβηρ),13 in Cassius Dios Römischer Geschichte 37.1.3 (τὸν ᾿Αρτώκην), 37.2.7 (ὁ ᾿Αρτώκης)14 sowie im Breviarium des Eutrop VI 14.1 (Hiberiae quoque regem Artacen).15 Bakur (Baḳuri) wird als König der Lazen geführt, “der angeblich von Kaiser Antoninus Pius eingesetzt wurde” (S. 69). Die Historia Augusta bietet eine knappe Notiz, die vertrauenswürdig ist und das ‘angeblich’ nicht rechtfertigt: “Pacorum regem Laz[i]s dedit” (SHA, AP 9.6).16 Der Name des iberischen Königs, der am Hof Šāhpuhrs I. einen hohen Rang bekleidete, wird in seiner Inschrift in deren drei Sprachen überliefert, in Mittelpersisch (᾿mcspy), in Parthisch (hmz᾿sp) sowie in Griechisch (᾿Αμαζάσπου).17 Vf. gibt an, dass “er seit den vierziger Jahren des 3. Jahrhunderts König von Iberien (Kartli)” war, worüber keine zuverlässige Quelle berichtet.18 Vaḫṭang wird bei Łazar P῾arpec῾i Er ist auch erwähnt bei D. Rayfield, Edge of Empires. A History of Georgia, London 2012, S. 25 mit Anm. 7 auf S. 404. 11 Vgl. S. 221: Saulakis (Savlaḳi), ebenfalls bei Rayfield (hier Anm. 10), S. 25 mit Anm. 8 auf S. 404 erwähnt. 12 Brauchbarer ist die Übersicht wohl für die Leser/innen der umfangreichen Geschichte Georgiens, die der Vf. 2010 publiziert hat (Handbook of Oriental Studies: Section 8. Central Asia. Vol. 21, Leiden u.a., 581 S.). Hier sind ca. 100 Seiten dem Zeitraum vom 7. bis zur Mitte des 13. Jhs. gewidmet (S. 148-245). 13 Appian’s Roman History with an English Translation by H. White, II, LCL 3, Cambridge/London 1912. 14 Dio’s Roman History with an English Translation by E. Cary, III, LCL 53, London/Cambridge 1914. 15 Eutropii Breviarium ab urbe condita. Rec. C. Santini, Leipzig 1979. Die Textstellen Plut., Pomp. 34.8 sowie Strabo, Geogr. 11.1.6 erwähnen den König nicht namentlich. 16 Scriptores Historiae Augustae, ed. E. Hohl. Vol.I. Addenda et corrigenda adiecerunt Ch. Samberger et W. Seyfarth, Leipzig 1971. Eine knappe Notiz bot schon W. Hüttl, Antoninus Pius. 1. Bd., Prag 1936, S. 320-321. 17 Vg. Anm. 23 meiner vorausgehenden Rezension auf S. 342. 18 Vgl. S. 47 unter dem Lemma Amazasp (Amazasp῾i) mit der irrigen Information, die der Arbeit von 2020 (S. 65) entnommen ist, er habe gegen Ende seiner Herrschaft “im Bündnis mit den Persern gegen die Römer” gekämpft, “auf deren Seite Truppen aus Westgeorgien, Armenien und Ossetien standen”. Vgl. Anm. 24 meiner vorausgehenden Rezension auf S. 342. 10 Page | 349 in seiner Geschichte Armeniens mehrfach erwähnt.19 Gelegentlich wird zwar auf klassische Autoren verwiesen, doch ohne nähere Quellenangabe, so etwa auf S. 199 unter dem Lemma Parsman (Parsmani). Seinen Namen hat Arrian in seiner Alexandergeschichte überliefert.20 Unpräzise Hinweise auf Arrian findet man häufiger, so S. 149 zu Iuliane, “König der Apschiler”, S. 211 zu Rismag (Rismagi), “König der Abaskher” und S. 229 Spadag (Sp‘adagi), “König der kartwelischen Völkerschaft der Sanigen, den Arrianus erwähnt”. Alle diese Könige werden in Arrians Periplous im 11. Kapitel genannt: “ ’Αψίλαι…βασιλεὺς δὲ αὐτῶν ’Ιουλιανός…’Αβασκοί. καὶ ’Αβασκῶν βασιλεὺς ՙΡησμάγας….Σανιγῶν βασιλεὺς Σπαδάγας”.21 Hier wird auch Μαλάσσας als König der Lazen aufgeführt: “βασιλεὺς δὲ Λαζῶν Μαλάσσας, ὃς τὴν βασιλείαν παρὰ σοῠ ἔχει”.22 Bei Malas (Malasi) fehlt der Hinweis auf Arrian.23 Ungemein leserunfreundlich ist auch die Nennung von Ämtern, ohne dass ihre Funktion erläutert wird. Ich erwähne nur beispielhalber: Eptwime (Eptvime) im 11. Jahrhundert. “Mzignobartuchezi zur Regierungszeit von König Bagrat (1027-1072)” (S. 100) oder Gamrekeli Toreli (Gamreḳeli Toreli) (S. 107) in der 2. Hälfte des 12. Jh., “Sohn des Kacha, Eristawteristawi von Achalkalaki”. Unter Königin Tamar “wurde er Amilachwari. Nach dem Tod von Sargis Mchargrdseli wurde er 1186 zum Amirspalasar ernannt”.24 Oder was ist ein “Esosmodsghwari” (S. 145)? In den 60er Jahren des 2. Jhs. n. Chr. bekleidete et das Amt unter König Chseparnug. Ich könnte zahllose weitere Beispiele nennen.25 Vf. stützt sich, wie bereits betont, stark auf die georgische Nationalüberlieferung, deren Aussagen oft in eklatantem Widerspruch zur – glaubwürdigeren – griechisch-lateinischen Überlieferung stehen. Auch hier will ich nur einzelne Vgl. hier Anm. 6. Zur Glaubwürdigkeit dieses Autors vgl. D. Kouymjian, ‘Lazar Parpetsi’, in: J. A. C. Greppin (Ed.), Studies in Classical Armenian Literature, Delmar/New York 1994, S. 152-192. 20 Die Textstelle ist Arrian, Anabasis IV 15.4, wo Φαρασμάνης als ὁ Χορασμίων βασιλεὺς bezeichnet wird, wie Vf. in seiner 2020 erschienenen Arbeit (S. 36) korrekt bemerkte. G. Wirth vertrat in seiner Kommentierung die Ansicht, der Name könnte von Arrian “nach eigenen Erlebnissen in Ostkleinasien und im Kaukasusgebiet fingiert sein” (Arrian. Der Alexanderzug. Indische Geschichte. Griechisch und deutsch. Hg. u. übersetzt von G. Wirth und O. von Hinüber, München und Zürich 1985, S. 906). Vf. vermutet (2020), S. 36 wie auf S. 199, er könne der Vater des Dynastiebegründers Parnawas gewesen sein, eine wohl abwegige Ansicht. 21 Text nach: Arriano. Periplo del Ponto Eusino a cura di G. Marenghi, Collana di Studi Greci 29, Napoli 1958, S. 74, Z. 11-15. 22 Ebenda, S. 74, Z. 10-11. 23 S. 173. Es heißt hier nur: “Erste Hälfte des 2. Jahrhunderts. König von Lazika, der seine Krone vom römischen Kaiser Hadrian entgegennahm”. Die Erwähnung Hadrians erlaubt immerhin eine präzisere chronologische Einordnung. 24 Sargis Mchargrdseli (Sargis Mḳargrƺeli) ist auf S. 220 behandelt. “Ihm wurden am Hof der Königin Tamar die Ämter des Amirspalasars und des Mandaturt-Uchuzesi zuteil”. 25 Es gibt nur wenige Ausnahmen. So erklärt Vf. (S. 177) Tschuchtscharch als “Befehlshaber der Leibgarde” (in Klammern), S. 222 wird Saurmag (Saurmagi) als “Kammerherr des iberischen Königs” Wachtang Gorgasal aufgelistet. Tschiaber (Č῾iaberi) stand im Jahr 1177 fest zum König und wurde entlohnt mit der Ernennung zum Medshinibet-Uchuzesi, “d. h., er erhielt das Amt des zweiten Stellvertreters des Amirspalasars” (S. 248), ohne Amirspalasar indes zu erläutern. Auch er wurde wie Sargis Mchargrdseli (s. hier Anm. 24) Mandaturt-Uchuzesi. 19 Page | 350 Beispiele anführen: Von einem Bündnis des iberischen Königs Aspagur mit Armenien am Ende des 3. Jhs. n. Chr. wissen wir sonst nichts. Da der Armenierkönig einem Attentat der Perser zum Opfer gefallen sein soll, hätten diese die Gelegenheit genutzt, “drangen in Armenien ein und wandten sich dann gegen Iberien. A. begab sich nach Ossetien, um dort Truppen zum Kampf gegen die Perser anzuwerben, starb aber dort. Der Thron Iberiens war nun verwaist, denn A. hatte keinen Sohn, sondern nur eine Tochter”.26 Eine verlässliche Überlieferung ist dies nicht.27 Auch die Informationen zum Lemma Mirian/Mirean/Mihran (Miriani/Mireani/Mihrani) auf S. 186 sind der georgischen Überlieferung verdankt: Mirian, der im frühen 4. Jh. n. Chr. den christlichen Glauben annahm, soll der Sohn des Perserkönigs Kasre gewesen sein: er “wurde mit Abeschura, der Tochter des Parnawasidenkönigs Aspagur, vermählt, nach deren Tod er eine Griechin aus Pontos namens Nana heiratete… Nach dem Tod seines Vaters bemühte er sich um den Thron Persiens”. Er unterlag, wurde aber … durch Gebietszuwachs entschädigt: “Zu seinem Besitz von Iberien, Armenien, Ran, Mowakan und Heretien erhielt er zusätzlich einen Teil Mesopotamiens und die Hälfte von Scham und Adarbadagan”. Die eklatanten Widersprüche zu den griechischrömischen wie sāsānidischen Quellen werden vom Vf. nicht einmal diskutiert. Die Historizität vieler der frühen Parnawasidenkönige ist äußerst zweifelhaft, wie etwa die des Parnadshom (Parnaǯomi/Parnaǯobi), den Vf. in seiner Arbeit aus dem Jahr 2020 (S. 107) als vierten König der Parnawasiden auflistet; er ist nun an die “Wende des 3./2. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.” datiert (S. 197), “aus dem Geschlecht Nimrods”, wie es bei Pätsch heißt.28 Von König Mirwan, dem dritten in der Liste der ParnawasidenKönige29 und Vater des vorhin erwähnten Parnadshom, heißt es, er habe dem Armenierkönig Aršak seine Tochter zur Frau gegeben, “womit er den Parnawasiden anverwandt geworden war. Nach dem Sturz des Parnadshom bestieg er den Thron in Mzcheta und herrschte friedlich über Iberien”.30 U. Hartmann hat richtig geurteilt, wenn er diese späte Überlieferung als “weitgehend legendär” einstuft.31 Der/die Leser/in hätte zumindest gewarnt werden sollen, auf welch historisch brüchigem Fundament viele der Beschreibungen der georgischen Persönlichkeiten beruhen. Man kann die Kenntnisse des Vf. über die Geschichte Georgiens im Mittelalter nur bewundern. Dem Leser/der Leserin der großen Monographie aus dem Jahr 2010 mag die Prosopographie gute Dienste leisten,32 wohingegen der Überblick der Seiten 26 Vf., S. 62-63 zum Lemma Aspagur (Aspaguri). Vgl. hingegen K. Mosig-Walburg, Römer und Perser. Vom 3. Jahrhundert bis zum Jahr 363 n. Chr., Gutenberg 2009, S. 85-89. 28 Vgl. Pätsch (hier Anm. 8), S. 80. Rayfield (hier Anm. 10), S. 25 kennt gar die Regierungsdaten (109-90 v. Chr.). 29 Vf. (2020), S. 107. 30 Vgl. den Eintrag im Lemma Arschak/Arsok (Aršaḳi/Aršoḳi) auf S. 53. 31 U. Hartmann, ‘Iberien in der Historia Augusta’, in: Iberien zwischen Rom und Iran. Beiträge zur Geschichte und Kultur Transkaukasiens in der Antike. Hg. v. F. Schleicher, T. Stickler und U. Hartmann, Oriens et Occidens 29, Stuttgart 2019, S. 25-68, hier S. 28 Anm. 11. 32 Vgl. hier Anm. 12. 27 Page | 351 23 bis 35 des hier zu besprechenden Buches diese Details nicht liefern kann. Wer die Personenbeschreibungen aufmerksam liest, wird mit einer Fülle an Details überschüttet: so erfährt man z. B. den Namen des Stifters eines Steinkreuzes in der Nähe von Dmanisi in Niederkartli aus dem 5./6. Jh. n. Chr.,33 Namen von Prosaschriftstellern wie Abuserisdse Tbeli (Abuserisƺe Ṭbeli) aus dem 13. Jh.,34 Namen von syrischen Vätern, die in der 2. Hälfte des 6. Jhs. nach Georgien kamen, um dort das Klosterleben zu begründen wie Anton der Eremit (Anṭon Marṭomqopeli)35 oder Dawit von Garedsha (Davit Gareǯeli),36 Namen hoher geistlicher Würdenträger wie Bischof Anton Zagareli (Anṭon Cagareli) im 11. Jh., “der bei dem letschchumischen Goldschmied Pilipe ein Bild des Symeon Stylites in Auftrag gab, das er der Kirche zu Ischchani schenkte”,37 Namen von Katholikoi wie Babila in der ersten Hälfte des 7. Jhs., “zur Regierungszeit des Erismtawari Adarnase”,38 von Goldschmieden wie Asat Mokmedi im 10. Jh., “Schöpfer eines Kreuzes, das in dem Dorf Brili (Innerkartli) gefunden wurde”,39 von Historikern wie Basil Esosmodsghwari (Basil Ezosmoƺγari), der vermutlich Chronist der Königin Tamar gewesen sei,40 Namen von Mönchen im Kloster der Georgier auf dem Gebirge Athos wie Basil Mtazmideli (Basil Mtac῾mideli) in der ersten Hälfte des 11. Jhs.,41 von “Sprach- und Schriftkundigen” wie Dshaghi (Ǯaγi) an der Wende zum 5. Jh., der “vom Armenischen und Griechischen ins Georgische übersetzte”,42 von bedeutenden Geschichtsschreibern wie Dshuanscher (Ǯuanšeri), dem “Verfasser der Chronik ‹‹Leben und Wirken Wachtang Gorgasals››”, den Vf. ins 11. Jh. datiert,43 Namen von Hymnographen wie Esra Mtazmideli (Ezra Mtac῾mideli) im 11. Jh., “der einen Gesang auf den Klostergründer Ioane und dessen Sohn Eptwime in den Jahren 1044-1074 verfasste”,44 von Kalligraphen wie Gabriel Patara (Gabriel Paṭaraj) im 10. Jh., der in einem Kloster in Südwestgeorgien tätig war,45 den Namen “einer Persönlichkeit, der auf einer Steintafel des Dorfes Gomezari (Gebiet Duscheti) bezeugt ist”.46 Mit Gunapaisdse (Gunapaisƺe) erfährt man den Na- 33 Vgl. den Eintrag Abasa (Abaza) auf S. 37. Vgl. den Eintrag Abuserisdse Tbeli auf S. 40. 35 Vgl. den Eintrag Anton der Eremit/Anton von Martqopi auf S. 49. 36 Vgl. den Eintrag Dawit von Garedsha auf S. 89. 37 Vgl. den Eintrag Anton Zagareli auf S. 51. 38 Vgl. den Eintrag Babila auf S. 64. Der Verweis auf Adarnase gilt dem 2. Namensträger auf S. 40. 39 Vgl. den Eintrag Asat Mokmedi auf S. 60. Vf. fügt noch die Notiz hinzu: “Auftraggeber des goldenen Kreuzes war der Kuropalat Dawit von Tao”, der allerdings im letzten Eintrag Dawit auf S. 83 in die 2. Hälfte des 9. Jhs. datiert wird. 40 Vgl. den Eintrag Basil Esosmodsghwari auf S. 74. 41 Vgl. den Eintrag Basil Mtazmideli auf S. 74. 42 Vgl. den Eintrag Dshaghi auf S. 95. 43 Vgl. den Eintrag Dshuanscher auf S. 97. 44 Vgl. den Eintrag Esra Mtazmideli auf S. 103. 45 Vgl. den Eintrag Gabriel Patara auf S. 106. 46 Vgl. den Eintrag Gia auf S.108 (10. Jh.). Über Toponyme, wie sie hier angegeben sind, kann man sich informieren in dem Kurzführer für Touristen des Vf.: Kulturland Georgien. Kurzführer für Touristen, Wiesbaden 2007, hier S. 76, falls man dieses Büchlein zur Hand hat. 34 Page | 352 men eines “urkundlich erwähnten freien Bauern des Dorfes Chiwschi (Ratscha)”,47 mit Iakob Zurtaweli (Iaḳob Curṭaveli) den Verfasser des “frühesten erhalten gebliebenen Werkes der georgischen Originalliteratur”,48 mit Ina (10. Jh.) den Namen eines “Maurermeisters, der an der Erbauung der Heilandskirche von Zchawati bei Achalgori in Kartli beteiligt war”,49 mit Ioane Diakoni (Ioane Diaḳoni) einen “Abschreiber georgischer Handschriften” in der 2. Hälfte des 11. Jhs.,50 mit Ioane Petrizi (Ioane P῾eṭric῾i) den “bedeutendsten georgischen Philosophen des Mittelalters”,51 mit Leonti Mroweli (Leonṭi Mroveli), Bischof von Ruisi im 11. Jh., einen der bedeutendsten Geschichtsschreiber Georgiens.52 Von Martwez (Martueci) erfahren wir, dass er im 7. Jh. ein Steinkreuz gestiftet hat, “das bei der Errichtung der Klosterkirche Johannes des Täufers im kachischen Dawitgaredsha als Baumaterial Wiederverwendung fand”,53 von Mikael Maghlakeli (Mikael Maγlaḳeli) in der ersten Hälfte des 12. Jhs., dass er “zur Regierungszeit von König Demetre im Jahr 1140 die Wandbemalung der Heilands-Kirche in dem oberswanischen Dorf Mazchwarisch schuf”.54 Mit Mose Choneli (Mose Xoneli) wird der Verfasser des Ritterromans “Amirandaredshaniani” genannt, “eines der ersten weltlichen Werke der georgischen Literatur”,55 mit Muchzi (Muxc῾i) ein Handwerker in der zweiten Hälfte des 10. Jhs., “dessen Name in einer kleinen Beischrift am Hals der Kuppel der Hauptkirche des Klosters Chachuli in Tao erhalten geblieben ist”,56 mit Orel (Oreli) aus der Mitte des 6. Jh. ein “begüterter Mann in Lazika”,57 mit Pebronia im 10. Jh. “die Erbauerin der Saalkirche Lisis Dshwari in der Umgebung des Dorfes Seda Lisa (Innerkartli)”,58 mit Pchwenelaisdse (Pxuenelaisƺe) “ein Landbesitzer von Kolonketi” (10. Jh.).59 Rusudan (Rusudani) aus dem 12. Jh. wird als “Politikerin und Diplomatin” vorgestellt,60 Schuschan (Šušani) als “Persönlichkeit, die den Wiederaufbau der Sioni-Kirche Urbnisi förderte”.61 Stepane (Sṭepane) an der Wende vom 10. zum 11. Jh. wird genannt als “einer der drei 47 Vgl. den Eintrag Gunapaisdse auf S. 124. Vgl. den Eintrag Iakob Zurtaweli auf S. 132. Es handelt sich um Das Martyrium der hl. Schuschanik, entstanden zwischen 475 und 484 n. Chr. 49 Vgl. den Eintrag Ina auf S. 134. 50 Vgl. den Eintrag Ioane Diakoni auf S. 138. “Er war Ziehkind der Königin Borena”: zu ihr vgl. das 2. Lemma Borena auf S. 78. 51 Vgl. den Eintrag Ioane Petrizi auf S. 141-142. 52 Vgl. den Eintrag Leonti Mroweli auf S. 169. Vgl. zu diesem auch J. Assfalg, ‘Georgische Literatur’ in: Kleines Lexikon des Christlichen Orients. 2. Auflage des Kleinen Wörterbuchs des Christlichen Orients. Hg. v. H. Kaufhold, Wiesbaden 2007, S. 184-187, hier S. 185. 53 Vgl. den Eintrag Martwez auf S. 177. 54 Vgl. den Eintrag Mikael Maghlakeli auf S. 181. 55 Vgl. den Eintrag Mose Choneli auf S. 189. 56 Vgl. den Eintrag Muchzi auf S. 190. 57 Vgl. den Eintrag Orel auf S. 195. “Er ließ in Bitschwinta… eine mit Mosaiken geschmückte Basilika bauen”. 58 Vgl. den 2. Eintrag Pebronia auf S. 203. 59 Vgl. den Eintrag Pchwenelaisdse auf S. 203. “Sein Name ist auf einer Steintafel von Tschalisubani (Innerkartli) bezeugt, die den Rechtsakt einer Landübergabe beurkundet”. 60 Vgl. den 1. Eintrag Rusudan auf S. 212. 61 Vgl. den Eintrag Schuschan auf S. 226. 48 Page | 353 Mönche, die 978 im Kloster Oschki die sogenannte Athos-Bibel abschrieben”,62 Sumbat Dawitisdse (Sumbaṭ Davitisƺe) im 11. Jh. als “Geschichtsschreiber und Verfasser des ‹‹Lebens der Bagratiden››”,63 Tewdore (Tevdore) in der ersten Hälfte des 12. Jhs. als “Hofmaler von König Dawit dem Erbauer”.64 Zonela (C῾onela) im 11. Jh. wird erwähnt als “Kaufmann aus Tschicha(Argweti), der sich freiwillig unter den Schutz des hl. Nikolaus von Nikozminda begab und dafür jährlich 30 Litra Salz spendete”.65 Aber auch dem byzantinischen Kaiser Alexios Komnenos (Aleksi Ḳomnenosi) (1081-1118 n. Chr.) begegnen wir in dieser ob ihres Detailreichtums beeindruckenden Prosopographie, die u.a. auf der Auswertung des Corpus der georgischen Inschriften von N. Šošiašvili66 beruht. Das Zusammenfassende Literaturverzeichnis (S. 259-261) fasst die unter Lit. erwähnten georgischen Titel, ohne Transkription, aber mit einer deutschen Übersetzung zusammen, mit der bereits erwähnten Ausnahme der ‘Argonautensage’ – Ein Register, das die vielen Sachbegriffe erläuterte, ist dem Buch leider nicht beigegeben, ebenso wenig eine Zeittafel.67 Wie schon im 2020 publizierten Buch fehlen auch hier wieder jegliche Karten und Kartenskizzen. Fehler sind äußerst selten.68 Ich befürchte, dass sehr viele das leserunfreundlich gestaltete Buch enttäuscht beiseitelegen. Für die unglaubliche Mühe, die der nun über 80 Jahre alte Verfasser in die Prosopographie investiert hat, ist dies wenig tröstlich. To cite this article: Kettenhofen, E. (2022). [review] Heinz Fähnrich, Gestalten der Geschichte Georgiens vom 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. bis zu den Mongolen, Wiesbaden: Reichert-Verlag, 2021, ISBN: 978-3-7520-0591-2. Historia i Świat 11, 347-354, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.21 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. 62 Vgl. den 1. Eintrag Stepane auf S. 230. Vgl. den Eintrag Sumbat Dawitisdse auf S. 234. Diese Notiz ist, wie viele andere zur georgischen Geschichtsschreibung, dem klassischen Werk von Ḳ. Ḳeḳeliƺe, Geschichte der georgischen Literatur entnommen (vgl. S. 260). 64 Vgl. den 5. Eintrag Tewdore auf S. 245. Vf. nennt ihn einen Meister der monumentalen Kirchenmalerei. Von ihm stammt die Bemalung mehrerer Kirchen Swanetiens. 65 Vgl. den Eintrag Zonela auf S. 258. 66 Kartuli c῾arc῾erebis korpusi. I. Lap῾idaruli c῾arc῾erebi. I: Aγmosavlet da samxret sakartvelo (V-X ss.) = Corpus der georgischen Inschriften,I: Lapidarinschriften.I: Ost- und Südgeorgien ( V.- X. Jh. ), Tbilisi 1980. 67 Vgl. etwa die Synopse der politischen und kulturellen Ereignisse in Griechenland/Rom/Byzanz/Russland, Georgien und Armenien, in: I. Reißner, Georgien. Geschichte – Kunst – Kultur, Freiburg i. Br. 1990, S. 219 – 237. 68 Sakaria schrieb den Lebenslauf Peter des Iberers Ende des 5. Jhs. n. Chr. nicht in assyrischer, sondern in syrischer Sprache nieder. Vgl. den Eintrag Sakaria auf S. 215. 63 Page | 354 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Joanna SZKLARZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Fiona K. Haarer, Justinian: Empire and Society in the Sixth Century, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2022, ISBN: 978-0-7486-3678-5 https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.22 Dr Fiona Haarer is a Visiting Research Fellow, King’s College London, Department of Classics. Her MPhil and DPhil theses were related to the studies of Emperor Anastasius I (491-518).1 She currently teaches on the MA course: Greek Language for Beginners. She is also secretary of the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies, an editor at the Bulletin of British Byzantine Studies, director of the London Summer School in Classics & Ancient Languages KCL Summer School and a Fellow in Society of Antiquaries. Staying within the realm of 6th-century CE Byzantine studies, Dr Haarer published the landmark book Justinian Empire and Society in the Sixth Century. Dr Haarer’s previous scientific output includes such papers as: ‘Writing Histories of Byzantium: the Historiography of Byzantine History’, in A companion to Byzantium, ed. L. James, Chichester: Blackwell, 2010, 9-22; ‘Developments in the Governance of Late Antique Cities’, in Governare e riformare l’impero al momento della sua divisione, eds., U. Roberto and L. Mecella, Rome: Publications de l’École française de Rome, 2016, 125-162; ‘Anonymous Textual Survivals in Late Antiquity’, in Reading in the Byzantine Empire and Beyond, eds., T. Shawcross and I. Toth, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2018, 519-546. Justinian Empire and Society in the Sixth Century is part of the excellent Debates and Documents in Ancient History series published by Edinburgh University Press. It is a series of textbooks that are at once a collection of source texts, illustrations, descriptions of archaeological finds and an in-depth discussion of the topic presented in the book.  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1996-8543. [email protected]; Institute of History / Siedlce University Doctoral School. 1 Haarer, F. (2006) Anastasius I. Politics and Empire in the late roman world. Cambridge: Francis Cairns Publications, 2006. Page | 355 The figure of the Roman emperor Justinian I (527-565) and his achievements especially in the field of law are well known to history researchers. However, an increase in translated editions and commentaries of the primary sources makes it possible to fill in some of the gaps to date and also to touch more deeply on topics such as the foreign policy of Emperor Justinian I and the lives of the people in the areas affected by this policy. Dr Haarer’s book focuses largely on this aspect. The reader is thus given not so much a biography of the emperor as an analysis of the impact of his rule on the daily life of society under his rule. The publication by Dr Fiona Haarer maintains the dual structure of the series. The reader will find clear maps before moving on to the first part of the main study. Part I Debates, consisting of eight chapters, is a discussion of the life and reign of Emperor Justinian. In ‘Introduction: Discovering Justinian – Sources and Scholarship’ (3-11) the author outlines a general overview of the era and its problems, which affected the course of Emperor Justinian's reign and which will be discussed in more detail in later chapters. She also briefly describes the profile of the emperor himself and provides the main sources on him and his reign. ‘Chapter 1 Rise to Power’ (12-32) includes information on the political context, Justinian’s challengers to the imperial throne, Theodora’s ambiguity in the eyes of historians, and the importance of the Nika riot. Another chapter ‘Chapter 2 Conflict and Diplomacy on the Eastern Frontier’ (33 -48), focuses on the first years of the reign and the Eastern conflicts. Here we find an analysis of the situation in the East before his reign and the course of events during the reign of Emperor Justinian, a clear emphasis on the role of the Arabs in the RomanPersian conflicts and the reluctance of Christians toward other religions. ‘Chapter 3 The Wars of Reconquest’ (49-47) is devoted to the reclaiming of North Africa, the importance of the Moors, the figure of Queen Amalasuntha and the war effort to reclaim Italy. The wars in the Balkans and Southern Spain are also mentioned. The next chapter ‘Chapter 4 Church and State’ (75-94) highlights the complexity of religious policy at the time, draws the context of the Council of Chalcedon and the resulting difficulties for Justinian, shows the importance of the 553 Council, and emphasizes the importance of missionary activity during Emperor Justinian’s reign. ‘Chapter 5 Governing the Empire’ (95-119) shows the achievements of Emperor Justinian on the ground of codification of laws, emphasizes the importance of financial issues, especially tax collection and the fight against corruption. It also talks about the social reform that took women and children under protection, the aggravation of the punishment for male homosexuality (death penalty) and shows the development of construction with the example of the Hagia Sophia. In ‘Chapter 6 Culture and Society’ (120-139) there is information on culture, literature, art and philosophy, where there was a clash between Christianity’s aversion to paganism and some assimilation of elements of classical culture. And finally in the ‘Conclusion: Longevity and Legacy’ (140-141) author provides a thorough summary of Emperor Justinian’s long reign and its relevance to later periods. Page | 356 Part II Documents (143-202) contains an extensive collection of source texts in English translation. The Latin and Greek texts are translated by the author. The book is enriched by a clear ‘Chronology’ (203-204) from Justinian’s birth in 482/3 to his death in 565; an index of ‘Popes and Patriarchs’ (205-206) which contains the names and dates of the reigns of the popes and patriarchs of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem; ‘Glossary’ (207-214) explaining, among other things, the titles of military and civilian government officials, organizations or ethnic names of tribes; ‘Further Reading’ (215-217) which offer additional sources for those wishing to expand their knowledge of Emperor Justinian and his time; ‘Essay Questions and Exercise Topics’ (218-220) allowing self-testing of mastered knowledge; ‘Primary Sources’ (221-227) presenting a list of source texts; a rich ‘Bibliography’ (228-259) and a clear personal and geographical ‘Index’ (260-274). Justinian Empire and Society in the Sixth Century is a textbook that demonstrates the scholarly integrity and teaching talent of Dr Haarer. It is written in a clear and accessible manner. It is an excellent resource for young scholars just starting out but also a complement to those who have been working on Byzantium for a long time. It is a book that will certainly enter the canon of textbooks on Emperor Justinian I and Byzantium. To cite this article: Szklarz, J. (2022). [review] Fiona K. Haarer, Justinian: Empire and Society in the Sixth Century, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2022, ISBN: 978-0-7486-3678-5. Historia i Świat 11, 355-357, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.22 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 357 Page | 358 SOURCES Page | 359 Page | 360 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Leszek OPYRCHAŁ (MUT, Warsaw, Poland) The plan of Kamianets-Podilskyi from 1773 https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.23 Abstract: The paper discusses a plan of the Kamianets-Podilskyi fortress from the year 1773, which has not been known until now. The performed analyses of the biographical notes of the Reibnitz family, demonstrated that the most probable author is Ferdinand Friedrich Christoph von Reibnitz, a standardbearer and later captain of the regiment of royal infantry. The descriptions in the plan and the legend were made in German. The shape of the city and of the castles is represented in a very deformed way, however, the plan includes many details of the city surroundings, such as the locations of windmills or of the Evangelical and Jewish cemeteries. The errors in the representation of both castles, the new one and the old one, suggest that the discussed plan is a copy of the plan kept in Berlin, at the Prussian Privy State Archives. Key words: Kamianets-Podilskyi, Kamieniec Podolski, fortress, historical cartography Introduction It might seem that the old cartography of the Kamianets-Podilskyi fortress has been well recognized. Admittedly, an element which still has not been published are the color copies of the plans of this fortress remaining at the Russian State Military Historical Archive in Moscow which frequently makes it impossible to perform detailed examinations of the changes occurring especially in the defensive buildings in the years 1795-1812, i.e. from the third partition of Poland to the moment Kamianets-Podilskyi stopped being a fortress and became a regular city under a Russian decree. Nevertheless, it was unexpected that some new cartographic monument would be discovered. Thanks to the pioneer work of Tadeusz Nowak,1 which was continued by: Zenon Nowak and Andrzej Tomczak,2 Dariusz Kołodziejczyk,3 Marek Zgórniak,4 Tadeusz Bertanowicz,5 Ulla Ehrensvärd,6 Egon  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7585-843X. [email protected]; Military University of Technology, Faculty of Civil Engineering and Geodesy. 1 Nowak, 1973. Nowak & Tomczak, 1971. 3 Kołodziejczyk, 2001. 4 Zgórniak, 1991. 5 Bernatowicz, 2003. 6 Ehrensvärd, 2008. 2 Page | 361 Klemp,7 Jarosłw Matwijiszyn,8 Eugenia and Olga Plamenytska,9 as well as Leszek Opyrchał10 together with Aleksandra Bąk,11 Łukasz Cholewiński,12 Rusłan Nagnybida13 and Urszula Opyrchał,14 it seemed that all the old plans of KamianetsPodilskyi present in various libraries and archives of the world have been studied, starting from the National Library of Spain, through French, German, Austrian, Swedish, Polish archives and libraries, and ending with the already mentioned the Russian State Military Historical Archive in Moscow and the National Library of Russia in Saint-Petersburg. The greater was the surprise when the website of the National Library of Poland in Warsaw published a digital copy of a plan which has not been known until now. The description of the plan The plan entitled Plan von der Vestung Kaminic [Fig. 1] is a multicolor manuscript created on laid paper.15 It presents the city and the castle in KamianetsPodilskyi in E orientation. The size of the plan sheet is 29.2×38.1 cm, the frame – 24.1×31.7 cm.16 Neither the scale nor the compass rose have been indicated. On the left there is a legend which, in the bottom, includes the name of the author or co-author of the plan – “F.F.C.d REIBNITZ”, and the date – “ANNO 1773”. Despite the color, the plan is more like a sketch. Neither the scale nor the proportions, and not even the approximate shapes of the objects presented in the plan have been kept. The author, or authors (because the descriptions in the plan are done in a different handwriting style than the legend) focused more on documenting the surroundings of the fortress than on showing its reinforcements. The details of the plan have been described in two ways: directly in the plan and also using the letters A - F clarified in the legend. The descriptions that are present include the abbreviation sign “:”. Going from the left, the inscriptions in the plan refer to the following localities: “Tartarzic” – Tatarzyska, “Rus[sische] Vorwerk” – Ruskie Folwarki, “Karwasari” 7 Klemp, 1976. Matviyishyn, 2006. 9 Płamienicka, 2012. 10 Opyrchał, 2015a; 2015b. 11 Opyrchał & Bąk, 2016. 12 Opyrchał & Cholewiński, 2020. 13 Opyrchał & Nahnybida, 2018. 14 Opyrchał et. al., 2020; 2021. 15 BN, ZZK 52 374 A. 16 Data according to the catalogue of the National Library of Poland, however, the catalogue mentions 11.5×15.0 cm, (sheet), 9.5×12.5 cm (frame), i.e. the plan would be of the size of a typical post card. But then the inscriptions would be so small that they would be almost impossible to read. Probably a mistake referring to units was made in the description of the plan and the dimensions were provided in inches instead of centimeters. Adopting this correction, that the dimensions were indicated in inches, resulted in the actual dimensions of the plan. They have been mentioned in the text, after the calculation: 1 inch = 2.54 cm. 8 Page | 362 – Karwasary,17 “Pol[nische] Vorwerk” – Polskie Folwarki, “Pod Zamce” – Podzamcze, “Zinkowce” – Zinkowce. Taking into consideration the incorrect mapping of the area, the marking of these localities in the plan is correct. Near the top edge of the plan, a cross has been marked, which suggests that this was supposed to be Góra Krzyżowa (Cross Mountain). Actually, Góra Krzyżowa is located on the other side, i.e. near the bottom edge of the map. In the lower right corner there is a drawing of a gallows. This way Góra Szubienicza (Gallows Mountain) which is present there, was marked. Four mills have been marked in the river valley, two mills have been marked under the Turkish Bridge and two windmills – on the hills. The mills present in the bend of the Smotrycz river surrounding the city, are marked in the majority of 18th century plans, however, the presentation of two windmills in the hills is a novelty. They are not present in any other plan. The fortifications of Kamianets-Podilskyi are marked in a sketch way and this does not reflect their actual shape. Stone-built buildings have been marked in red and the ground bastions of the New Castle – in black. The city has been drawn in a shape similar to a circle while, actually, it is oval. As for the defensive buildings of the city, it is possible to notice the Polish and Ruthenian Gate Complexes, Mury Glowerowskie (Glover’s Walls) and the Báthory Gate. Sixteen churches have been marked in the area of the city, which is compliant with the number of Christian temples present in the detailed plan by Jan Schüller from 1773.18 In the old, stone castle, six towers have been presented, all from the northern side; in reality they were located around the castle and there were ten of them. From the left side of the plan, a legend has been included which refers to seven points in the plan that are marked with the letters “A”-“G”. At the top, there is the title of the plan: Plan von der Vestung Kaminic (‘A Plan of the Kamianets fortress’). The particular letters have the following meanings: A – Schlos Thor (‘the Castle Gate’); B – Pohlnische Thor (‘the Polish Gate’); C – Russische Thor (‘the Ruthenian Gate’); D – Evangelischer Kirchhof (‘the Evangelical cemetery’); E – Wein Logis (‘wine cellars’); F – Juden Kirchhof (‘the Jewish cemetery’); G – Commend: Haus zur Zeit der Pest (‘the commanding officer’s house for the time of plague)’. 17 The name comes from the Turkish word: ‘kervansaray’ – a defensive location which was also a place where travelers (caravanners) could rest. 18 RSMHA ф. 349, оп. 17, д. 598, also Opyrchał, 2019: 107. Page | 363 The location of the Polish Gate, the Ruthenian Gate and the castle gate is correct although their shape is rather only schematic. In the upper part of the plan, i.e. towards the west from the complex of the castles, the letter “D” marks the Evangelical cemetery and the letter “F” – the Jewish cemetery. The existence of these cemeteries is confirmed by maps from the years 1842,19 191520 and 193021 [Fig. 2]. Single Jewish tombstones exist until today.22 The letter “E” marks the wine storages (wine cellars?) located near the eastern slope of the city. In this location, the already mentioned plan by Jan Schüller from 1773 presents gardens, perhaps these were vineyards. In the locality Tatarzyska, the letter “G” marks the commanding officer’s house for the time of plague. From the year 1768, the commanding officer of Kamianets-Podilskyi and of the frontier fortresses was Jan de Witte (1709-1785). In July 1770, in the beginning of the epidemic of the plague which took place in the years 1770-1771, as part of the action of the decentralization of the fortress crew he moved his quarters to a village located near Kamianets-Podilskyi – Tatarzyska.23 The confirmation of this location of the house is present in the plan by Jan Bakałowicz from the year 1782.24 In that plan it was described as “dom płk. Witta” (house of colonel de Witte). The authorship of the plan In spite of appearances, it is not easy to determine the author because the Reibnitz family,25 which has origins in Silesia, was connected with Poland and with the infantry formations of the Crown army. Biographical information about the members of that family is included in Paul von Reibnitz’s monograph.26 If we assume that in the moment of the creation of the plan of Kamianets-Podilskyi from 1773 the author was an adult and served in the Crown army, then over a dozen candidates are possible. Unfortunately, the names of any of them do not match the abbreviation included in the plan: “F.F.C.”. An element which is an additional difficulty is the first letter “F” because this may be both, an abbreviation for the name as well as for the German word “freiherr” – baron, however, in Paul von Reibnitz’s monograph which has already been mentioned, the title “freiherr” is present after the names, before the last name “von Reibnitz”. If we limit the group of candidates to 19 BN, ZZK 1 329. BN, ZZK S-31 568. 21 BN, ZZK S-21 306 A. 22 See: https://sztetl.org.pl/pl/miejscowosci/k/1832-kamieniec-podolski/114-cmentarze/183590-cmentarzzydowski-w-kamiencu-podolskim-zinkowce-wul-kirhizowa-46 [accessed December 18, 2021]. 23 Srogoż, 1997: 47. 24 RSMHA ф. 349, оп. 17, д. 599, also Opyrchał, 2019: 111. 25 The name probably comes from the name of the city: Rybnik. 26 Reibnitz, 1901. 20 Page | 364 those in case of which at least one name starts with the letter “F”, and if we supplement this group with persons who have merits for the Lithuanian army, then we have three possible authors of the plan:  Ferdinand Alerander Leopold von Reibnitz from Lauterbach (b. 1702, d. 1793). In 1729 he joined the Crown army and in 1747 he achieved the rank of colonel.27 Tomasz Ciesielski28 in turn, mentions that Ferdinand Reibnitz was a general and thanks to military service he raised his social status. The Sejm from the years 1767-68 granted him with indygenat (ennoblement).29  Christoph Albrecht von Reibnitz from Chrzanów30 (b. ca. 1713, d. 1782/84), from 1762 – major general of the Lithuanian army, from 1773 the owner of Chrzanów.  Ferdinand von Reibnitz31 (b. ca. 1749, d. 1783), in the years 1772-1774 he was a standard-bearer of the regiment of royal infantry, in 1777 he was promoted to the rank of captain. Machynia and Srzednicki also mention the following names: Francis, Friedrich and Ferdinand.32 Due to the fact that there is a lack of compliance of the abbreviations of names with those present in the plan, it is necessary to use additional data. At the time the plan was drawn, i.e. in 1773, Ferdinand Alerander Leopold von Reibnitz would be seventy-one years old, and Christoph Albrecht von Reibnitz would be sixty. It seems of little likelihood that persons of such an advanced age, and especially generals, would be drawing up a map. The third possible author, Ferdinand von Reibnitz, would be about twenty-four years old in the year 1773, which is an appropriate age for drawing up a plan. This is because the majority of the plans of Kamianets-Podilskyi were drawn up by young people. Jan de Witte – 25-26 years old, Jan Schüller – 25-27 years old, Jan Bakałowicz – 41 years old.33 If the author of the plan is Ferdinand von Reibnitz, then the first two letters, F. F., would mean: Ferdinand, Friedrich. Francis should rather be excluded because the name Francis34 was not present in the Reibnitz family. And what is the meaning of the letter “C”? Perhaps, in honor of one of his ancestors, he was given the third name Christoph. Thus, the author of the plan would be the twenty-four year old Ferdinand, Friedrich, Christoph von Reibnitz, the standardbearer and later captain of the regiment of royal infantry. 27 Volumina Legum, 1782: 800; Reibnitz, 1901: 68. Ciesielski, 2009: 343. 29 Volumina Legum, 1782: 800; Reibnitz, 1901: 670; Niesiecki, 1844: 377. 30 Reibnitz, 1901: 110, 324; Stavenhagen, 1939: 173-174. 31 Reibnitz, 1901: 61, 111, 324; Machynia & Srzednicki, 1998: 78, 338. 32 Machynia & Srzednicki, 1998: 351. 33 Opyrchał, 2019: 71-74,107-110, 111-113. 34 Reibnitz, 1901. 28 Page | 365 The purpose of the creation of the plan The purpose of the creation of the plan is not clear. In 1771 there was a construction disaster, during which a fragment of the tower and of the wall from the western side collapsed. Most likely, the Military Department of the Permanent Council sent military engineers to Kamianets-Podilskyi, the task of whom was to elaborate a concept of the repair of the Kamianets-Podilskyi fortifications. This assumption is confirmed by the fact of the creation of very detailed plans of the fortress.35 Therefore, the author of the plan was not among the team of military engineers and could not prepare the plan in an overt way because already in the end of the 18th century, significant attention was paid to military secrecy which protected the fortifications of Kamianets-Podilskyi.36 Numerous inconsistencies with reality make the discussed plan similar to those created at the turn of the 17th and the 18th century when Kamianets-Podilskyi remained under Turkish rule and the persons drawing up plans did not have access to it. There is particularly strong similarity to the German anonymous plan, Plan von der Festung Caminiek Podolski37 [Fig. 3]. One cannot exclude that the present plan is a copy of that one, only slightly updated, e.g. with the house of Jan de Witte in Tatarzyska. One also cannot exclude the hypothesis that, perhaps, the author of the plan never was at Kamianets-Podilskyi, but only created a copy of the mentioned plan, Plan von der Festung Caminiek Podolski, which was only briefly updated by a person who had visited the fortress. The origin of the plan The discussed plan was present in the collection: ‘Archives Chasseloup Laubat’, which is proven by the stamp impression on the right side of the plan. The archive was owned by general François de Chasseloup-Laubat (1754-1833) who was a commander of the corps of engineers during several Napoleonic campaigns. He created many plans of reinforcements in Italy, Germany and also in Polish territories. He took part in the Russian Campaign in the year 1812.38 In the year 2003, the heir of the general, Murat de Chasseloup-Laubat, put on auction about 250 plans of fortresses and elevations of defensive buildings. The sale was opposed by the Ministry of Defense which argued that a part of the archives belong to the state. The court proceedings were continued for fifteen years, until 2018,39 when the Supreme Court of France ruled that general de Chasseloup-Laubat’s archives are public archives and 35 These are: the working version present at the Princes Czartoryski Library, known as The Big Plan of Kamianets-Podilskyi (B. Czart. inv. no. 122-76 folio), the already mentioned plan by Jan Schüller from 1773 and the plan by Józef Ekert (RSMHA ф. 349, оп. 17, д. 597), also Opyrchał, 2019: 116. 36 Cholewiński, 2018: 225 37 GStA, inv. no. XI, HA, FPK, G 71097, also Opyrchał, 2019: 42. 38 ‘Encyclopædia Britannica, vol. 5, 1911: 957. 39 The course of the court proceedings and the raised arguments of the parties in Fonck & Pénicaut, 2018. Page | 366 constitute the property of the state.40 It is reasonable to suspect that the French Ministry of Defense did not claim rights to the plan of Kamianets-Podilskyi as a fortress that is not connected with the history of France. Therefore, the plan could be sold, and later it arrived at the ‘Lamus’ Auction Hause in Warsaw. On 15 June 2020 it was put on auction no. 50 item. 168 and purchased for PLN 132041 by the National Library of Poland in Warsaw. Conclusions The plan of Kamianets-Podilskyi from 1773 purchased by the National Library of Poland two years ago does not provide significantly new information referring to the construction of Kamianets-Podilskyi and the surrounding localities from the end of the 18th century. The plan provides a better view on the surroundings of the fortress than on the fortress itself. The marking of the cemeteries, the Evangelical and the Jewish one, and of the wine storages, is a new aspect. Until now, in other plans, such details were omitted, probably considered as insignificant. It is not known why the author of the plan considered them important. The plan also underlines the fact of the international importance of this fortress and the high interest of foreign countries in its location. Taking into consideration the plan discussed here, a total of 50 manuscript and 25 printed plans of this fortress were created in the period of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.42 Acknowledgments I would like to kindly thank Mr. Paweł Zarychta, PhD, and prof. Grzegorz Chromik for reading the content of the legend of the plan and for consultations related to German language. Cédolin, 2018. Information written with a pencil, on the back side of the plan BN, ZZK 52 374 A. 42 Opyrchał, 2016; 2019. 40 41 Page | 367 Fig. 1. The plan of Kamianets-Podilskyi from 1773 [BN, ZZK 52 374 A] Page | 368 Fig. 2. Cemeteries marked in a map from the year 1930; they were marked in the discussed plan from the year 1773 [BN, ZZK S-21 306 A – a fragment] Fig. 3. The New Castle and the Old Castle in Kamianets-Podilskyi in different plans. On the left - a fragment of the discussed plan [BN, ZZK 52 374 A]; on the right – a fragment of the plan kept in Berlin [GStA XI, HA, FPK, G 71097; after Opyrchał, 2019: 42, fig. 14]. Both representations of the Old Castle are very similar to one another and very different from reality. Page | 369 Bibliography Sources B. 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(2012) Castrum Camenecensis Fortetsya Kam'yanetsʹ [Castrum Camenecensis Fortress of Kamianets]. Kamianets-Podilskyi: ABETKA. [in Ukrainian] Reibnitz, P. (1901) Geschichte der Herren und Freiherren von Reibnitz 1241 bis 1901. Berlin: Mittler. Srogoż, T., (1997) Dżuma ujarzmiona? Walka z czarną śmiercią za Stanisława Augusta. Wrocław: Arboretum. Stavenhagen, O., (1939) Genealogisches Handbuch der kurländischen Ritterschaft, Teil 1. Görlitz: Verl. für Sippenforschung und Wappenkunde Starke. The Encyclopaedia Britannica: A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Literature and General Information (11th edition), vol. 5, ed. H. Chisholm, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1911. Zgórniak, M. (1991) ‘Nieznany plan Kamieńca Podolskiego z 1713 r.’, Studia i Materiały do Historii Wojskowości 34: 321-325. To cite this article: Opyrchał, L. (2022). The plan of Kamianets-Podilskyi from 1773. Historia i Świat 11, 361-371, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.23 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 371 Page | 372 WITNESSES OF THE PAST OF SIEDLCE REGION (BIOGRAPHIES) Page | 373 Page | 374 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 ŚWIADKOWIE PRZESZŁOŚCI ZIEMI SIEDLECKIEJ. BIOGRAMY https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.24 GÜNTHER Wacław (1884-1953), inż. elektryk i inż. mechanik, wykładowca w Oficerskiej Szkole Inżynierów, adiunkt w Katedrze Miernictwa Elektrycznego Politechniki Warszawskiej, prof. zw. elektrotechniki ogólnej w Politechnice Wrocławskiej. Ur. się 5 VII 1884 r. w Siedlcach, syn Henryka, zarządcy czyli dyrektora administracyjnego szpitala w Siedlcach, i Heleny z Pytlasińskich. Miał młodszego brata Mieczysława (zob.), siostrę Helenę, po II wojnie światowej pracowniczkę Politechniki Śląskiej w Gliwicach. Nauki pobierał w gimnazjach: w Chełmie, Siedlcach i Lublinie, ale ze względu na działalność w polskich organizacjach nielegalnych maturę mógł uzyskać poza granicami Królestwa Polskiego, co zrealizował w 1905 r. w klasycznym gimnazjum w Jałcie na Krymie, kończąc je z odznaczeniem złotym medalem. Studia podjął na Wydziale Budowy Maszyn Szkoły Politechnicznej we Lwowie, które sfinalizował 12 X 1910 r. dyplomem inż. mechanika. Drugą specjalność inżyniera elektryka zdobył w 1912 r. po studiach w Instytucie im. Montefiore w Leodium (Liège) w Belgii. W trakcie studiów w Leodium odbył praktykę w szwajcarskiej fabryce Brown Boveri w Baden przy próbach odbiorczych maszyn oraz w oddziale doświadczalnym. Już podczas studiów 1 XI 1911 r. został asystentem w Katedrze Elektrotechniki Szkoły Politechnicznej we Lwowie, w 1913 r. awansował na stopień adiunkta i prowadził laboratorium elektrotechniczne. W 1914 r. otrzymał płatną docenturę kolei elektrycznych oraz stypendium, dzięki któremu zapoznał się z problemami budowy kolei elektrycznych: w Austrii, Niemczech, Szwajcarii, Włoszech i na Węgrzech. Podróż naukową przerwał wybuch I wojny światowej i G. wrócił do Lwowa zajętego we IX 1914 r. przez Rosjan, którzy zamknęli polskie szkoły. Wznowiły one działalność po ustąpieniu Rosjan w VI 1916 r., a G. otrzymał docenturę kolei elektrycznych. Zajęcia na uczelni łączył w latach 1914-1917 z pracą w biurze kablowym Miejskich Zakładów Elektrycznych we Lwowie przy przeróbce instalacji prądu stałego na zmienny. W 1917 r. przeniósł się na Politechnikę Warszawską i do listopada 1918 r. prowadził wykłady z teorii maszyn elektrycznych, przerwane w związku z wojną polsko -radziecką. Dnia 3 XI 1918 r. wstąpił ochotniczo do Wojska Polskiego, brał udział w obronie Lwowa, zorganizował oddział elektrotechniczny, warsztaty elektrotechniczne, oddział reflektorów oraz stację telegrafu iskrowego. 15 I 1919 r. otrzymał nominację Page | 375 na stanowisko kierownika Sekcji Elektrotechniki w Departamencie Technicznym Ministerstwa Spraw Wojskowych, a 10 VIII 1919 r. na szefa Sekcji Maszynowo -Elektrycznej Wojskowego Instytutu Technicznego w Warszawie. Po ukończeniu na początku 1921 r. skróconego kursu Szkoły Podchorążych dla osób z wyższym wykształceniem otrzymał nominację na kierownika w randze podpułkownika Głównego Zakładu Inżynieryjno-Saperskiego w I pułku saperów im. Tadeusza Kościuszki. W 1921 r. brał udział w pracach nad powołaniem Politechniki Wojskowej. Od 19 V 1923 r. objął stanowisko dyrektora nauk w Kościuszkowskim Obozie Szkolnym Saperów, a od jesieni 1923 r. do 1929 r. wykładał elektrotechnikę i urządzenia elektryczne w Oficerskiej Szkole Inżynierii i zorganizował laboratorium elektrotechniczne przystosowane dla potrzeb wojska. Pracę w wojsku łączył od 1 X 1924 r. z funkcją adiunkta w Zakładzie Miernictwa Elektrotechnicznego Politechniki Warszawskiej. W 1929 r. opuścił szeregi Wojska Polskiego i podjął pracę w Polskich Zakładach Elektrycznych Brown Boveri Spółka Akcyjna na stanowisku szefa biura propagandowego, a w fabryce w Żychlinie uruchamiał różnego rodzaju urządzenia, kierował również działem instalacyjnym. Przez kilka lat (1931-1935) pracował w Towarzystwie Kabli Dalekosiężnych: przy produkcji kabli teletechnicznych w fabryce Škody na Okęciu w Warszawie, przy układaniu kabli w różnych rejonach Polski, przy pomiarach kabli linii telefonicznych Warszawa-Mysłowice. Kierował badaniami sieci górnośląskiej przed jej uruchomieniem, zastępując inżynierów zagranicznych, którzy do tej pory wykonywali tego rodzaju prace; pomiarami pierwszego połączenia kablem krarupowanym z Warszawy do Rumunii. Opracował projekt połączenia kablowego Warszawa-Gdynia z odgałęzieniem do Bydgoszczy. Na zlecenie Ligi Narodów pod kierownictwem G. wykonano projekt połączenia kablowego Polska-Szwecja przez Bornholm. W okresie przyspieszonej elektryfikacji ziem polskich w drugiej połowie lat 1930-tych G. był dyrektorem (1936-1939) Biura Elektryfikacji w Ministerstwie Przemysłu i Handlu. Pod jego kierownictwem opracowano 4-letni (1937-1940) plan inwestycji elektryfikacyjnych. Oparto go na siłach wodnych, węglu i gazie ziemnym. Bazą wyjściową dla elektryfikacji był pas południowy i projektowanymi tzw. podkarpackimi szynami zbiorczymi, łączącymi Zagłębie Węglowe, siły wodne Podkarpacia, zagłębie gazowe oraz siły wodne Dniestru. Otrzymaną na południu energię zamierzano przesyłać do ośrodków przemysłowych w centrum Polski. W pierwszym etapie główną uwagę skupiono na dostarczeniu energii elektrycznej powstającym zakładom przemysłowym na terenie Centralnego Okręgu Przemysłowego, który pod względem energetycznym nie był przygotowany do tak szybkiego rozwoju przemysłowego. Popierano też zabiegi o rozbudowę elektryfikacji okręgowej. Za sprawę najważniejszą uznano budowę linii wysokiego napięcia (150 kV): Mościce-Starachowice (zamierzano ją przedłużyć do Warszawy), Mościce-Rzeszów, Mościce-Rożnów, Mościce-Górny Śląsk oraz linie o napięciu 30 kV: Mościce-Rzeszów, Rzeszów-Nisko. Planowano wydatki na zakładanie mniejszych elektrowni, pomoc kredytową na elektryfikację drobnego przemysłu i rzemiosła, projekty linii 150 kV. Koszty realizacji tego programu szacowano na 121 470 000 złotych. Nie został on jednak wcielony w życie w pierwotnej postaci, podjęto realizację tylko fragmentów. G. zaangażował się w prace Towarzystwa Politechnicznego we Lwowie, którego członkiem był od 1912 r. (figuruje w spisie z 1927 r., ale brak go w spisie z 1937 r.), Page | 376 działał w Sekcji Elektrotechnicznej, wchodził w skład jej zarządu i pełnił funkcję sekretarza w latach 1914-1918; był członkiem Komisji Słownictwa Elektrotechnicznego. Wziął udział w Zjeździe Założycielskim Stowarzyszenia Elektrotechników Polskich w Warszawie (6-9 VI 1919 r.) jako delegat Ministerstwa Spraw Wojskowych i wygłosił referat p.t. Zastosowanie elektrotechniki prądu silnego do celów prowadzenia wojny. Na tym Zjeździe wszedł (7 VI 1919 r.) w skład komisji, która ustaliła 32 terminy polskiego słownictwa elektrotechnicznego a Zjazd je zatwierdził. W powstałym w VI 1924 r. Polskim Komitecie Elektrotechnicznym został zastępcą sekretarza generalnego, a członkiem prezydium założonego w 1926 r. Polskiego Komitetu Energetycznego. W okresie okupacji pracował w Związku Elektrowni Polskich w Warszawie, w którym zespół pod kierunkiem Mieczysława Kuźmickiego, zapewne jego członkiem był G., opracował projekt elektryfikacji Polski do 1956 r. Po uruchomieniu 1 IV 1942 r. na bazie Politechniki Warszawskiej w Państwowej Wyższej Szkole Technicznej podjął wykłady z elektrotechniki i urządzeń elektrycznych. W Powstaniu Warszawskim utracił całe mienie i przeniósł się do Krakowa, brał udział w komisjach powołanych 16 VI 1945 r. przez Senat Akademii Górniczej dla przygotowania materiałów dotyczących rozmieszczenia szkół technicznych w Polsce i do opracowania projektu tytułów przysługujących ich absolwentom. Nawiązał współpracę z Politechniką Śląską z tymczasową siedzibą w Krakowie i wraz z uczelnią przeniósł się jesienią 1945 r. do Gliwic. Od 13 VI 1945 r. został prof. nadzw. podstaw elektrotechniki, kierował Katedrą Podstaw Elektrotechniki, a od 2 XI 1945 r. pełnił funkcje dziekana Wydziału Elektrycznego. Powyższe funkcje sprawował do 1 IX 1946 r., wtedy przeniósł się do organizowanej Politechniki Wrocławskiej obejmując kierownictwo Katedry Elektrotechniki Ogólnej, uzyskując 28 III 1947 r. tytuł prof. zwyczajnego Elektrotechniki Ogólnej na Wydziale MechanicznoElektrycznym. Przenosząc się do Wrocławia utrzymał wykłady w Politechnice Śląskiej z teorii prądów zmiennych na Wydziale Elektrycznym i z podstaw elektrotechniki na Wydziale Górniczo-Elektrycznym. W 1946 r. zorganizował w Politechnice Śląskiej studenckie Koło Elektryków. G. opublikował książkę p.t. Motor elektryczny jego znaczenie i zastosowanie w drobnym przemyśle (Lwów 1917) oraz 5 skryptów: Teoria maszyn elektrycznych (Warszawa 1917), Podstawy elektrotechniki (Warszawa 1925), Encyklopedia urządzeń elektrycznych niskiego napięcia (Warszawa 1925) – dwa ostatnie na podstawie wykładów w Oficerskiej Szkole Inżynierii, Elektrostatyka (Gliwice 1950), Rachunek symboliczny w elektrotechnice (Gliwice 1951). Napisany w czasie II wojny światowej podręcznik Zastosowanie rachunku wektorowego i symbolicznego do elektrotechniki zaginął podczas Powstania Warszawskiego. Opublikował również kilkanaście artykułów na łamach czasopism technicznych i gospodarczych: „Przeglądu Technicznego”, „Czasopisma Technicznego”, „Przeglądu Teletechnicznego”, „Przeglądu Elektrotechnicznego”, „Polski Gospodarczej”. Był odznaczony: Krzyżem Oficerskim Orderu Odrodzenia Polski (1922), Złotym Krzyżem Zasługi, Krzyżem Walecznych (1923), Krzyżem Niepodległości (1938), Krzyżem Obrony Lwowa, Krzyżem V Odcinka Obrony Lwowa, Medalem za Wojnę 1918-1921 (1928), Medalem X-lecia Odzyskania Niepodległości (1928), Brązowym Medalem za Długoletnią Służbę. Page | 377 Zmarł nagle na serce 9 VII 1953 r. w czasie wakacji na terenie Szwajcarii Kaszubskiej i tam został pochowany na cmentarzu w Kościerzynie. Był dwukrotnie żonaty: najpierw z Janiną z domu Wilke, z którą miał syna Mariana (1923), pracownika naukowego w zakresie nauk matematyczno-przyrodniczych uczelni polskich i zagranicznych; drugi raz (1949) z Krystyną Eysmont, pracowniczkę Instytutu Badawczego Leśnictwa w Warszawie. Łoza S., Czy wiesz kto to jest? Uzupełnienia i sprostowania, Warszawa 1938 (fot.); Kubiatowski J., Prof. inż. Wacław Günther (1884-1953), „Przegląd Elektrotechniczny” 1969, z. 9, s. 413 (fot.); Kubiatowski J., Sokolnicki S., Günther Wacław (1884-1953), [w:] Słownik zasłużonych elektryków wrocławskich, T. II, Wrocław 2001 (fot.); Słownik Biograficzny Techników Polskich, T. 14. Pod red. J. Piłatowicza, Warszawa 2003, s. 44-47 (Białkiewicz Z.); Polacy zasłużeni dla elektryki. Początki elektrotechnicznego szkolnictwa wyższego, pionierzy elektryki. Pod redakcją J. Hickiewicza, Warszawa-Gliwice-Opole 2009 (Białkiewicz Z.) – fot.; Popławski Z., Wykaz pracowników naukowych Politechniki Lwowskiej w latach 1844-1945, Kraków 1994, s. 58; Mianowanie Dyrektora Biura Elektryfikacji, „Przegląd Elektrotechniczny” 1936, nr 8, s. 200; Politechnika Warszawska 1915-1925. Księga pamiątkowa pod red. prof. L. Staniewicza, Warszawa 1925; Księga pamiątkowa Polskiego Towarzystwa Politechnicznego we Lwowie 1877-1927. Pod red. M. Matakiewicza, Lwów 1927, s. 90; Politechnika Śląska imienia Wincentego Pstrowskiego 1945-1970, Gliwice-Katowice 1970, s. 80, 87, 91, 96; Księga Jubileuszowa 50-lecia Politechniki Wrocławskiej 1945-1995. Pod red. R. Czocha, Wrocław 1995, s. 27, 145, 292; 50 lat Wydziału Elektrycznego Politechniki Wrocławskiej. Pod red. Z. Okraszewskiego i B. Synala, Wrocław 1995, s. 7; Popławski Z., Politechnika Lwowska w latach 1844-1945, Kraków 1999; Wspomnienia z czterdziestolecia Politechniki Wrocławskiej 1945-1985, Warszawa 1985, s. 167; Politech-nika Wrocławska we wspomnieniach pierwszych absolwentów, Wrocław 1990, s. 105; Gołąb W., Wspomnienia, [w:] Politechnika Wrocławska we wspomnieniach pierwszych absolwentów, Wrocław 1990, s. 105, 115; Historia Stowarzyszenia Elektryków Polskich 1919-1959, Warszawa 1959, s. 21, 184, 224, 230; Historia elektryki polskiej. T. I. Nauka, piśmiennictwo i zrzeszenia, Warszawa 1976; Historia elektryki polskiej. T. II. Elektroenergetyka, Warszawa 1977; Piłatowicz J., Projekty i programy elektryfikacji Polski w latach 1918-1939, [w:] Studia i Materiały z Dziejów Nauki Polskiej, Seria D, Z. 10, Warszawa 1984, s. 147-158; Trudne lata Akademii Górniczej, Kraków 1989; Piłatowicz J., Kształcenie inżynierów na potrzeby wojska w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym, [w:] Studia i Materiały do Historii Wojskowości, T. XXXIII (1990), s. 295, 297; Siciński Z., Wkład Politechniki Lwowskiej w polską elektrotechnikę, Wrocław-WarszawaKraków 1991, s. 54-55; Popławski Z., Dzieje Politechniki Lwowskiej 1844-1945, Wrocław-WarszawaKraków 1992; Politechnika Lwowska 1844-1945, Wrocław 1993; 75 lat Stowarzyszenia Elektryków Polskich 1919-1994. Część I. T. Skarzyński, J. Kubiatowski, Ważniejsze wydarzenia w okresie 18821919-1945, Warszawa 1994, s. 9, 18-19, 22, 54; Piłatowicz J., Brown Boveri i ASEA w przemyśle elektrotechnicznym Polski międzywojennej, [w:] Inżynierowie polscy w XIX i XX wieku, T. V. Pod red. J. Piłatowicza, Warszawa 1997, s. 37; Bąba W. J., Początki Politechniki Śląskiej, T. I-II, Gliwice 2010; Burak M., Dackiewicz K., Pregiel P., Wrocławskie uczelnie techniczne 1910-2010, Wrocław 2010, s. 173, 202; Hickiewicz J. przy współpracy z P. Sadłowskim, Roman Dzieślewski. Pierwszy polski profesor elektrotechniki i jego współpracownicy, Warszawa-Rzeszów-Tarnów-Gliwice-Opole 2014; Politechnika Śląska w Gliwicach. 75 lat tradycji. Profesorowie Politechniki Śląskiej 1945-2015, Gliwice 2019, s. 51-52; Piłatowicz J., Elektryfikacja Polski w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym, Lublin 2022, s. 109-111; Internet – Ludzie urodzeni w Siedlcach; fot [https://www.elektr.polsl.pl/index.php?option =com_content&view=article&id=4&catid=9&lang=pl-PL&Itemid=117; dostęp 30.03.2022]. Józef PIŁATOWICZ Page | 378 GÜNTHER Mieczysław Karol (1888-1957), inż. elektryk, organizator energetyki przemysłowej, inicjator elektryfikacji okręgu tarnowskiego, autor projektu elektryfikacji Polski. Ur. się 18 VII 1888 r. w Siedlcach, syn Henryka i Heleny z Pytlasińskich – o rodzinie por. biogram brata Wacława. Maturę uzyskał w 1907 r. w Gimnazjum im. Stanisława Staszica w Lublinie, po czym wyjechał na studia, najpierw na Wydziale Fizyczno-Matematycznym Uniwersytetu w Zurychu, a następnie na Wydziale Elektrotechnicznym Politechniki w Monachium (Königliche Bayerische Technische Hochschule zu München), które sfinalizował 15 III 1914 r. tytułem dyplomowanego inżyniera elektryka. Musiał prezentować wysoki poziom wiedzy, ponieważ uzyskał pracę w jednej z najlepszych firm elektrotechnicznych w Europie: Siemens-Schuckert Werke z Berlina, pełniąc w niej do końca lipca 1920 r. najpierw funkcję inżyniera w biurze projektującym urządzenia dla przedsiębiorstw górniczych, a następnie: opracowywał projekty elektrowni kopalnianych, urządzeń rozdzielczych i elektrycznych maszyn wyciągowych; pracował w biurze konstrukcyjnym aparatury rozdzielczej wysokiego napięcia; w biurze technicznym opracowującym oferty i kosztorysy na urządzenia elektryczne dla zakładów przemysłowych. Pozostając w tej grupie przemysłowej w 1917 r. przeniósł się na stanowisko inżyniera projektowego i montażowego w Polskich Zakładach Elektrotechnicznych „Siemens” w Sosnowcu, następnie do filii tych zakładów w Lublinie na stanowisko jej szefa. Dnia 1 VIII 1920 r. wstąpił ochotniczo do Wojska Polskiego i w stopniu szeregowca służył w 1. pułku artylerii zenitowej, ale już 20 IX 1920 r. skierowano go do Departamentu Budownictwa Ministerstwa Spraw Wojskowych. Przy Szkole Podchorążych Piechoty odbył przeszkolenie wojskowe dla osób z wyższym wykształceniem i 8 X 1921 r. mianowany na stopień kapitana, ale już 24 II 1922 r. przeniesiony do rezerwy. Po opuszczeniu wojska został kierownikiem Oddziału Elektrycznego w Kopalni Juliusz w Sosnowcu, należącej od 1914 r. do Warszawskiego Towarzystwa Kopalń Węgla i Zakładów Hutniczych, posiadającej własną elektrownię o mocy 9 500 kW i sieć elektryczną wyeksploatowaną w wyniku rabunkowej gospodarki podczas I wojny światowej. G. dokonał wymiany zużytych urządzeń lub przeznaczył do kapitalnego remontu; zaprojektował i nadzorował montaż rozdzielni wysokiego napięcia na dole kopalni. W 1924 r. przeniósł się do Warszawskiej Spółki Akcyjnej Budowy Parowozów, w której podlegały mu urządzenia elektryczne, zaprojektował i kierował tu montażem wielu urządzeń. W 1927 r. przeniósł się do budowanej Państwowej Fabryki Związków Azotowych w Mościcach k. Tarnowa na stanowisko kierownika elektrowni i wydziału elektrycznego. Kierował montażem i uruchomieniem wszystkich urządzeń elektrycznych wraz z elektrownią o mocy niemal 25 MW, którą oddano do użytku 5 X 1929 r. Moc elektrowni znacznie przekraczała potrzeby fabryki, dlatego z inicjatywy G. uzyskano 24 II 1934 r. uprawnienie rządowe na elektryfikację Okręgu Tarnowskiego, obejmującego 8 800 km2. Jej tempo było tak znaczące, że powołano do życia w 1937 r. Okręgowy Zakład Elektryczny w Tarnowie Sp. Akc. (OZET) z siedzibą zarządu w Mościcach, a G. powołano na stanowisko dyrektora zarządzającego, które pełnił do wybuchu II wojny światowej we IX 1939 r. Rozwijał działalność elektryfikacyjną na terenie wchodzącym w skład Centralnego Okręgu Przemysłowego, m.in. wybuPage | 379 dowano kilkaset kilometrów linii wysokiego i niskiego napięcia, wiele stacji transformatorowych oraz nową elektrownię o mocy 40 000 kW w Stalowej Woli koło Niska oddaną do użytku w maju 1939 r. Do projektu tej ostatniej wniósł poprawki, m.in. dotyczące możliwości jej rozbudowy, a montaż urządzeń prowadzony przez firmę Alsthom nadzorowali pracownicy OZET. Na bazie dotychczasowych doświadczeń G. zaproponował w 1937 r. 12-letni (1937-1948) projekt budowy dalekosiężnych sieci elektrycznych bardzo wysokiego napięcia, głównie w okręgach południowych i centralnych Polski. Realizacja projektu miała przebiegać w trzech kolejnych 4-leciach. Autor uznał za konieczne, z uwagi na względy obronności kraju, zapewnienie dostaw energii elektrycznej Warszawie i centralnym rejonom państwa ze źródeł węglowych, gazowych i wodnych. Dla umożliwienia racjonalnej gospodarki energetycznej w czasie pokoju należało szybko zbudować linię Śląsk-Kraków-Mościce. W dalszej perspektywie, zdaniem G., trzeba dążyć do budowy elektrowni u źródeł złóż gazowych w okolicy Jasła, skąd powinna być przeprowadzona druga linia do Warszawy, elektrowni wodnych na Sanie i linii ŚląskŁódź-Warszawa, później zaś linii z Mościc do Lwowa i dalej do pól gazowych w Daszawie, gdzie zlokalizowano elektrownię, wreszcie linii Lwów-Warszawa. W przyszłości postulował budowę odgałęzienia linii Mościce-Starachowice-Warszawa do Łodzi, która mogłaby w ten sposób być zasilana energią z zakładów wodnych i gazowych. Projekt G. przewidywał szynę zbiorczą dla energii ze źródeł węglowych, wodnych i gazowych, biegnącą od Chorzowa poprzez Janów, Jaworzno, Kraków, Mościce, Rzeszów, Przemyśl do Lwowa. Od tej szyny zbiorczej zamierzano przeprowadzić trzy główne magistrale, biegnące w kierunku północnym i łączące się w punkcie węzłowym umieszczonym w Warszawie. Miały to być następujące linie: Jaworzno-RadomskoŁódź-Warszawa, Rzeszów-Nisko-Lublin-Warszawa. Zarysował również przypuszczalny dalszy rozwój sieci państwowej wysokiego napięcia. Oprócz Wielkopolski i Pomorza skupiały się one przede wszystkim w województwach wschodnich, dopiero zatem po 1949 r. przewidywano tam elektryfikację na szerszą skalę. G. postulował aby realizację projektu konfrontować każdorazowo z potrzebami gospodarki i programem inwestycyjnym w pozostałych gałęziach przemysłu. Projektowaną sieć zasilać miały elektrownie śląskich kopalń i zakładów przemysłowych: Częstochowy, Krakowa, Lwowa, Łodzi, Warszawy, Pruszkowa, Lublina i ZEORK-u. Dzięki temu uzyskiwano możliwość wykorzystania rezerw. Zdecydowaną większość zainstalowanej mocy skomasowano w elektrowniach Zagłębia Węglowego na południowo-zachodnim krańcu Polski, konieczna była więc rozbudowa elektrowni w innych częściach kraju i budowa nowych, możliwie w pobliżu źródeł energii. Postulował G. rozbudowę elektrowni w Mościcach, Lwowie i Warszawie oraz budowę nowych wodnych: w Rożnowie (50 000 kW), Czchowie (10 000 kW), Solinie (ok. 22 000 kW), Myczkowcach na Sanie (ok. 5 000 kW), Lesku na Sanie (ok. 7 000 kW); cieplnych: w COP-ie na ogólną moc 60 000 kW; gazowych w Jasielskiem (ok. 50 000 kW) i Daszawie (ok. 50 000 kW). Elektrownie cieplne powinny być projektowane w jednostkach maszynowych co najmniej około 20 000 kW, z możliwością kilkakrotnej rozbudowy. Powyższy projekt nie wszedł w fazę realizacji. G. podczas pracy w Sosnowcu (1917-1920) należał do Stowarzyszenia Techników w Sosnowcu. Był członkiem Stowarzyszenia Elektryków Polskich, a od 1930 r. Polskiego Towarzystwa Politechnicznego we Lwowie. W okresie międzywojennym wchodził w skład Komisji Gospodarki Elektrycznej Polskiego Komitetu EnergetyczPage | 380 nego, której zadaniem było m.in. wydawanie opinii w sprawach związanych z wytwarzaniem, przesyłaniem i użytkowaniem energii elektrycznej z własnej inicjatywy, jak i na żądanie zainteresowanych stron. Dla uczestników Walnego Zgromadzenia Stowarzyszenia Elektryków Polskich w 1931 r., zwiedzających Państwową Fabrykę Związków Azotowych (PFZA) w Mościcach, wygłosił referat pt. Urządzenia elektryczne w PFZA w Mościcach, a w 1936 r. w Oddziale Tarnowskim Polskiego Towarzystwa Politechnicznego pt. O obecnym stanie planów elektryfikacyjnych w Polsce. Na I Polskim Kongresie Inżynierów we Lwowie w 1937 r. wygłosił referat na temat elektryfikacji Polski pt. Zagadnienie elektryfikacji (wytyczne do projektu państwowych linii przesyłowych). Był członkiem Związku Polskich Inżynierów Elektryków. W 1937 r. wchodził w skład Rady Związku Elektrowni Polskich jako szef Wydziału Elektrycznego Zjednoczonych Fabryk Związków Azotowych w Mościcach i Chorzowie. Biuro Dróg Wodnych Ministerstwa Komunikacji wielokrotnie powoływało G. na rzeczoznawcę przy budowie elektrowni wodnej w Rożnowie, a Ministerstwo Przemysłu i Handlu mianowało go stałym członkiem Komitetu Rzeczoznawców dla spraw dotyczących elektryfikacji państwa i budowy nowych elektrowni. Wchodził w skład komitetu budowy linii przesyłowej 150 kV Mościce-Starachowice. Tuż przed wybuchem II wojny światowej, 31 VIII 1939 r. został zmobilizowany i skierowany na stanowisko dowódcy kompanii saperów w 5 baonie saperów w Krakowie. Po klęsce wrześniowej powrócił do Mościc, ale nie wyraził zgody na pracę pod kierownictwem niemieckim, dlatego został usunięty z mieszkania, pozostawiając w nim cały dobytek. Na początku 1940 r. objął na krótko stanowisko dyrektora Elektrowni Miejskiej w Tarnowie, ale po kilku miesiącach, nie chcąc podpisać Volkslisty, postanowił wraz z żoną i synem opuścić Polskę, pieszo przeszli przez Karpaty na Słowację, skąd przez Węgry i Jugosławię dotarli do Francji, gdzie G. i syn zgłosili się do Wojska Polskiego. Po upadku Francji przedostał się do Anglii, zweryfikowany w stopniu kapitana nie został przyjęty do wojska ze względu na wiek i nadmiar oficerów. Podjął wówczas pracę w firmie The English Electric Company Limited w Stafford w charakterze inżyniera elektryka w dziale zajmującym się eksportem. Do Polski powrócił 31 VII 1947 r. i uzyskał zatrudnienie na stanowisku dyrektora oddziału elektrotechnicznego w Zjednoczeniu Warszawskim Państwowych Przedsiębiorstw Budowlanych. Po zorganizowaniu oddziału skoncentrował jego działalność na projektowaniu i wykonawstwie instalacji elektrycznych w budynkach mieszkalnych. Dnia 22 VI 1948 r. przeniósł się do Przedsiębiorstwa Robót Elektrycznych na stanowisko szefa inspektoratu technicznego terenowych biur projektowych, a od 1 XI 1950 r. szefa inspektoratu technicznego terenowych biur projektowych tegoż Przedsiębiorstwa Robót Elektrycznych, a po jego przemianowaniu na Zjednoczenie Elektroprojekt w Centralnym Zarządzie Montażu Urządzeń Elektrycznych, w którym G. został kierownikiem Działu Kontroli Technicznej. Zajmował się m.in. analizą ocen i ekspertyz urządzeń elektrycznych w nowoprojektowanych zakładach przemysłowych, np. Zakładów Chemicznych Oświęcim i Zakładów Azotowych w Tarnowie. W latach 1949-1952 prowadził wykłady zlecone na Wydziale Elektrycznym Politechniki Warszawskiej z budowy elektrowni, a na Wydziale Komunikacyjno-Mechanicznym tejże uczelni z elektrotechniki ogólnej. Znał języki: angielski, francuski, niemiecki i rosyjski. Page | 381 Był dwukrotnie odznaczony Złotym Krzyżem Zasługi (1934, 1957) i Krzyżem Kawalerskim Orderu Odrodzenia Polski (1938). Zmarł nagle 17 VI 1957 r. w Warszawie i został pochowany na Cmentarzu Powązkowskim (kwat. 84-6-22/23). Był dwukrotnie żonaty: z pierwszą żoną Wandą z Szostkiewiczów (zmarła w 1946 r. w Anglii) miał syna Romana Janusza, studenta Politechniki Lwowskiej, który zginął jako żołnierz 1 VII 1940 r. na zbombardowanym przez Niemców okręcie. Drugą żoną była Janina z Jasińskich. Kubiatowski J., Mgr inż. Mieczysław Günther (1888-1957), „Przegląd Elektrotechniczny” 1969, z. 9, s. 414-415 (fot.); Białkiewicz Z., Günther Mieczysław Karol (1888-1957), [w:] Słownik Biograficzny Techników Polskich. T. 14. Pod red. J. Piłatowicza, Warszawa 2003, s. 42-44; Alfabetyczny spis oficerów rezerwy, Warszawa 1922, s. 89; Polskie Towarzystwo Politechniczne we Lwowie 1877-1937. Księga pamiątkowa pod red. E. Bratro, Lwów 1937, s. 12, 43; Historia elektryki polskiej. T. I. Nauka, piśmiennictwo i zrzeszenia, Warszawa 1976; Historia elektryki polskiej. T. II. Elektroenergetyka, Warszawa 1977; Piłatowicz J., Naczelna Organizacja Inżynierów Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w latach 1935-1939, Warszawa 1990; Piłatowicz J., Kadra inżynierska w II Rzeczypospolitej, Siedlce 1994; 75 lat Stowarzyszenia Elektryków Polskich 1919-1994. Cz. I. T. Skarzyński, J. Kubiatowski, Ważniejsze wydarzenia w okresie 1882-1919-1945, Warszawa 1994, s. 33; Sypek A., 60 lat Zakładu Energetycznego Tarnów 1937-1997. Zarys monograficzny energetyki tarnowskiej, Tarnów 1997, s. 52, 65, 71-72, 81, 177. Mimo, że w 1969 r. inż. Jerzy Kubiatowski opublikował biogram G. , to A. Sypek w 1997 r. twierdził, że po powrocie do Polski: „Nie są znane dalsze jego losy” (s. 177); Piłatowicz J., Ruch stowarzyszeniowy inżynierów i techników polskich do 1939 r. T. I, Warszawa 2003; Piłatowicz J., Ruch stowarzyszeniowy inżynierów i techników polskich do 1939 r. T. II. Słownik polskich stowarzyszeń technicznych i naukowotechnicznych do 1939 r., Warszawa 2005; Piłatowicz J., Elektryfikacja Polski w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym, Lublin 2022. Józef PIŁATOWICZ To cite this article: Piłatowicz, J. (2022). Świadkowie przeszłości ziemi siedleckiej (biogramy): Günther Wacław, Günther Mieczysław Karol. Historia i Świat 11, 375-382, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.24 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. Page | 382 MESSAGES Page | 383 Page | 384 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 11 (2022) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Artur GOSZCZYŃSKI (Siedlce University / Janusz Kurtyka Foundation, Warsaw, Poland) The Magnates of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 16th-18th century: towards Sejmiks. Ciechanowiec May 24-27, 2022 https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.25 Abstract: Overview and description of the 6th edition of Scientific Conference “The Magnates of PolishLithuanian Commonwealth in 16th-18th century” in Ciechanowiec (2022.05.24-27). Key words: History, History of Poland, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the scientific conference The matter of Polish nobles in 16th and 17th century remains an interesting field for both experienced scholars and young researchers specialising in modern times. Every year there appear publications concerning this social stratum and its influences. Klio adepts discuss matters of noble establishment there. Those matters are quite broad – from politics and religion to economy and society, etc. That is the reason why frequent meetings of researchers are needed. This way they can share their findings and simply debate. It is worth mentioning that there are still some matters that remain unclear or dubious, i.e. criteria of membership to this stratum. To meet those expectations researchers from Faculty of History and International Relations at the University of Bialystok in cooperation with the Krzysztof Kluk Museum of Agriculture and Technical and General Education School Complex in Ciechanowiec organised the 6th edition of Polish Scientific Conference “The Magnates of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 16th-18th century” (Polish: Magnateria Rzeczypospolitej w XVI -XVIII wieku) which took place from 24th to 27th May 2022. This time it was in Ciechanowiec so, the primary topic was the relation between the nobility and the sejmiks. The exact proceedings started on May 25 with a plenary panel and the Andrzej Rachuba’s (The Polish Academy of Sciences) paper on the areas of influence of nobility in Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 17th century and how they reflected on the decisions made on sejmiks. In the paper this historian focused on actions taken by  ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6643-5416. [email protected] Page | 385 the most important members of nobility in order to force some issues during gentry’s meetings. The next to take the floor was Andrzej Zakrzewski (University of Warsaw) who focused on postulates of nobility, which were discussed during the assembly. In Michała Zwierzykowski’s (Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań) paper the most singnificant turned out the role of senators in the functioning of sejmiks of Poznań and Kalisz Voivodeships between 1696 and 1763. This panel was closed by the paper Adam Kaźmierczyk (Jagiellonian University) on the attitude of nobility towards Jewish sejmiks. The paper focused on the role of nobles in shaping of local government in the Crown in modern times. After the plenary panel the conference was continued in to separate sections. The first one started with the paper of Justyna Gałuszka (Jagiellonian University), who analysed the actions of Stanislaw ‘The Devil’ Stadnicki (ca. 1551-1610) during the debate of Wiszeń sejmik. Gałuszka, as a representative of the younger generation of historians pointed to some facts proving that Stadnicki was one of the leaders of that organisation. The next paper was presented by a Belarusian researcher Andrej Radamanow (University of Bialystok). He presented his findings on Aleksander Chodkiewicz as well as his activity during sejmiks of Nowogród Voivodeship. Another speaker, Radosław Lolo (Academy of Finance and Business Vistula), focused on Krasiński house and the role they played during Ciechanów sejmik in 17th century. Konrad Bobiatyński (University of Warsaw), the next speaker, analysed the details of political battle during the proceedings of Oszmiana sejmik in the 2nd half of 17th century. The last speaker was Jolanta Marszalska (Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw), who highlighted the issue of book censorship during nobility assemblies. The second part of this section started with Łukasz Gołaszewski’s paper (University of Warsaw) who shed light on the use of proceedings of sejmik of Bielsk in achieving private and political goals by nobles. Another paper was presented by rev. Waldemar Graczyk (Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw), who focused on the influence of Płock Bishop Stanisław Łubieński (1627-1640) on Mazovia sejmiks and discussed the meaning of these meetings in local and home politics. Marta Kupczewska (University of Bialystok) presented political influence of Kiev Voivode Tomasz Zamoyski on noble sejmik up to 1628. The incoming papers focused on the most distinctive magnates in the 17th century. Artur Goszczyński (Siedlce University of Natural Sciences and Humanities / Janusz Kurtyka Foundation) described the attitude of assemblies of nobles towards the postulates of Jeremi Michał Wiśniowiecki (1612-1651) which were linked with his private conflicts. Jan Jerzy Sowa (University of Bialystok) analysed the letters of Grand Crown Hetman Stanisław Jabłonowski on royal sejmiks. The second section began with the paper of Robert Kołodziej (University of Wroclaw) which focused on activity of Jan Chryzostom Pieniążek under the reign of Jan III Sobieski. Consecutive papers took the participants further in time to the 18th century. Grzegorz Glabisz (Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań) analysed Page | 386 actions of supporters of Jerzy August Mniszech during magnate assemblies in Greater Poland in the period 1764-1768. He discussed the issue of political influence of magnates in political life outside of their province. The next researcher Kamil Jakimowicz (Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin), focused on the activity of royal clubs’ leaders in Kraków and Sandomierz Voivodeships during ‘Sołtyk’ crisis. In this matter he analysed their influence strategy on the local gentry in 1782. After that we were able to hear a paper of Witold Filipczak (University of Lodz) who described the influence of magnates who stood in opposition to Chełm sejmik proceedings between 1778 and 1786. This conference panel was concluded with Panel Dariusz Rolnik’s (University of Silesia in Katowice) paper on the involvement of the most singnificant members of nobility in Mińsk sejmik proceedings in the years 1778-1788 to show the influence of Radziwiłł House and other magnates on the politics in Mińsk Voivodeship. The deliberation of this section was renewed by Karol Łopatecki (University of Bialystok) and his research on the role of nobility in election and appointment of land judges and subjudges in Poland. He drew his attention to the importance of this office for the business of nobles. Zbigniew Hundert (The Royal Castle in Warsaw – Museum) attempted to characterise the nobility’s impact on Mazovia sejmiks under Jan III Sobieski. This historian using the documents of proceedings and correspondence pointed to people, thier ways and benefits of subordination of those proceedings. It showed the mechanisms of both royal and party politics in this province in the last years of the 17th century. The consecutive research focused on the organisational side of noble assemblies and the importance of behind-the-scenes talks during such meetings. Tomasz Ciesielski (University of Opole) presented doings Józef Kante Ossoliński to prepare sufficient amount of wine for preconvocational sejmik proceedings of 1764. After that Monika Jusupović (Polish Academy of Sciences) described the influence of Tyszkiewicz family during Wilno sejmik in the period of building the royal party of Stanisław August Poniatowski. This section was concluded by the presentation of paper of a then-absent researcher Adam Kucharski (Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun), who analysed the attitude of magnates toward sejmiks in the 2nd half of 18th century based on handwritten press. The second day of this conference (May 26) started with plenary proceedings and the paper by Dariusz Makiłła (University of Economics and Human Sciences in Warsaw) entitled “Polish sejmiks in the 17th and 18th century. Whose were they?”. He presented his thoughts on the influence of magnates on noble assemblies in that period. Przemysław Gawron (Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw) gave a speech on means of communication of royal hetmans with gentry uder the Vasa dynasty. He thoroughly discussed the ways of communication between leaders with particular people as well as the whole group of nobles. Edward Opaliński (Polish Academy of Sciences) analysed the impact of magnates on noble assemblies by showing their attitude toward sejmiks and conventions in Greater Poland in the period of Zebrzydowski’s rebellion. Jerzy Urwanowicz (University of Bialystok) Page | 387 focused on the stance of Jan Klemens Branicki toward sejmik proceedings from 1729 to 1767. In the afternoon the proceedings were renewed in two separate sections. In the first section Łukasz Godlewski (University of Bialystok) presented a paper on the attitude of magnates towards the postulate raised by executional movement on royal sejmiks 1562-1566, which pointed to unlawfully obtained lands belonging to the Crown. Anna Podlecka (University of Bialystok) focused on the attitude of gentry towards the French candidate to the Polish throne after Sigismund II August’s death. She highlighted activity of Jan Dymitr Solikowski who eagerly suppored Henry of Valois’s succession. Kornelia Wasiak (Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw) in her findings tried to analyse propaganda mechanisms under Batory’s reign. She analysed royal instructions for Korczyn convention of May 1578. This conference panel was concluded with the paper by Paweł Krokosz (The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow) entitled “Ferram, opes patriae, sibi nomen – The Stroganow activity in Russian province from 16th to 18th century”. The second conference section began with the paper Maciej Franz (Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań) on the image of nobility in historiography. The researcher presented the image of magnates and their role on sejmiks based on manuscripts by young representatives of Lviv history school. Iwona DackaGórzyńska (DiG Publishing) focused on heraldic inspiration in Old Polish parliamentary oratory. Mariusz Drozdowski (University of Bialystok) focused on the persona of Great Crown Chancellor Jerzy Ossoliński and his attitude towards Chmielnicki Uprising. Andrzej Stroynowski (Jan Dlugosz University in Czestochowa) considered parliamentary oratory of magnates under the rule of Stanisław August Poniatowski. The last conference day consisted of two panels. The first one began with the paper of Emil Kalinowski (The National Library) on the impact of Podlasie Voivode Mikołaj Kiszka on sejmiks. Kiszka intended to dominate local citizens despite their animosity towards his persona. Adam Moniuszko (University of Warsaw) discussed the impact of western Mazovia magnates on noble assemblies under the rule of Sigismund III Vasa. Andrzej Korytko (University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn) focused on senators’ stance towards sejmiks under the rule of Władysław IV Vasa. In his paper the researcher discussed the presence of senators in proceedings of sejmiks. The last speaker Ewa Dubas-Urwanowicz (University of Bialystok) analysed the issue of political advancement to power elite based on magnates’ sons in the 18th century. The final conference panel began with the paper of Mariusz Sawicki (University of Opole) who presented the attitude of 1695 Lithuanian sejmiks towards the curse cast on Sapieha family. Barbara Krysztopa-Czupryńska (University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn) presented thoughts of British diplomats on mechanisms of sejmik policy under Wettin dynasty. The last but one paper was presented by Maria Czeppe (Polish Academy of Sciences) who described the process of creating sejmik campaigns Page | 388 by the royal court in the last years of August III’s rule. Andrej Macuk (Polish Academy of Sciences) thoroughly discussed the involvement of magnates Lithuanian sejmiks under August III. The number of papers presented during the conference proves that nobility remains a matter of interest for both younger and more experienced historians. The issues discussed there concerned various aspects of the involvement of magnates in sejmik proceedings. The papers shed some light on problems that are present in historiography. Behind-the-scenes discussions showed the interest of participants in the issues touched upon. Such meetings are necessary for those who research and want to discuss the matter of nobility throughout the recent centuries. After the conference there will appear a publication consisting of the presented papers. To cite this article: Goszczyński, A. (2022). The Magnates of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 16th-18th century: towards Sejmiks, Ciechanowiec May 24-27, 2022. Historia i Świat 11, 385-389, DOI: 10.34739/his.2022.11.25 © 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license. 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