Pathos in Disguise. Conveying Emotions in the Visual Arts

Pathos und Polis Einsatz und Wirkung von Emotionen im klassischen Griechenland Herausgegeben von Viktoria Räuchle, Sven Page und Vibeke Goldbeck Mohr Siebeck Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 Viktoria Räuchle ist Akademische Rätin an der LMU München. orcid.org/0000-0002-7341-3514 Sven Page ist Referent an der Philipps-Universität Marburg. Vibeke Goldbeck ist Wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin an der Freien Universität Berlin. ISBN 978-3-16-161332-6 / eISBN 978-3-16-161424-8 DOI 10.1628/978-3-16-161424-8 ISSN 2750-4689 / eISSN 2750-4700 (Emotions in Antiquity) Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliographie; detaillierte bibliographische Daten sind über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. © 2022 Mohr Siebeck Tübingen. www.mohrsiebeck.com Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlags unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für die Verbreitung, Vervielfältigung, Übersetzung und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Das Buch wurde von Martin Fischer aus der Minion gesetzt und von Hubert & Co. in Göttingen auf alterungsbeständiges Werkdruckpapier gedruckt und gebunden. Den Umschlag entwarf Uli Gleis in Tübingen. Umschlagabbildung: Marble metope (South XXVII) from the Parthenon: a Centaur is restrained by a Lapith. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Printed in Germany. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 Inhaltsverzeichnis Vorwort . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Viktoria Räuchle 1 I. Emotion und Kohäsion 1. Love and Reciprocity: The Two Poles of Civic Solidarity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 David Konstan 2. Neuer Wein in alten Schläuchen? Das Fest der Anthesteria als methodische Herausforderung für die Emotionsgeschichte . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Angela Ganter II. Bilder und Affekte 3. Pathos in Disguise: Conveying Emotions in the Visual Arts . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Viktoria Räuchle 4. Zu Strategien der Pathosevozierung im Bild: Das Wiedersehen mit der schönen Helena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Marion Meyer III. Emotionen auf der Theaterbühne 5. Zum Potential der emotionalen Einflussnahme des Sophokleischen Dramas auf die zeitgenössischen Polisbürger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Michael Krewet 6. Comic Pathos and the Legal Emotional Community: Destabilizing Judicial Anger and Pity in Aristophanes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 Emiliano J. Buis Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 VIII Inhaltsverzeichnis IV. Emotionen auf der politischen Bühne 7. Krieg der Gefühle: Emotionale Volksversammlungen während des Peloponnesischen Krieges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Sven Page 8. Erinnerung und Emotion in Reden vor der Volksversammlung . . . . . . . . 231 Christoph Michels V. Leiden für die Polis 9. Leiden und leiden lassen für die Polis: Aischines, Demosthenes und der Aufstieg Makedoniens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 Sabine Müller 10. „Ich rette diese Stadt, mein Leben geb ich freudig für sie hin“. Pathos und Pragmatik bei der Selbsttötung für die Polis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 Isabelle Künzer Autoren und Herausgeber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305 Autoren- und Werkregister . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309 Personen- und Sachregister . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321 Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise Conveying Emotions in the Visual Arts Viktoria Räuchle We tend to take it for granted that emotions manifest in body language. For the study of emotions in the ancient visual arts, this paradigm poses a problem: images of the Graeco-Roman culture, especially of the Classical era, are notoriously hesitant in representing emotions via facial expressions. Even gestures and postures are used only in a controlled and carefully crafted manner to convey affective states and feelings. But is the reluctance towards expressive body language tantamount to a ‘lack of visible emotions in most artworks’?1 At any rate, it seems to be one of the reasons why the subject of emotions in Greek and Roman art has not (yet) received the scholarly attention it deserves.2 Most of the, already scant, studies still focus on the semantics of facial expression3 and/or body language4 or concentrate on the iconography of individual emotions (with grief and mourning constantly maintaining the pole position).5 Apart from a few preliminary surveys,6 a comprehensive study on the manifold ‘languages of emotion’ in ancient imagery has yet to be written.7 The following chapter proposes a methodological framework for the identification and interpretation of emotional content in Classical Greek (Athenian) imagery beyond facial expression and body language. Athenian vase painting of the fifth century bc offers an ideal starting point for this endeavour as it is unrivalled in its variety of mythological and non-mythological subjects. By 1 Bobou 2013, 273. Mylonopoulos 2017, 73 considers another important factor: ‘The main and most obvious reason was and partially remains that a discipline often accused of being “subjective” did not wish to deliver further ammunition to its critics.’ 3 Tsingarida 2001; Maderna 2009. 4 Prioux 2011; Bobou 2013. On emotions and body language in Greek art: Neumann 1965 (gestures); Franzoni 2006 (pathos and ēthos); Catoni 2005 (schēmata). 5 For the iconography of grief and mourning (according to ancient definitions significantly not an emotion, cf. Konstan 2006, 244) see e. g. Shapiro 1991; Huber 2001; Oakley 2004; Sojc 2005. – Further studies on individual emotions: Kenner 1960 (laughing and weeping); McNiven 2016 (fear in ancient Greece); Räuchle 2017 (maternal emotions in classical Athens). 6 Masseglia 2012; Mylonopoulos 2017; R äuchle 2019. 7 Cf. Cairns and Nelis 2017, 14. 2 Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 64 Viktoria Räuchle and large, these images were manufactured for the symposium, hence one of the most important institutions for male Athenian citizens. Although their relation to ‘reality’ is anything but straightforward, they do reflect the ancient belief and value system which shaped and structured the Athenian ‘Lebenswelt’.8 The pictorial strategies of conveying internal states and character traits are inseparably linked to the (folk) concepts of the human psyche. A more thorough understanding of how emotions and other psychological conditions were conceived of in the past can therefore help us to gain a better understanding of the ancient visual culture – and vice versa. For ancient concepts of emotion, I will mainly draw upon Aristotle who offered the first systematic, albeit not always coherent, definitions and classifications of the pathē and other affective phenomena. His works date to the second half of the fourth century bc, hence some generations later than the vase paintings under consideration. However, he programmatically builds upon the cultural models of the time – be they philosophical theories, be they folk concepts – and thus provides an excellent source for ancient beliefs and attitudes towards emotions.9 What is more, as the historical ‘father’ of emotion theory, his models have had a decisive effect on later generations of scholars, from ancient to modern, and can therefore serve as a bridge to modern theories.10 The chapter is structured in four main sections: the first section introduces the ancient concepts of pathos and ēthos as analytical categories in the study of the visual arts. As will be shown, the dividing line between these two concepts is rather vague and many of the prima facie unemotional images and motives contain a great deal of emotional information on closer inspection. The second section is devoted to ‘loud gestures’, i. e. expressive forms of body language, that are traditionally associated with pathos. While these gestures are suited to express intense (emotional) arousal, they are rather vague in conveying the exact emotion. The third section, therefore, deals with the role of context in representing a figure’s emotional state. The fourth and last part concerns the phenomenon of ‘outsourcing’ emotional experience with the help of personifications. 8 On the role of Athenian vase painting for the reconstruction of ancient discourses see e. g. Bérard et al. 1989, 8; Heinemann 2016, 5. 9 Cf. the works by David Konstan, e. g. Konstan 2006, 31–40. 10 Cf. Voss 2009, 121. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 65 1. Between Ēthos and Pathos At least by the 420s bc, the Greeks had established the term pathos to denote different kinds of affective experiences.11 There is no clear definition of it in the ancient writings nor a consistent catalogue of the affective phenomena to be categorized as such. Even Aristotle, the master of the pathē, often contradicts himself with regard to their nature and the specific experiences he lists in the context of this term.12 Also, pathos is not always synonymous with our modern ‘emotion’ but sometimes covers a wider range of experiences and sometimes is limited to only a small set of emotions. A first, very basic definition of pathos is already inherent in the word itself: derived from the root πάσχω (‘I feel, suffer’) it literally means ‘suffering’ or ‘experience’ – in this case, a passive experience of body and soul which the subject cannot control entirely.13 A typical episode of pathos is, in most cases, not long-lasting but rather brief and acute. The term ēthos (ἦθος) is derived from ἔθος, meaning ‘habit’, ‘custom’, or ‘manner’, and can be roughly translated with ‘character’. The concept comprises long-lasting personality traits which are shaped by natural predisposition but also by socialization. They manifest in a person’s bodily appearance, their way to speak, to act – and to think.14 One of the most essential elements in the conception of good character is the ideal of sōphrosynē, literally ‘soundness of mind’, but also ‘self-control’ and ‘moderation’. From the fifth century bc onwards and throughout antiquity, the ability of self-restraint, including emotion control, is a key concern in the discourse on proper behaviour and character.15 The terms ēthos and pathos have a long history in art criticism: they can already be found in ancient theoretical writings discussing the ability of different art forms or artists to convey character traits and emotional states.16 Following this ancient tradition, it has become common practice in modern art history and 11 Harris 2001, 84. On the inconsistencies in Aristotle’s emotion concept see R app 2002, 545–7. 13 Cf. R app 2002, 543; Konstan 2006, 4. 14 Cf. Pl. Resp. 395d: … ἢ οὐκ ᾔσθησαι, ὅτι αἱ μιμήσεις, ἐὰν ἐκ νέων πόρρω διατελέσωσιν, εἰς ἔθη τε καὶ φύσιν καθίστανται καὶ κατὰ σῶμα καὶ φωνὰς καὶ κατὰ τὴν διάνοιαν; – ‘… Or have you not observed that imitations, if continued from youth far into life, settle down into habits and (second) nature in the body, the speech, and the thought?’ (trans. Shorey); Arist. Rh. 1370a3–4: … καὶ τὰ ἔθη (καὶ γὰρ τὸ εἰθισμένον ὥσπερ πεφυκὸς ἤδη γίγνεται: ὅμοιον γάρ τι τὸ ἔθος τῇ φύσει: ἐγγὺς γὰρ καὶ τὸ πολλάκις τῷ ἀεί, ἔστιν δ᾽ ἡ μὲν φύσις τοῦ ἀεί, τὸ δὲ ἔθος τοῦ πολλάκις). – ‘… and the same with habits. For that which has become habitual becomes as it were natural; in fact, habit is something like nature, for the distance between “often” and “always” is not great, and nature belongs to the idea of “always”, habit to that of “often”.’ (trans. Freese). 15 Franzoni 2006, 63–8; Prioux 2011, 137. On sōphrosynē and emotion control see Harris 2001, 80–7. On sōphrosynē in general see North 1966; North 1977. 16 On the distinction between ēthos and pathos in ancient writings see Pollitt 1973, 43–54; Pollitt 1974, 184–9; Pollitt 1976. 12 Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 66 Viktoria Räuchle archaeology to differentiate between two types of body language that roughly correspond to ēthos and pathos.17 Claudio Franzoni’s terminology is the most straightforward: starting from Aby Warburg’s famous classification of emotionally charged visual tropes as ‘pathos formulas’, he proposes a second category called ‘ethos formulas’.18 Pathos formulas are expressive and spontaneous gestures and postures which appear context-specific. They convey a momentary condition and can thus be linked to an acute emotion, i. e. a relatively brief but intense internal state. Ethos formulas, on the other hand, are calm and reflected gestures that are habitual rather than spontaneous and thus translate a figure’s character and attitude into body language. It is traditionally assumed that the visual art of the Classical period was more interested in character than in emotions: figures in works of art, especially of the fifth century bc, are mostly characterized by calm, almost motionless faces and a very restrained body language, hence as ideal manifestations of sōphrosynē.19 However, the distinction is anything but clear-cut: many of the context-specific, situational gestures that convey acute pathos can at the same time point to an underlying character trait. Vice versa, the habitual gestures traditionally associated with ēthos are not necessarily congruent with a lack of emotional content. A notoriously underrated gesture with regard to its affective content is the dexiōsis (handshake). As one of the most important interpersonal gestures in Classical iconography, it appears in various settings and media which from a modern perspective cannot be easily reconciled: in Athenian vase painting, the handshake most often appears as a situation-related gesture in scenes of farewell or reunion.20 In the late fifth and fourth centuries bc, it can be used in grave 17 See the excellent study of Prioux 2011 (with further bibliographical references). Franzoni 2006, 245. Cf. Neumann 1965, 106–8, who differentiates between ‘pathetic’ and ‘noetic’ gestures: while the former comprise sudden and expressive movements that can be associated with affective reactions to concrete situations, the latter denote all sorts of calm gestures and movements that illustrate a figure’s reflective faculties and thereby refer to a permanent internal condition. 19 Fehr 1979, esp. 16–24; cf. Borbein 1985; Franzoni 2006, 63–8. 179–94; Prioux 2011, 137. 20 The following list is derived from a short screening of the Beazley Archive Pottery Database (BAPD) and of relevant literature; it does not claim to be exhaustive. A) Nonmythological scenes of departure: 1) Eight handshakes between two men (father and son): Stamnos, London, British Museum, 1843,1103.1; BAPD no. 213886. – Stamnos, Birmingham, City Museum and Art Gallery, inv. no. 1621.1885; BAPD no. 212505. – Volute krater, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv. no. G 343; BAPD no. 206948. – Calyx krater, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv. no. G 165; BAPD no. 206952. – Bell krater, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. no. 742; BAPD no. 2195. – Pelike, Athens, National Museum, inv. no. 14498; BAPD no. 215509. – Cup, Berlin, Antikensammlung, inv. no. F2536; BAPD no. 217284. – Cup, Altenburg, Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, inv. no. 232; BAPD no. 217223. – 2) Seven handshakes between man and woman (husband and wife): Volute krater, Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, inv. no. 36. 56; BAPD no. 206940 (maybe departure of Achilles) – Lekythos, Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, inv. 1939.909; BAPD no. 213914. – Warsaw, Museum of King Jan III’s Palace at Wilanów, inv. 18 Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 67 reliefs to convey the lasting unity of the oikos beyond death but also in document reliefs as a formal gesture to mark the conclusion of a contract.21 While earlier research had agreed upon the emotional notion of the gesture at least in some of these settings, especially in the funerary context, many of the more recent studies try to integrate all possible contexts and therefore interpret the dexiōsis as a rather stereotyped sign of unity or consensus with no affective component.22 The apparent conflict between legal act and private sentiment can be resolved by interpreting the gesture as a visual sign for philia which, at least from our modern perspective, is equally ambivalent with regard to its emotional content.23 This multi-faceted concept is most often translated as ‘friendship’ or ‘love’ but covers a wider spectrum of relationship structures, from close family ties to business acquaintances. Unlike our modern concepts of friendship or love, ancient philia not only includes the notion of mutual affection, but also involves rational motives and utilitarian aspects. For Martha Nussbaum, ‘love, while an emotion, is also a relationship. … In other words, the term “love” is used equivocally, to name both an emotion and a more complex form of life.’24 The complicated issue regarding the status of philia is extensively discussed by Aristotle in the Nicomachean Ethics, where he proposes to categorize it as a disposition instead of an acute emotion: Liking (φίλησις) seems to be an emotion (πάθος), friendship (φιλία) a fixed disposition (ἕξις) for liking can be felt even for inanimate things, but reciprocal liking involves deliberate choice, and this springs from a fixed disposition.25 no. Wil.5406; BAPD no. 275459 (see fn. 28). – Cup, Basel, Antikenmuseum und Sammlung Ludwig, inv. no. BS432; BAPD no. 340032. – Pelike, Bonn, Akademisches Kunstmuseum, inv. no. 76a; BAPD no. 215322. – Pelike, Paris, market; BAPD no. 215323. – Bell krater, Syracuse, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, inv. 30747; BAPD no. 215270. B) Encounter at tomb/ afterlife: 1) Two men shaking hands: Lekythos, Athens, Kerameikos Museum, inv. 1444; KER 8954; BAPD no. 9022801. – Lekythos, Basel, art market; BAPD no. 9028325. – 2) Handshake between man and woman: Lekythos, New York, Metropolitan Museum, inv. no. 08.258.19; BAPD no. 9003731. – Calyx krater, New York, Metropolitan Museum, inv. no. 08.258.21; BAPD no. 214585. – C) Handshake between groom and bride’s father to seal betrothal: Loutrophoros, Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, inv. no. 03.802; BAPD no. 15815. 21 The handshake in Greek iconography: Neumann 1965, 49–58; Ruprecht 2018, 75–96 (with further references). On Athenian grave reliefs: Davies 1985; Pemberton 1989; Meyer 1999, 120–1; Maderna 2011, 41. 65; R äuchle 2017, 235–7. In literature: Sittl 1890, 27–9. 22 See e. g. Bergemann 1997, 62; Meyer 1999, 120. 23 On the concept of philia see Konstan in this volume; cf. Konstan 1997; Konstan 2006, 169–184, here 184: ‘[Philia was] embedded in the world of social exchange, whether material or in the coin of reputation or status. But the love between friends nevertheless looked beyond the self, and in this it resembles, for all the differences, the idea of love we have today.’ 24 Nussbaum 2000, 473–4. 25 Arist. Eth. Nic. 1157b27–32: ἔοικε δ᾿ ἡ μὲν φίλησις πάθει, ἡ δὲ φιλία ἕξει· ἡ γὰρ φίλησις οὐχ ἧττον πρὸς τὰ ἄψυχά ἐστιν, ἀντιφιλοῦσι δὲ μετὰ προαιρέσεως, ἡ δὲ προαίρεσις φ᾿ ἕξεως. (trans. R ackham). Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 68 Viktoria Räuchle Philia involves mutual affection as well as the deliberate choice to act in a certain way, it is based on pathos and ēthos.26 Admittedly, the concept of hexis in the sense of a long-lasting emotional disposition is exclusively (and anything but coherently) found in Aristotle.27 Nevertheless, it accounts for the fluidity between acute affect and character and thus is a useful instrument to identify emotional content in ancient visual imagery beyond explicit pathos formulas. An amphora in Warsaw (ca. 440 bc) shows the departure of a beardless, long-haired warrior from his family, i. e. a young woman, probably his wife, and an older, frail man bent over his stick, most likely his father (Fig. 1).28 The young couple face each other at considerable distance and shake hands while the woman lowers her head in perfected modesty. Neither the gesture per se nor the overall interaction appear particularly affectionate but rather formal and controlled. Nevertheless, the emotional charge of the image becomes immediately tangible if we understand the gesture as the mutual affirmation of philia between husband and wife in light of an uncertain future. The scene therefore not only conveys an abstract concept of family unity beyond what might be the final parting but also the long-lasting emotional disposition of reciprocal fondness between the spouses (who at the same time act as representatives of the oikos as a whole). The dexiōsis may not convey an acute episode of pathos, but it can be linked to the concept of philia, hence a long-lasting disposition of reciprocal affection and obligation towards one another. The dexiōsis is not the only gesture which oscillates between ēthos and pathos. A stamnos by the Kleophon painter in Munich from the same period also depicts the farewell of a warrior from his family (Fig. 2).29 As a prime example of the high Classical style, it is frequently used in archaeological publications to illustrate the solemn atmosphere and restrained expressiveness of the Parthenon era.30 Fully 26 Cf. Ward 1996, 160: ‘Thus, considered as a hexis, friendship is a state of character, that is, the possession of a certain attitude towards one’s emotions … For friendship depends upon a specific emotional attachment concerning which one makes a certain choice to act; consequently, a full account of the action includes both deliberative and emotional components.’ 27 Philia is sometimes also classified as a pathos, see Arist. Eth. Nic. 1105b21–3; cf. Konstan 2006, 170. 28 Athenian red-figure amphora, ca. 440 bc, painter of the Louvre Centauromachy, Warsaw, Museum of King Jan III’s Palace at Wilanów, inv. no. Wil.5406 (ex National Museum, inv. no. 147367); BAPD no. 275459; CVA Warsaw, Musée National 3, 11–12; Reeder 1995, 157–8 no. 19. 29 Athenian red-figure hydria, 440–30 bc, Kleophon painter, Munich, Antikensammlung, inv. no. 2415; BAPD no. 215142; CVA Munich, Museum Antiker Kleinkunst 5, 41–2, pl. 256,1. 257,1–2. 258,1–3; Furtwängler and Reichhold 1900, 188, pl. 35; Schefold and Jung 1989, 145 fig. 127; Robertson 1992, 222 fig. 230; Stewart 1997, 81 fig. 47; Hölscher 2006, 311 fig. 170. 30 A few examples of erudite rhapsodies on the sublime style of the vase will suffice here: Furtwängler and Reichhold 1900, 188 pl. 35: ‘… nur das Allgemeine einer reinen schönen Menschlichkeit zum Ausdruck gebracht’; Buschor 1925, 196: ‘Die Figuren auf dem Münchner Stamnos sind nicht bloß Meisterstücke der voll entwickelten Zeichenkunst, sondern auch ideale Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 69 armed and ready to go to war, the beardless man is holding a libation bowl in his hand in order to perform the ritual before departure. A young woman dressed in a peplos, again most likely his wife, faces him with a jug in her right hand; her head lowered in devotion, she is pulling her dress forward as if to cover her face.31 The gesture of veiling (and unveiling) is a characteristic female behaviour which can be found in various media, contexts, and throughout antiquity.32 In archaeological scholarship, it is traditionally associated with the unveiling of the bride during the Greek wedding ceremony and hence interpreted as an iconographic marker to denote brides in particular and married women in general.33 On a broader level, the gesture can be linked to a behavioural norm attested by numerous literary sources: women were expected to cover themselves in the public, especially in the presence of men other than their kin; by veiling their head and face, they demonstrated their shamefulness and modesty, i. e. their aidōs.34 Needless to say, both meanings of the gesture are closely related, as the act of veiling in the wedding ceremony is ultimately nothing more than a ritualized manifestation of feminine virtue.35 The present scene is neither a wedding nor does it take place in public, there is no acute reason to pull the veil. The gesture is not dictated by the concrete situation but serves as a means of characterization as it conveys a quintessential character trait expected of women: the female virtue of modesty. The woman’s lowered head and downcast eyes add to an air of decency and decorum. In other instances, the gesture of veiling can also be interpreted as a spontaneous reaction to an immediate situation, a pathos formula. Such a notion is implied Typen reiner freier Menschlichkeit’; Buschor 1940, 209: ‘Auf den einfach schlanken Gefäßkörper … schmiegen sich in neuer Harmonie die handlungsarmen, aber schicksalstragenden, von innerer Schwere erfüllten Gestalten’; Hölscher 2006, 311: ‘… gedankenvolles Stehen oder Sitzen vermitteln eine Stimmung seelenvoller Besonnenheit, etwa auf einem Stamnos mit dem Abschied eines Kriegers von seiner Frau.’ 31 For other departure scenes with a woman pulling her dress see e. g.: Amphora, ca. 500 bc, Kleophrades painter, Munich, Antikensammlungen, inv. no. 2305; BAPD no. 201657; CVA Munich, Museum antiker Kleinkunst 4, 17–19, pl. 173–5. – Volute krater, ca. 450–40 bc, Ferrara, Museo Nazionale di Spina, inv. no. 42685; BAPD no. 207282; Schefold and Jung 1989, 62–3 fig. 42–3. – Calyx krater, ca. 430 bc, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Msueum, inv. no. 984; BAPD no. 2196; CVA Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 3, 11, pl. 104,3–4. – Bell krater, Syracuse, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, inv. 30747; BAPD no. 215270. 32 A comprehensive study on the veiled woman in ancient Greek art: Llewellyn-Jones 2003; see also Cairns 2002. 33 Llewellyn-Jones 2003, 85–120, esp. 98–104 (with further references and detailed discussion). For the gesture in a nuptial context see e. g. the marriage of Thetis and Peleus, Athenian red-figure calyx krater, 440–30 bc, Peleus painter, Ferrara, Museo Nazionale di Spina, inv. no. T.617; BAPD no. 213495; CVA Ferrara, Museo Nazionale 1, 9–10, pl. 22; Schefold and Jung 1989, 101 fig. 81; Reeder 1995, 350–1 no. 110. 34 For the act of veiling as a metaphor for aidōs see Cairns 1996; Cairns 2002, 73; Llewellyn-Jones 2003, 155–88. Cf. Ferrari 1990 who discusses the closely related habit of being tightly wrapped in a mantle as a sign for aidōs. 35 See Cairns 1996, 154. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 70 Viktoria Räuchle in various images of erotic pursuit, where a (usually male) figure, god or hero, chases a young girl or boy with sexual intentions.36 A pelike in St. Petersburg shows a young woman running away from a beardless youth in a short chiton who stretches out his arms forward in ardent desire, about to grab her by the shoulder (Fig. 3).37 The girl looks back while veiling herself with her himation, thus apparently yielding to an immediate impulse to hide her face – which, of course, once again bespeaks her general disposition towards modesty.38 As in the case of the handshake, this ambiguity of the veiling gesture need not stem from an incapacity of visual media to precisely depict inner states but may reside in the conception of aidōs itself, as the term can denote both a fixed disposition towards modesty and an acute sense of shame.39 Again, it is Aristotle in the Nicomachean Ethics, who discusses the nature of aidōs in greater detail: Modesty (αἰδώς) cannot properly be described as a virtue (ἀρετή), for it seems to be a feeling (πάθος) rather than a disposition (ἕξις); at least it is defined as a kind of fear of disrepute, and indeed in its effects it is akin to the fear of danger; for people who are ashamed blush, while those in fear of their lives turn pale; both therefore appear to be in a sense bodily affections, and this indicates a feeling rather than a disposition.40 36 For scenes of erotic pursuit see inter alia: Kahil 1955; Kaempf-Dimitriadou 1979; Zeitlin 1986; Sourvinou-Inwood 1987a; Sourvinou-Inwood 1987b; Stewart 1995; Cohen 1996; Arafat 1997; Germini 2005; R äuchle forthcoming (with further bibliographical references and discussion). For images of Eos chasing a young boy see: Osborne 1996; Lefkowitz 2002; Dipla 2009. 37 Athenian red-figure pelike, ca. 450 bc; St. Petersburg, The State Hermitage Museum, inv. no. GR-4589 (B-1655); BAPD no. 212279; Sourvinou-Inwood 1987a, 58 fig. 7. ;SourvinouInwood 1987b, pl. IIc. 38 Further examples of women drawing their dress before their face in erotic pursuits: Athenian red-figure stamnos, ca. 480–70 bc, Providence painter, Paris, Musée du Petit Palais, inv. no. 316; BAPD no. 207409; CVA Paris, Musée du Petit Palais, 17–8, pl. 16. 17,1–3. – Athenian redfigure bell krater, 470–60 bc, St. Peterburg, The State Hermitage Museum, inv. no. 777; BAPD no. 205639; Sourvinou-Inwood 1987a, 58 fig. 6. – Athenian red-figure stamnos (fragment), 470–60 bc, London, British Museum; BAPD no. 207564; Kaempf-Dimitriadou 1979, cat. no. 224, pl. 14,2. – Athenian red-figure lekythos, ca. 450 bc, Thebes, Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 697; BAPD no. 214136; CVA Thebes, Archaeological Museum, 30–1, pl. 17,1–3. 20,3. – In some erotic pursuits, the woman is muffled in her mantle and thus expresses her modesty: Athenian red-figure skyphos, ca. 470–60 bc, London, British Museum, inv. no. 1867,0508.1117; BAPD no. 213308; CVA London, British Museum 4, 4, pl. 29,7a–b. – Athenian red-figure neck amphora, 450–40 bc, Bonn, Akademisches Kunstmuseum, inv. no. 77; BAPD no. 214189; CVA Bonn, Akademisches Kunstmuseum 1, 14–5; pl. 12,3. 39 It should be mentioned that the ambiguity of the gesture does not stop here: at least by the end of the fifth century bc, the veiling as the prototypical expression of aidōs has become a highly erotized gesture which is frequently used in images to heighten a woman’s sex appeal, see Aparicio Resco 2015, 93–118. 40 Arist. Eth. Nic. 1128b10–5: Περὶ δὲ αἰδοῦς ὥς τινος ἀρετῆς οὐ προσήκει λέγειν: πάθει γὰρ μᾶλλον ἔοικεν ἢ ἕξει. ὁρίζεται γοῦν φόβος τις ἀδοξίας, καὶ ἀποτελεῖται τῷ περὶ τὰ δεινὰ φόβῳ παραπλήσιον: ἐρυθραίνονται γὰρ οἱ αἰσχυνόμενοι, οἱ δὲ τὸν θάνατον φοβούμενοι ὠχριῶσιν. σωματικὰ δὴ φαίνεταί πως εἶναι ἀμφότερα, ὅπερ δοκεῖ πάθους μᾶλλον ἢ ἕξεως εἶναι. (trans. R ackham). Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 71 The passage contains a number of interesting observations for our purpose: Aristotle provides us with another borderline case between pathos and hexis, between acute emotion and long-lasting disposition. What causes him to classify aidōs as a pathos is the physiological reaction of blushing. Yet, he defines it as a ‘fear of disrepute’ and therefore also emphasizes its dependency on the Greek valuesystem, its cognitive-evaluative component. Aidōs describes not only an acute emotion but a certain way of ‘seeing and responding to the world’.41 Therefore, whilst Aristotle makes a case for aidōs being a pathos in this passage, the term can also denote a virtue or disposition.42 Given the complex nature of aidōs, the act of veiling as its visual expression can convey a figure’s modest character or an acute sense of shame – or both. In scenes of erotic pursuit, the gesture may be interpreted as a spontaneous reaction to occurrent aidōs which is based on collectively shared moral values and triggered by the impending violation of the woman’s sexual integrity, hence her honour. As could be shown by the examples of the handshake and the veiling, some of the gestures which are traditionally interpreted as expression of character are ‘pathos formulas in disguise’. Their restrained expressiveness is not simply a matter of iconographic convention or display rules but leads to the heart of ancient emotion concepts: there is no clear line between ēthos and pathos but numerous psycho-physiological states and dispositions oscillating between character and emotion. As in the case of philia and aidōs, many of these ‘hybrids’ play a decisive role in the respective community structure and organization as they enable individuals to internalize the norms and values of the society and really ‘feel’ them. 2. Loud Gestures While complex concepts such as philia or aidōs involve a great deal of social conditioning and cognitive processing to be activated in certain situations, some affects are generally conceived as automated and primarily physiological responses to external triggers. Fear is a prime example of ‘pure pathos’: Aristotle describes it as a ‘painful or troubled feeling caused by the impression of an imminent evil that causes destruction or pain’. He further clarifies that ‘men do 41 Cairns 1993, 5–6. Earlier in the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle himself labels aidōs as a virtue, see Arist. Eth. Nic. 1116a26–8: ὡμοίωται δ᾿ αὕτη μάλιστα τῇ πρότερον εἰρημένῃ, ὅτι δι᾿ ἀρετὴν γίνεται (δι᾿ αἰδῶ γὰρ) καὶ διὰ καλοῦ ὄρεξιν (τιμῆς γάρ) καὶ φυγὴν ὀνείδους, αἰσχροῦ ὄντος. Cf. Douglas Cairns who regards the status of aidōs as an emotion as ‘uncontroversial’, yet acknowledges that the word can be used ‘for the occurrent emotion, the first-order dispositional sense of the emotion, and the second-order disposition’, see Cairns 1993, 5–14, here 5. 11. For David Konstan, ‘the question is not quite so straight-forward’, see Konstan 2006, 91–110, here 96. 42 Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 72 Viktoria Räuchle not fear things that are very remote’, thus emphasizing the aspect of immediacy inherent in the emotion of fear.43 In Classical Greek iconography, fear or panic are generally expressed by extending one or both arms outward.44 However, these intense gestures are certainly not value-neutral markers to depict an emotional episode but often serve as a means to convey a general lack of self-control: pathos formulas are the signature moves of the unrestrained. Especially women express their fear ‘surprisingly often’ 45 in Greek art since they were considered victims of their emotions, prone to fear and other affects.46 The female disposition to panic can be demonstrated, again, with a scene of erotic pursuit. This time, the winged wind god Boreas, dressed in a short, patterned dress (ependytes), has taken on the pursuit of the Athenian princess Oreithyia, who hurries ahead with flying steps and wide-flung arms while her companion rushes away to the left (Fig. 4).47 The hydria falling to the ground between Boreas’ legs may simply hint at the fountain as a typical pickup place of young ladies or may refer to a literary version according to which the princess was attacked during the Panathenaic festival.48 At any rate, it emphasizes the vehemence of Oreithyia’s fright and her suitor’s desire. Besides the ‘timid gender’, it is mostly barbarians and slaves who are frequently characterized as ‘others’ by expressive gestures and postures.49 The Egyptian king Bousiris and his followers, for instance, take flight from the wrath of Heracles with their arms raised in distress, thus not only displaying their deadly terror but 43 Arist. Rh. 1382a21–4: ἔστω δὴ ὁ φόβος λύπη τις ἢ ταραχὴ ἐκ φαντασίας μέλλοντος κακοῦ φθαρτικοῦ ἢ λυπηροῦ … τὰ γὰρ πόρρω σφόδρα οὐ φοβοῦνται. (trans. Freese). 44 On the iconography of fear in Athenian vase painting see McNiven 1989; McNiven 2016. On the significance of raised arms see Neumann 1965, 97–105. 45 Surprisingly surprised: McNiven 2016, 125. 46 For the greater share of fear in women see Xen. Oec. 7.25: ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὸ φυλάττειν τὰ εἰσενεχθέντα τῇ γυναικὶ προσέταξε, γιγνώσκων ὁ θεὸς ὅτι πρὸς τὸ φυλάττειν οὐ κάκιόν ἐστι φοβερὰν εἶναι τὴν ψυχὴν πλέον μέρος καὶ τοῦ φόβου ἐδάσατο τῇ γυναικὶ ἢ τῷ ἀνδρί. – ‘And because the god had also assigned to the woman the duty of guarding what had been brought into the house, realizing that a tendency to be afraid is not at all disadvantageous for guarding things, he measured out a greater portion of fear to the woman than to the man.’ (trans. Pomeroy). For more ancient accounts on female emotionality see Just 1985, esp. 181–7; Reinsberg 1989, 41–2. On female rage: Harris 2003; Allen 2004. 47 Athenian red-figure hydria, ca. 440 bc, manner of Kleophon painter, Berlin, Antikensammlung, inv. no. F 2384; BAPD no. 215237; CVA Berlin, Antikensammlung 9, 44–5 fig. 12. 48 Arcesilaus of Argus (FGrHist 2 F30) reports that Oreithyia was abducted during the Panathenaic festival, cf. Kaempf-Dimitriadou 1979, 40. Falling hydrias are included at least two more times: Athenian red-figure amphora (fragments), 440–30 bc, London, British Museum, inv. no. 2000,1101.52; BAPD no. 7638. – Athenian red-figure hydria, ca. 440–30 bc, London, Victoria and Albert Museum, inv. no. 663–1864; BAPD no. 5957; Kaempf-Dimitriadou 1979, 109 no. 389. 49 McNiven 2016; on the attribution of hyperemotionality to barbarians and beasts see R aeck 2004; on facial expression: Maderna 2009. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 73 also their cowardice – or anandreia, ‘unmanliness’ (Fig. 5).50 Paradoxically, then, the most expressive pathos formulas say more about the character of the depicted figure than about his or her present emotional state. There is more to it: while loud gestures may be an effective means of conveying a figure’s (disposition to) affective arousal, they are rather dysfunctional in specifying a distinct emotion. The motif of raised arms can denote basically any strong emotion, from panic to joy.51 On a cup depicting the voting on the weapons of slain Achilles in the presence of Athena, for instance, Odysseus (on the far left) raises both his hands with spread fingers while watching the growing pile of ballots on his side of the table (Fig. 6).52 Far from being distraught or frightened by the outcome of the vote, he is pleasantly surprised by the result in his favour whereas his opponent Ajax, on the right, has already turned away in bitter frustration.53 There is not a clear-cut formula to link a certain way of raising the arms with a certain emotion.54 The gesture does not denote a specific affective state but rather a bodily arousal, be it negative or positive, and therefore only one dimension of pathos. To complicate things even further, intense forms of body language do not always point to an acute emotion but can sometimes be highly stylized derivatives of affective states – theatrical emotions, as it were. For example, the expressive gestures in scenes of the prothesis and ekphora do not necessarily convey the sentiment of grief or sadness but a ritualized form of mourning.55 The iconography of the Geometrical period already distinguishes between female figures who are mourning with both arms raised up and male figures usually raising only one hand. The Archaic period develops a more nuanced repertoire of gestures which not only differentiates between the genders but sometimes even hints at the 50 Athenian red-figure column krater, 470–60 bc, Cleveland painter, Athens, National Museum, inv. no. 19568; BAPD no. 205795; Muth 2008, 534–5 fig. 386. For the myth of Bousiris in ancient art see: Laurens 1986; Miller 2000. 51 This ambiguity is already reflected in the early black-figure style, see e. g. the famous fragment of a dinos by Sophilos depicting a chariot race in honour of the late Patroclus, where some of the spectators raise their arms and thus express their elation and excitement over the event: Athenian black-figure dinos (fragment), 570–60 bc, Sophilos, Athens, National Museum, inv. no. 15499; BAPD no. 305075 (with further references); Tsingarida 2001, 6; Lorenz 2004, 247 fig. 25.10; Mylonopoulos 2006, 93–4 fig. 8; Chaniotis and Steel 2019, 148 fig. 8.1 (on the phenomenon of collective emotions in public events). 52 Athenian red-figure cup, ca. 490 bc, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. no. 3695; BAPD no. 205070; CVA Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 1, 15–16, pl. 11–12; Neumann 1965, 98 fig. 44; Robertson 1992, 88. 90 fig. 80; Williams 1980, 138–9 pl. 34,1–2. 53 Cf. Williams 1980, 139: ‘Odysseus … raises his hands in joy, while on the far right, Ajax turns away, hiding his emotion in a cloak, a hand to his head in anguish.’ 54 Cf. Neumann 1965, 97: ‘Das plötzliche Erstaunen infolge unerwarteten oder paradoxen Anblicks ist durch das Erheben beider Arme gekennzeichnet. Es wird als ἔκληξις bezeichnet und ist als Affektgebärde der des Erschreckens ganz ähnlich.’ 55 On the iconography of mourning in Greek (Athenian) imagery see: Neumann 1965, 85–9; Vermeule 1979, 11–23; Shapiro 1991; Huber 2001; Kaltsas and Shapiro 2008, 335–48. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 74 Viktoria Räuchle social status of the figure and/or their relation to the deceased.56 These images do not represent the uninhibited expression of grief but an extremely formal, normative mourning ritual which is shaped according to gender- and status-specific codes of conduct and feeling rules.57 In the Classical period, the images of prothesis and ekphora are by and large replaced by scenes of the visit to the grave; most of them can be found on white ground lekythoi, by now the funerary vessel par excellence. The focus is set on the ritual duty to visit the grave, adorn it and thus pay tribute to the deceased by preserving his or her memory. Particularly intense forms of mourning are often outsourced to low-ranking figures. On a lekythos in Athens, one woman solemnly approaches the tomb from the left with a basket in her arms, about to tie a ribbon around the already richly adorned stele (Fig. 7).58 Another woman kneels on the ground to the right of the tomb and pathetically raises her left arm while beating her chest with her right hand. In contrast with the restrained, orderly fashion in which the lady on the left carries out her ritual duties, the frantic conduct of the crouching woman identifies her as a female slave and/ or professional mourner (threnodos/threnodia).59 As in the earlier images of prothesis and ekphora, the intensity of the mourning gesture is not congruent 56 Cf. R äuchle 2019, 90–6 (with further bibliographical references). A prothesis scene on a funerary plaque in the Louvre is often cited in this context as all the mourners are labelled as family members of the departed. The mother (meter) beats her forehead while gently touching the cheek of her late son. She is surrounded by the grandmother, three aunts, and a little sister who all raise their arms in mourning. To the left of the bier, the father welcomes the male members of the family; all of them extend one arm forwards: Athenian black-figure pinax, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv. no. MNB 1905; BAPD no. 463; Fantham et al. 1994, 48 fig. 1.13; Mommsen 1997, suppl. C; Oakley 2003, 165 fig. 3; Froning 2010, 216 fig. 8; R äuchle 2017, 211 fig. 83. 57 Cf. Hölscher 2017, 48. 58 Athenian white-ground lekythos, ca. 450 bc, Athens, National Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 1934; BAPD no. 216465; Kaltsas and Shapiro 2008: 348–9 no. 155. 59 Further examples of women (slaves/threnodoi?) kneeling on the ground, mourning: Lekythos, Athens, National Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 19355; BAPD no. 214321. – Lekythos, Athens, National Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 1770; BAPD no. 217853. – Lekythos, Athens, National Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 12534; BAPD no. 217620. – Lekythos Athens, National Archaeological Museum, inv. no. CC1734; BAPD no. 217853. – Lekythos, Athens, Kanellopoulos Museum, inv. no. 51; BAPD no. 212380. – Lekythos, Bonn, Akademisches Kunstmuseum, inv. no. 68; BAPD no. 12345. – Lekythos, Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum, inv. no. B 1510; BAPD no. 12502. – Lekythos, Leipzig, Antikenmuseum der Universität, inv. no. T3379; BAPD no. 217770. – Lekythos, Munich, Antikensammlung, inv. no. SS76; BAPD no. 212319. – Lekythos, Munich, Antikensammlung, inv. no. 7681; BAPD no. 209383. – Lekythos, Harrow, School Museum, inv. no. 1864.64; BAPD no. 9017289. – Lekythos, Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, inv. no. 1966.925; BAPD no. 215491. – Lekythos, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv. no. CA1329; BAPD no. 217619. – Lekythos, Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, inv. no. 86.156; BAPD no. 15065. – Lekythos, Brunswick, Bowdoin College, inv. no. 13.31; BAPD no. 9027976. – Lekythos, New York, Metropolitan Museum, inv. no. 22.139.10; BAPD no. 216468. – Lekythos, New York, Metropolitan Museum, inv. no. 06.1021.133; BAPD no. 216697. – Lekythos, New York, Sotheby’s, art market; BAPD no. 15063. – Lekythos, London, Christie’s art market; BAPD no. 217643. – For Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 75 with the intensity – or even existence – of heartfelt grief or sorrow. On the contrary, the seemingly uninhibited forms of mourning reflect the social expectation towards the lower classes to be passionate and uncontrolled: slaves and servants are the main actors in the theatre of pathos.60 Expressive body language is also a characteristic feature of Dionysus’ entourage who notoriously act out their (divinely inspired) impulses without restraint. A pyxis in Baltimore shows five maenads ecstatically moving to the sound of auloi and tympanon (not in the image) (Fig. 8).61 Dancing and twirling, their heads tossed backwards and with wide-flung arms, they embody the Dionysiac mania which disregards the rules of propriety per definition. On a first level, the fact that women (and satyrs) are the protagonists in this ecstatic form of divine experience reiterates the idea that women (and other ‘others’) are particularly prone to excess. However, the hyperbolical gestures of maenads are not simply involuntary expressions of religious rapture but carefully choreographed schēmata in the Dionysian cult. As in the case of mourning, they can be understood as enactments of pathos and thus testify to the profoundly performative nature of emotions in the Classical Athenian city-state.62 Against this background, it becomes clear that expressive body language generally associated with pure pathos is not suited to convey distinct emotions. Wide-flung arms, raised hands, and extended limbs can indicate a very basic and per se neutral bodily arousal, i. e. the somatic dimension of pathos. Or they can belong to the realm of ritual theatricality and as such refer to social and/ or religious practices. In both cases, these gestures are not necessarily meant to be authentic representations of distinct emotional states but first and foremost reflect (and perpetuate) cultural expectations about gender- and status-typical behaviour and properties. 3. Cause and Context The previous section has shown that loud gestures are not sufficient to unambiguously convey a distinct emotion. In order to specify the affective state of a depicted figure, the viewer always needs further information provided by the figures themselves, additional elements within the image, its overall composition, a collection of white-ground lekythoi with mourning women or men at the grave see Oakley 2004, 154–8 list 14. 159–64 list 15. 60 Cf. Kaltsas and Shapiro 2008, 348: ‘It was not appropriate for relatives to manifest their grief with animated gestures, beating their chest, pulling their hair, or uttering cries.’ 61 Athenian white-ground pyxis, 460–50 bc, Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, inv. no. 48.2019; BAPD no. 209558; CVA Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery 1, 55–6, pl. 58,1–3; Reeder 1995, 391 no. 127; Moraw 1998, pl. 16. 62 On the performative nature of schēmata in Classical art and culture see Catoni 2005. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 76 Viktoria Räuchle and/or the broader context of reception.63 In the pursuit scene discussed earlier, the outstretched arms of the maiden can only be interpreted as a gesture of fear because of all the possible pathē which can be expressed by raised arms, fear is the most obvious choice in this particular situation. Although the significance of context for the interpretation of gestures and other visual codes seems banal, its association with ancient concepts of emotional phenomena may nevertheless open up a new perspective. Again, it is Aristotle who offers the most comprehensive account on this issue. In the Rhetoric, he defines pathos by the example of anger, orgē (clearly his favourite emotion, judged by the frequency with which he uses it as an example) and identifies several distinct components: Let us then define anger as a longing, accompanied by pain, for an apparent revenge for an apparent slight, affecting a man himself or one of his friends, when such a slight is undeserved.64 A similar notion is given in the treatise On the soul where Aristotle uses the psycho-physiological experience of pathos to substantiate his hylomorphic theory of the soul: But the natural philosopher and the logician will in every case offer different definitions in answer to the question what is anger. The latter will call it a craving for retaliation, or something of the sort, while the former will describe it as a surging of the blood round the heart and a form of heat. The one is describing the matter, the other the form, that is the idea implied.65 The Aristotelian model of orgē in particular and pathos in general hence comprises at least three components. Firstly, the realization of an ‘apparent slight’, in modern terms the cognitive appraisal of an event. Secondly, the ‘longing for revenge’ or ‘longing for retaliation’ which can be defined as action tendency or motivational component. The remaining component captures the phenomenological dimension of an emotional episode: in De anima, it is described as ‘a movement of a body, or of a part or faculty of a body’ and as ‘surging of the blood and heat round the heart’, hence as a primarily physiological reaction. In the Rhetorics, however, Aristotle names the sensation of ‘pain’ as the third component and therefore emphasizes the aspect of subjective feeling rather 63 On the role of narrative context for the representation of emotions cf. Bobou 2013, 273–5. Arist. Rh. 1378a31–3: ἔστω δὴ ὀργὴ ὄρεξις μετὰ λύπης τιμωρίας φαινομένης διὰ φαινομένην ὀλιγωρίαν εἰς αὐτὸν ἤ τι τῶν αὐτοῦ, τοῦ ὀλιγωρεῖν μὴ προσήκοντος. (trans. Freese). 65 Arist. De an. 403a30-b3: διαφερόντως δ᾿ ἂν ὁρίσαιντο φυσικός τε καὶ διαλεκτικὸς ἕκαστον αὐτῶν, οἷον ὀργὴ τί ἐστίν· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ὄρεξιν ἀντιλυπήσεως ἤ τι τοιοῦτον, ὁ δὲ ζέσιν τοῦ περὶ καρδίαν αἵματος καὶ θερμοῦ. τούτων δὲ ὁ μὲν τὴν ὕλην ἀποδίδωσιν, ὁ δὲ τὸ εἶδος καὶ τὸν λόγον. (trans. Hett). For the use of pathos as evidence for the dual nature of the soul in Aristotle see R app 2002, 550–1. 64 Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 77 than somatic reaction.66 The componential model described by Aristotle has not only inspired various ancient and modern emotion theories,67 but is also reflected in ancient literature predating him.68 While modern theories usually include the expression of emotion as a constitutive component of emotion, this dimension is missing in the Aristotelian model.69 This is not to say that people in ancient Greece did not use facial expressions and body language to communicate their feelings. However, it was not considered a necessary requisite of an emotional episode as the codes of conduct required the ability to control external signs of affect – without necessarily suppressing the emotion itself. As David Konstan has shown in a recent essay, this hypocognition of emotion expression permeates ancient culture and also ‘helps to explain a curious feature of Classical art’, namely ‘a striking uniformity in facial expression’.70 Against this background, I would like to propose a ‘componential model of emotion representation’ according to which the depiction of an emotion in ancient Greek art is not limited to body language and facial expression alone but divided into individual constituents. On the oenochoe in London (Fig. 4), Oreithyia’s fear not only consists of a physiological component (raised arms) but also of the realization of an apparent danger (the sight of Boreas) and an action tendency (flight). As stressed earlier, the pathos formula of raising the arms is not a proper emotion expression that helps the viewer to identify a concrete emotion; rather, it should be understood as an attempt to convey the physiological arousal and thus an entirely internal aspect of emotional experience. Many images of the Classical era completely eliminate this bodily dimension and concentrate on the components of cause and action tendency instead. The imagery of white ground lekythoi is a prime example: apart from some extatically mourning slave women, most of the figures refrain from excessive lamentation and are characterized by dignified gestures and postures – whether they carry a basket full of grave offerings, place a lekythos at the foot of or tie a ribbon around the stele. At first sight, the woman on the left of the Athenian lekythos discussed earlier (Fig. 7) 66 In this respect, the model diverges from modern component models which conceptualize physiological arousal and subjective feeling as two distinct phenomena. The Component Process Model by Klaus R. Scherer, for instance, differentiates between the ‘neurophysiological component (bodily symptoms)’ and the ‘subjective feeling component (emotional experience)’, Scherer 2005, 698. On this issue see Voss 2009, esp. 121–3. 67 Cf. Konstan 2006, esp. 21–7; Harbsmeier and Möckel 2009, 12; Voss 2009, here 121: ‘Aristoteles kann zurecht als historischer Vorläufer eines nichtreduktiven Kognitivismus oder auch Komponentenmodells der Emotionen, wie gerade skizziert, bezeichnet werden.’ 68 For an analysis of Homeric wrath in light of Aristotle see e. g. Konstan 2006, 41–76. 69 Konstan 2017, 44. See e. g. Scherer 2005, 698 who coined this element as ‘motor expression component (facial and vocal expression)’. 70 Konstan 2017, 44–5. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 78 Viktoria Räuchle seems to be unaffected by the visit at the grave (and the entailed bereavement) as she does not reveal her emotional state with loud gestures or facial expressions. Yet despite her orderly countenance, the context implies her sadness and grief: the setting of the scene at a tomb represents the cause of the emotion, i. e. the death of family member, while the act of tending the grave can be understood as the concomitant motivation to honour the memory of the deceased. Needless to say, the white ground lekythos itself sets the mood as the medium was almost exclusively used in the funerary realm.71 Similar to the Aristotelian model of emotions, the visual arts apply a multicomponent strategy to convey the depicted figures’ emotional state. The understanding of these visual codes is afforded by the viewers’ familiarity with culturespecific causes of and reactions to prototypical emotions.72 They know that the death of a family member elicits grief and results in the emotional need to honour their memory. In this sense, the context (i. e. setting, actions, surrounding figures, medium …) not only allows the viewer to identify an emotionally charged gesture with a distinct emotion but is itself sufficient to convey the emotion. In other words, the context is the emotion. 4. Emotion Metaphors As we have seen, the representation of a figure’s emotional state in Classical art is not restricted to the body.73 This section will show that even the phenomenological component of an emotional experience, its subjective, corporal dimension, can be ‘outsourced’, namely by means of personifications.74 In visual arts, they are a clever alternative to convey the phenomenological dimension of emotions and other internal states without violating the rules of propriety, i. e. without using extreme gestures and facial expressions. As a subform of allegory, personifications of emotions and other internal states are often structured as a ‘series of metaphors’: particular aspects of their appearance (e. g. physiognomic features, elements of dress, and attributes) serve as metaphorical expressions for 71 David Konstan comes to a similar conclusion, Konstan 2017, esp. 44–5. For the uses of white-ground lekythoi in the funerary ritual see Oakley 2004. 72 Needless to say, members of the same ‘emotional community’, to provide the obligatory reference to Rosenwein 2006, would have internalized these culture-specific codes and the underlying cultural models from early on, while historians need to reconstruct them on the basis of all the sources available in order to acquire a state of ‘synthetic intuition’. For the necessary combination of empathy and distance in the reconstruction of ancient emotions see Ganter in this volume. 73 Cf. the convincing observations on the complicated relation between body and attribute in ancient Greek art in Dietrich 2018, 28–48. 74 On personifications in Greek art and thought see Shapiro 1993; Stafford 2000; Borg 2002; Stafford and Herrin 2005; Smith 2011. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 79 particular aspects of the emotion they represent.75 Metaphors often refer to the somatic dimension of experience and thus provide an indispensable source to reconstruct the phenomenology of emotions in antiquity.76 On a basic level, personifications convey the idea of emotion as an external force which cannot or only to a certain extent be controlled – a notion that is already inherent in the passive term pathos, literally ‘suffering’.77 But there is more to it: the strategy of externalizing emotional states can also relate to the ancient view on emotions as reactions to the outside world, as ‘responses to stimuli in the environment, as opposed to self-subsisting inner states’.78 Personifications can thus be understood as embodiments of both the social and the somatic dimensions of emotional states. Lyssa, the personification of mad rage, shall serve as our first case study. After Aeschylus had introduced her as a dramatic character in the Xantriai, the third play in his (now lost) trilogy on Pentheus, she became a regular visitor on the Athenian tragic stage and, albeit with yet another delay, in the visual arts.79 As a child of the fifth century bc, she is a highly rational figure: rather than representing a divine power in her own right she serves as an artistic device to externalize the psycho-physiological experience of mad rage otherwise not depictable.80 Iconographically and semantically, Lyssa is closely related to other divine spirits such as Mania and the Erinyes: ominous female creatures, often winged and dressed in a short hunting dress, who torture their victims with snakes, torches, whips, or spears – and thus drive them mad.81 Without an inscription, only the mythological context in which these figures appear suggests an identification as one or the other demon. A bell krater in Boston dated around 440 bc and depicting the punishment of Actaeon by Artemis provides the only certain representation of Lyssa in Athenian 75 For allegories as a ‘series of metaphors’ see Quint. Inst. 8.6.44: allegoria, quam inversionem interpretantur, aut aliud verbis aliud sensu ostendit aut etiam interim contrarium. prius fit genus plerumque continuatis translationibus … – ‘Allegory, which people translate inversio, presents one thing by its words and either a different or sometimes even a contrary thing by its sense. The first type generally consists of a succession of Metaphors …’. (trans. Russell). On the relation of allegory and personification in Classical art see Borg 2002, 37–102. 76 Cairns 2016, esp. 11. On the role of metaphors in the formation of cultural models in general and emotion concepts in particular see Lakoff and Johnson 1980; Kövecses 2000. 77 See Cairns 2016, 4: ‘… metaphor of emotion as an antagonist or external force – as an entity that “seizes” or “holds” a person, or as something that “comes over” or “comes upon” us from outside’; Franzoni 2006, 59 calls it ‘la provenienza “da fuori” del pathos’. 78 Konstan 2006, 31. 79 For the iconography of Lyssa see Körte 1874; Kossatz-Deissmann 1992. On the literary tradition see Schirmer 1894–97; Schmidt 1930. 80 Borg 2002, 149: ‘Lyssa ist – wenn überhaupt – nicht nur göttliche Motivation, sondern … die Externalisierung eines Zustandes, der Teil der empirisch erfahrbaren Welt ist, des Wahnsinns …’. 81 Körte 1874, 15–7. 21; Kossatz-Deissmann 1992, 324. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 80 Viktoria Räuchle vase painting.82 Here, a youthful huntress named LYSA incites Actaeon’s dogs to attack their own master, whose hallucinated83 metamorphosis into a deer is indicated by antlers and ears growing out of his forehead (Fig. 9).84 The small head of a dog emerging from Lyssa’s short locks cleverly marks her as the embodied killing frenzy of Actaeon’s hounds while at the same time characterizing her very own nature: in Euripides’ Hercules furens and Bacchae, Lyssa is identified with a pack of hunting dogs chasing their prey.85 In the myths of Actaeon and Pentheus, Lyssa’s mode of action is indirect and she takes down her victims via ‘intermediaries’ – be they rabid dogs or raging maenads. But she can also work directly, as in the case of the Thracian king Lycurgus who kills his son Dryas and wife in a fit of blind rage and thus expiates his asebeia against Dionysus.86 In this case, Lyssa appears as a punishment for misconduct against the divine order and thus testifies to the conception of insanity as a social rather than an individual phenomenon. A Lucanian volute krater in Naples dated around 360 bc shows the grim looking Thracian wielding the double axe against his wife who collapsed at the foot of an ivory tree and stretches out her right hand towards her husband in a gesture of supplication, while a young woman holds the already lifeless body of Dryas (Fig. 10).87 A winged Lyssa, unnoticed by the other figures, hovers above and points a sharp weapon at the killer king, literally piercing his mind with madness. The scene is framed by a tambourine playing maenad and a satyr crouching in the woods – advocates for the almighty power of Dionysus. 82 The depiction of Lyssa in the myth of Actaeon was probably inspired by Aeschylus’ Toxotides, see Kossatz-Deissmann 1978, 147–8; cf. Trendall and Webster 1971, 62; Shapiro 1993, 168 with n. 362; Borg 2002, 150. 83 Barbara Borg convincingly argues that Actaeon’s bestial features do not indicate his actual transformation but the dogs’ mental delusion, see Borg 2002, 148–9. 84 Athenian red-figure bell krater, 440 bc, Lykaon painter, Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, inv. no. 00.346; BAPD no. 213562; Trendall and Webster 1971, 6 no. III.1.28; Kossatz-Deissmann 1992, 324 no. 1; Shapiro 1993, 170 fig. 130. Lyssa also features on a couple of South Italian vases representing the myth of Actaeon, see Kossatz-Deissmann 1992, 324–5 no. 2–5. 85 See Eur. HF 860; Eur. Bacch. 977–81: ἴτε θοαὶ Λύσσας κύνες, ἴτ᾿ εἰς ὄρος, / θίασον ἔνθ᾿ ἔχουσι Κάδμου κόραι, / ἀνοιστρήσατέ νιν / ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν γυναικομίμῳ στολᾷ / λυσσώδη κατάσκοπον μαινάδων. – ‘On, you swift hounds of madness, on to the mountain, where Cadmus’ daughters keep their assembly! Set them in frenzy against him who in womanish dress spies in madness upon the maenads!’ (trans. Kovacs). The term lyssa was also associated with canine madness or rabies, see Xen. An. 5.7.6; cf. Schmidt 1930, 70–1; Shapiro 1993, 169 n. 366. 86 As in the case of Actaeon, the presence of Lyssa in the images was likely influenced by an older literary version, e. g. Aeschylus’ lost Lycurgus trilogy. Farnoux 1992, 310; KossatzDeissmann 1992, 323; Simon 2007, 199 n. 4. On the relation between Aeschylus’ trilogy and the visual arts: Deichgräber 1939, 288–303; Trendall and Webster 1971, 49–52 no. III.1,13–6; Simon 2007. 87 Lucanian red-figure volute krater, ca. 360 bc, Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, inv. no. 82123 (3237); Körte 1874, 23–4 no. 1; Séchan 1926, 73 fig. 22; Deichgräber 1939, 295–6 fig. 4; Trendall and Webster 1971, 52 no. III.1,16; Kossatz-Deissmann 1992, 325 no. 7. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 81 Lyssa’s instrument, the so-called kentron, is one of her regular attributes and deserves further attention.88 The ancient Greek term κέντρον can denote a whip or goad but also the sting of an insect (e. g. a gadfly, a hornet or a bee); in the poetic language from Archaic to Hellenistic times, it conveys a decisive phenomenological aspect of mania, namely the sensation of stabbing pain within the mind, similar to the twinge caused by a sting or thorn in the flesh, which produces restless and impulsive behaviour.89 The kentron connects the visual representation of madness to the sensually experienced world. The term is also used as a metaphor for the itching and at times painful stimulus of sexual desire, including the maddening effects of erotomania: Hippolytus’ wretched stepmother Phaedra is not the only mortal ‘groaning and made distraught by the goad of love’.90 On an early Classical amphora in Rome, for instance, a naked, beardless youth is chased by a beautiful, winged Eros who threatens him with a whip (Fig. 11).91 Typical of the time, the god of love is represented in the iconography of the ideal erōmenos, i. e. the younger party in homoerotic relationships, and thus as the object of his own power.92 But by pursuing a young boy, he paradoxically assumes the active role usually ascribed to adult men and thus constitutes ‘a pure form of embodied desire’.93 The whip in his hand emphasizes the vehemence of the chase and thus creates a striking image for the violent force of passion.94 Prima facie, the allegorical significance of Eros may be disputed: unlike personified madness, he was considered a real divine power who could be invoked, channelled or controlled by worship.95 But regardless of whether he was con88 See e. g. Eur. HF 882. For visual representations see Kossatz-Deissmann 1992, 325–8 nos 8–9. 12 (Lyssa with goad) and nos 13. 14. 18. 19 (Lyssa with whip). 89 See e. g. Io’s mad wanderings caused by the sting of a gadfly in Aesch. PV 675–7; 692; cf. Körte 1874, 23; Körte 1876, 55–6: ‘La parola κέντρον = stimolo, pungolo si adopera non di rado fin dai poeta tragici in un modo simbolico, per dipingere un’ impulso forte, che spinge ad un fatto qualunque, ovvero un dolore acerbo simile a quello cagionato dal pungolo.’ 90 Eur. Hipp. 38–9: … στένουσα κἀκπεπληγμένηκέντροις ἔρωτος … (trans. Kovacs). See also Pl. Resp. 573a; Pl. Phd. 251e. On the term’s ‘conscious erotic overtones in the fifth century’ see Padel 1992, 121–2. On mad erōs and eroticized madness see Thumiger 2013. – On ‘the sharp sting of anger’ in Aristophanes see Buis in this volume, 196–7. 91 Athenian red-figure neck amphora, ca. 470 bc, Oinokles painter, London, British Museum, inv. no. 1867,0508.1057; BAPD no. 207525; CVA London, British Museum 5, pl. 52,1a–b; Furtwängler 1874, 16; Boardman et al. 1978, 22. – Further images of Eros chasing his ‘victim’ with a whip or a goad: Amphora, 470–60 bc, Rome, Villa Giulia, inv. no. 47214; BAPD no. 202716. – Amphora, 470–60 bc, Charlecote, private collection (Fairfax-Lucy); BAPD no. 207544. 92 Stafford 2013, 179–90. On the iconography of Eros in late Archaic and early Classical imagery see Furtwängler 1874; Seltman 1923–25; Hermary et al. 1986; Pellegrini 2009. 93 Lewis 2002, 143. 94 Cf. Furtwängler 1874, 16: ‘… wo die gewalt der kommenden leidenschaft durch die peitsche in Eros hand kräftig versinnlicht wird …’ 95 On myth and cult of Eros in Archaic and Classical Greece see Stafford 2013; cf. Pellegrini 2009, 9–46; Schmidt 2016, 167–85. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 82 Viktoria Räuchle sciously regarded as an allegorical figure or actually conceived of as a god, his field of competence, his mode of action, and his specific representation in literature and art convey information about the cultural significance of love and the psycho-physiological experience of desire.96 5. Complex Emotions The visual strategies identified above are not mutually exclusive but can be combined in various ways in order to convey highly complex and multifaceted internal states. The first encounter between Menelaus and Helena after the war – and after her little adventure with Paris – shall serve as our last example to demonstrate this almost ‘eclectic approach’ of ancient Greek art to the representation of emotion. On a mixing bowl in Paris, the decisive moment is depicted in the schema of erotic pursuit, with clear violent overtones (Fig. 12).97 A fully armed Menelaus is chasing his (soon-to-be-ex-)ex-wife in full armour, ready to take vengeance for her unfaithful behaviour and the consequent loss of his honour. Helena runs away while looking back at him and raising both her arms in a gesture of alarm. With the multicomponent model of emotion in mind, the viewer can connect Helen’s physiological arousal (outstretched arms) with the cognitive appraisal of a potential threat (she looks back at a fully armed warrior chasing her) and her action tendency (she takes flight). Taken together, these three elements – i. e. intense bodily arousal, the appraisal of acute danger, flight tendency – constitute the distinct emotion of fear. Similar to Aristotle, the image separates the emotional episode into its individual constituents and thus invites the beholder to generate it within their own mind. Menelaus’ emotional state is more complex – and so are the visual strategies to get across his inner turmoil: newly infuriated by the encounter with the unfaithful woman, he seeks retaliation and gets ready for vendetta.98 However, his fatal anger is counteracted by another pathos, which causes him to drop his 96 Needless to say, the question of whether the Greeks conceived of their personifications as divine powers or allegories, deserved much more attention, see e. g. Borg 2002, 82–95; Naiden 2019, 41–4. For a fantastic study on ‘the pluralities of modalities of belief ’ (by the example of Greek myth) see also Veyne 1988. 97 Athenian red-figure bell krater, ca. 450 bc, Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv. no. G424; BAPD no. 214486; CVA Paris, Louvre 4, 15, pl. 23,4–6; Kahil 1955, 88–9 no. 66, pl. 63,3; Dipla 1997, 212 fig. 4; Ritter 2005, 276 fig. 6; R äuchle 2019, 97 fig. 5.8. For a thorough analysis of the various literary traditions and iconographic developments in the myth of Helen and Menelaus (with further bibliographical references) see Meyer in this volume. 98 In the terminology of the component model: The sight of Helen (cognitive appraisal) triggers a new outburst of rage over the betrayal which is accompanied by an intense longing for deadly revenge (action tendency). Cf. Aristotle’s accounts on orgē in Arist. Rh. 1378a31–3 and De an. 403a30-b3. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 83 sword – and with it his deadly plan: Menelaus falls in love again. The combination of the chasing motif and the sword in mid-air perfectly encapsulates Menelaus’ emotional conflict when seeing his adulterous yet beautiful wife: he is torn between fury and desire. His renewed feelings for Helen are further specified by the accompanying figures: Aphrodite, the goddess of Love, observes the events from the far left while instructing a flying little Eros to ‘work his magic’.99 On a first level, the presence of Aphrodite and Eros can be understood as a literal depiction of divine intervention, but in a more abstract sense, they embody the overwhelming sensation of desire which causes Menelaus’ sudden change of heart.100 The image of Eros confronting Menelaus on eye level poignantly conveys the idea of pathos in general and ēros in particular as an external force which affects its victims in a sudden and uncontrollable manner. But there is more to it: Eros pours liquid from his libation bowl into the eyes of Menelaus who tries to ward off the attack with his shield.101 Numerous sources convey the notion of erotic love and desire as an experience mainly induced by visual stimuli. In Euripides’ Hippolytos, the tragedy of mad love par excellence, the chorus acclaim: Eros, god of love, distilling liquid desire down upon the eyes, bringing sweet pleasure to the souls of those against whom you make war.102 While in this passage Eros is addressed as an autonomous divine entity that literally pours desire in the lover’s eyes, most other sources treat ēros and its connection to visuality in a more abstract sense. In Plato’s Phaedrus, for instance, we find the idea that desire is the result of microscopic particles streaming out from the beautiful body into the lover’s eyes: And as he looks upon him, a reaction from his shuddering comes over him, with sweat and unwonted heat; for as the effluence of beauty enters him through the eyes, he is warmed.103 99 By the mid-fifth century bc, Eros undergoes a rejuvenation cure: the adolescent erōmenostype is by and large replaced by a childlike figure that serves ‘as a caption for the desire of others’, Lewis 2002, here 144. In many wedding scenes on Athenian vases, one or more Erotes are present to symbolize the (desired) desire between the bridal couple and the anticipated male offspring resulting from the union, cf. R äuchle 2017, 90. 100 The same ambiguity is inherent in Ibycus’ account of the story when Menelaus drops his sword ὑπ’ ἔρωτος (‘because of erōs’), Ibycus 296 (= Campbell 1991, 262); cf. Meyer in this volume, 105–6. For a brillant analysis on the dual meaning between mythical figure and fictitious personification by the example of Peitho, see Borg 2002, 58–72. 101 On a lekythos in St. Petersburg, the artist has even indicated a thin line of liquid streaming from the phiale into the eyes of Menelaus: Athenian red-figure lekythos, St. Petersburg, The State Hermitage Museum, inv. no. b 4524; BAPD no. 215792; Ritter 2005, 272 fig. 4a–b. 102 Eur. Hipp. 525–7: Ἔρως Ἔρως, ὁ κατ᾽ ὀμμάτων / στάζων πόθον, εἰσάγων γλυκεῖαν / ψυχᾷ χάριν οὓς ἐπιστρατεύσῃ. (trans. Kovacs). For this striking parallel see Preller and Robert 1923, 1264; cf. Simon 1964, 94 with fn. 19; Ritter 2005, 278. 103 Pl. Phdr. 251a–b: ἰδόντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν οἷον ἐκ τῆς φρίκης μεταβολή τε καὶ ἱδρὼς καὶ θερμότης ἀήθης λαμβάνει. (trans. Fowler). Cf. Cairns 2011, 43. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 84 Viktoria Räuchle This notion permeates the ancient sources far beyond the Classical period. The Platonic writer Plutarch confirms that the feeling of desire is strongly connected to vision: Of love, too, which is the greatest and most violent passion of the soul, vision provides the beginning; so that the lover, when he looks upon the beautiful, flows and melts, as if pouring himself out towards them.104 Both in literature and art, the image of Eros entering through the eyes not only bespeaks the importance of vision in the ancient concept of erotic desire but also stresses the passive nature of the sensation: as erōs invades the body, the lover becomes a helpless victim of passion. Thus, Menelaus not only wards off the attack of Eros infusing magic liquid into his eyes, but also protects his eyes from the irresistible sight of Helen. 6. Conclusion The visual strategies to convey emotional content in Athenian art can only be identified against the background of contemporary emotion concepts, behavioural norms, and feeling rules. Vice versa, studying the ‘iconography of emotion’ can also help us to better understand the role of emotions in the Classical city-state. The traditional differentiation between ethos formulas and pathos formulas (and their many equivalents, respectively) provides a helpful analytical framework to enter the debate but does not account for the various nuances of internal experience which often meander between acute affect and long-lasting disposition, emotion and character, body and mind. The methodological difficulties to clearly distinguish between ēthos and pathos have shown that ancient emotions were based on normative judgements just as much as moral beliefs and attitudes were emotionally charged. Most studies in search for emotional content still focus on body language alone but do not consider other visual strategies. Expressive gestures and postures – pathos formulas – only denote a vague bodily arousal, hence the somatic dimension of an emotional experience, or a ritualized derivative of emotions. Even the most expressive gestures and movements reveal much more about the behavioural norms in Athenian society than about automated internal processes. On the basis of ancient concepts of pathos, we can identify additional emotion components outside the body such as cognitive appraisal and action tendency. 104 Plut. Quaest. conv. 681a–b: καὶ τῶν ἐρωτικῶν, ἃ δὴ μέγιστα καὶ σφοδρότατα παθήματα τῆς ψυχῆς ἐστιν, ρχὴν ἡ ὄψις ἐνδίδωσιν, ὥστε ῥεῖν καὶ λείβεσθαι τὸν ἐρωτικόν, ὅταν ἐμβλέπῃ τοῖς καλοῖς, οἷον ἐκχεόμενον εἰς αὐτούς. (trans. Cairns 2011, 47). Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 85 This multicomponent strategy of emotion representation corroborates the complex nature of ancient pathos while placing particular emphasis on the cognitive and social dimensions in the conception and experience of emotion. Personifications are another means of externalizing emotions and other mental states including their somatic dimension. By analysing their specific representation in art and literature we are able to ‘put some phenomenological flesh on the bare bones’ of ancient emotion concepts.105 Furthermore, personifications locate the emotions outside the individual’s body and thus illustrate ‘the classical view of pathē as arising primarily in and from social interactions’.106 In Classical Athenian art, loud gestures and other forms of expressive body language traditionally associated with pathos are not the only way to convey the emotional state of a figure. 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Jhs. v. Chr.’, in G. Fischer and S. Moraw (eds), Die andere Seite der Klassik: Gewalt im 5. und 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Stuttgart 2005) 265–85 Robertson 1992 Robertson, M., The Art of Vase­painting in Classical Athens (Cambridge and New York 1992) Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 90 Viktoria Räuchle Rosenwein 2006 Rosenwein, B. H., Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages (Ithaca and London 2006) Ruprecht 2018 Ruprecht, M. R., Konzepte freundschaftlicher Beziehungen in der grie­ chischen Bildkunst (Hamburg 2018) Schefold and Jung 1989 Schefold, K. and Jung, F., Die Sagen von den Argonauten, von Theben und Troia in der klassischen und hellenistischen Kunst (Munich 1989) Scherer 2005 Scherer, K. P., ‘What Are Emotions? And How Can They Be Measured?’, Social Science Information 44, 2005, 695–9 Schirmer 1894–97 Schirmer, A., ‘Lyssa’, in W. H. 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F., Art, Desire, and the Body in Ancient Greece (Cambridge 1997) Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 91 Thumiger 2013 Thumiger, C., ‘Mad Erôs and Eroticized Madness in Tragedy’, in E. Sanders, C. Thumiger, C. Carey, and N. J. Lowe (eds), Erôs in Ancient Greece (Oxford 2013) 27–40 Trendall and Webster 1971 Trendall, A. D. and Webster, T. B. L., Illustrations of Greek Drama (London and New York 1971) Tsingarida 2001 Tsingarida, A., ‘Soif d’émotions: La représentation des sentiments dans la céramique attique des VIe et Ve siècles av. n. ère’, RBPh 79, 2001, 5–30 Vermeule 1979 Vermeule, E., Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry (Berkeley 1979) Veyne 1988 Veyne, P., Did the Greeks Believe in Their Myths? An Essay on the Con­ stitutive Imagination (Chicago 1988) Voss 2009 Voss, C., ‘Die narrative Transformation aristotelischer und moderner Emotionstheorien’, in M. Harbsmeier and S. Möckel (eds), Pathos, Affekt, Emotion. Trans­ formationen der Antike (Frankfurt am Main 2009) 107–30 Ward 1996 Ward, J. K., ‘Aristotle on Philia: The Beginning of a Feminist Ideal of Friendship?’, in J. K. Ward (ed.), Feminism and Ancient Philosophy (New York 1996) 155–71 Williams 1980 Williams, D., ‘Ajax, Odysseus and the Arms of Achilles’, AK 23, 1980, 137–45 Zeitlin 1986 Zeitlin, F. I., ‘Configurations of Rape in Greek Myth’, in S. Tomaselli and R. Porter (eds), Rape (Oxford 1986) 122–51 Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 92 Viktoria Räuchle Figures Figure 1: A departing warrior shakes hands with his wife. Amphora, 440 bc, Warsaw Wil.5406. Museum of King Jan III’s Palace at Wilanów, photographed by Zbigniew Reszka. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 93 Figure 2: A departing warrior piously offers a libation in the presence of his modest wife. Hydria, 440–30 bc, Munich 2415. Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek, photographed by Renate Kühling. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 94 Viktoria Räuchle Figure 3: Ardent desire and shameful veiling in a scene of erotic pursuit. Pelike, ca. 450 bc; St. Petersburg GR-4589 (B-1655). The State Hermitage Museum, photographed by Stanislav Butygin. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 95 Figure 4: The maiden Oreithyia is terrified by her suitor Boreas. Hydria, ca. 440 bc, Berlin F 2384. Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz, photographed by Johannes Laurentius. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 96 Viktoria Räuchle Figure 5: Bousiris and his fellow Egyptians cannot conceal their fear of death. Column krater, 470–60 bc, Athens 19568. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund. National Archaeological Museum, Athens, photographed by Eleftherios A. Galanopoulos. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 97 Figure 6: Odysseus rejoices about the outcome of the voting on the weapons of Achilles. Cup, ca. 490 bc, Vienna 3695. KHM-Museumsverband. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 98 Viktoria Räuchle Figure 7: Sophisticated countenance and servile lament in a scene of the visit at the grave. Lekythos, ca. 450 bc, Athens 1934. © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/ Archaeological Receipts Fund. National Archaeological Museum, Athens, photographed by George Fafalis. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 99 Figure 8: Maenads singing and dancing in religious ecstasy. Pyxis, 460–50 bc, Baltimore 48.2019. © The Walters Art Museum, Baltimore. Figure 9: Lyssa incites the dogs of Actaeon to kill their master. Bell krater, 440 bc, Boston 00.346. © 2021 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 100 Viktoria Räuchle Figure 10: Personified madness pierces the mind of Lycurgus to murder his son and wife. Volute krater, ca. 360 bc, Naples 82123 (3237). After: Séchan 1926, 73 fig. 22. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 3 Pathos in Disguise 101 Figure 11: Winged Eros chases an Athenian youth with his ‘sting of desire’. Neck amphora, ca. 470 bc, London 1867,0508.1057. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022 102 Angela Ganter Figure 12: Menelaus is torn between fury and desire at the reunion with Helen. Bell krater, ca. 450 bc, Paris G424. © RMN-Grand Palais (musée du Louvre) / Stéphane Maréchalle. Digital copy – for author's private use only – © Mohr Siebeck 2022