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The Art of War Reporting:
Theorising Contemporary
Embedded Journalism as Public
Discourse / Jay Reid and Rob
Cover
Keywords: Communication, Culture
Studies, Globalization
Introduction
<1> While war and conflict have always
been present to some extent throughout
history, since the September 11, 2001
attacks in America there has been a rise
in overseas conflict and troop
deployments under the banner of ‘The
Global War on Terror’. For the Australian
public, these conflicts take place
overseas in the far reaches of the Middle
East, a place to which few have first
hand contact, leaving them reliant on the
media establishment to inform them of
events (Taylor 63). Questions however
have been raised about the current forms
of wartime journalism, with many in the
industry itself acknowledging that it no
longer provides the public service that
the ideals of journalism dictate
(McGoldrick 5, Poster 158).
<2> Relations between the media and the
military have always been a source of
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heated debate (Montanari 1). In the
modern warzone, actual access to a story
can be a challenge not faced by
journalists back home, with the military
often saying where they can and can’t go,
potentially leading to a reliance on
official sources (Taylor 64). Once in the
field, objectivity for a journalist may
be hard to maintain; they themselves
become part of the story, and may grow to
despise the enemy who puts their lives in
danger, an emotion which can permeate in
their reporting (McGoldrick 1). Motives
of censorship should also be considered;
does one report the whole truth and
nothing but the truth, even when this
information could be used to hurt the
journalist or the men protecting them
(Taylor 65-68)?
<3> The topic of contemporary wartime
journalism is an important one.
Transparent and truthful media reporting
is a required cornerstone of any informed
democracy (Taylor 63); without it, the
public’s ability to monitor and intervene
with government policy is all but
diminished. As such, this paper will
examine current methods of wartime
journalism by investigating the role
played by Australian embedded journalists
in reporting events, and the use of
language and discourse in the
presentation of war reports that include
themselves as a subject of news in order
to examine if current war reporting
provides the public service it was once
established to carry out. The increase in
war time reporting appears to closely
follow the rising need of technological
production to enable conflict to occur;
only with the support of a home front
made loyal and passive through media can
such a war go ahead (ibid: 208). With the
shift from ‘total war’, such as World War
One and Two, to ‘limited’ conflicts such
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as Vietnam, the Falklands and the Global
War on Terror, unified public opinion is
becoming increasingly challenging to
acquire, leading to changes in reporting
styles and methods and an increased need
for governments to validate their actions
(ibid: 209-212).
<4> This new style of reporting is unlike
anything journalism has ever seen before;
war is made into a spectacle (Baudrillard
48), its gore and death is removed and
replaced with high-tech gadgetry that
assure us only the ‘bad guys’ are
targeted and harmed, leaving the innocent
safe (ibid: 64). It is an ‘info war’ or
‘net war’, where he who best manages the
story through technology is ensured
victory (Montanari 7). Stories of valour
or loss on the battlefield are simply
retold to the awaiting public, with
little attention to the ‘why’ (McGoldrick
4). Careful selection ensures that the
public only sees what those controlling
the news want them to see, with the
motives for war being seldom questioned
(Karnik 611; Hoijer 1). The use of
information, facilitated through new
communications technologies, allows for
the very outcome of events to be
transformed by the time the public learns
of them (Montanari 3).
<5> As part of of a broader project on
which this paper is based, we gathered
and examined within an academic framework
newspaper articles pertaining to the
Australian involvement in the ongoing
Global War on Terror focused in the
Middle Eastern countries of Iraq and
Afghanistan. The articles were gathered
during the month of August 2009 from two
major newspapers, the South Australian
edition of the national broadsheet-style
publication The Australian, and the
Adelaide based tabloid style paper The
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Advertiser. Acknowledging that The
Advertiser is printed in two formats
which often differ in layout and content,
we will limit this study to the ‘Metro’
edition, also known as the ‘Retail’
edition, and ignore the ‘Subscription’
edition for the sake of manageability.
War Reporting and Contemporary
Journalism
<6> We begin by focussing on the role of
journalists who construct the war stories
using the work of David E. Morrison.
Keeping in mind that the mindset,
attitudes and opinions of the reporter
can affect the outcome of the article, we
set out to examine the extent to which
journalists themselves influence the
reporting of war and conflict. This
becomes especially true for embedded
journalists and foreign correspondents
who are located within geographical
proximity of the conflict, as the danger
to the individual themselves may
influence the way they construct their
stories (Poster 159, McGoldrick 1). Using
the work of Morrison we will explain
these possible influences and also look
at how editing practices and
institutional values of the papers can
affect the published work, as well as the
relationship between the media and the
military on which they report.
<7> Morrison argues that research focus
should be moved away from traditional
influences of news production – such as
formal editing and institutional values –
and attention drawn to the role the
reporter themselves play in the
construction of news stories (ibid: 305;
211; Tiffen 191). He argues that a divide
exists between the military and the
journalists reporting them, an argument
opposed by Philip M. Taylor, a Professor
of Propaganda, Psychological Operations
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and Military Media Relationships at the
University of Leeds, who argues that
embedded forms of reporting are more
about co-operation than conflict (Taylor
70). This conflicting argument shall be
built on and examined in more detail
below. He highlights the problems with
the current systems of embedded war
reporting, whereby those sent into the
field are often young and inexperienced
reporters and who have had little prior
journalistic experience (Morrison 213).
The reporters in the Falklands were
physically ill-equipped for the demands
put on them during their deployment, and
they had not undergone the training, both
psychologically and mentally, that the
soldiers have in order to prepare
themselves for the conflict zone
(Morrison 219-225). Morrison points out
that unlike the military personnel in the
conflict zone, the journalists seldom
form bonds with those around them, which
can create a support network for when the
reporter encounters something they do not
understand or find disturbing (Morrison
318).
<8> Morrison argues that when journalists
are embedded with military units in the
field, it is impossible for them to
remain objective and impartial and it is
inevitable that what happens to them
while on deployment will effect what they
write (Morrison 306). Embedded
journalists, during their time living,
interacting and in some cases surviving
through the actions of the soldiers
around them, build relations and form
identification toward the subjects of
their reporting, and when living with the
threat of constantly impending death,
have a hard time remaining impartial to
‘the other’ (Morrison 219-222).
Journalists cannot remove themselves from
the action, but rather become a type of
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social actor within their reporting
(Morrison 306). It is impossible for them
not to become emotionally attached to the
men serving around them as it is not
simply the result of individual attitudes
but rather the results of the dynamics of
the situation they find themselves in
(Morrison 221-22). Impartiality and
objectivity, while vital in everyday
reporting, seldom find a home within the
words of the embedded reporter (Morrison
221). He goes on to present the flip side
of this argument, stating that the
reporters were unruly and not team
orientated; key traits of the cohesive
units they served with (Morrison 214).
They had little knowledge of the ways in
which the military operated which would
often lead to clashes and conflicts
(Morrison 317; Morrison: 1994b, 217). In
order to make meaning of their new
environment while on embedded assignment,
reporters are required to take into
consideration and negotiate the language,
cultures and beliefs shared by the
military community (Morrison 317).
<9> While acknowledging that the
journalist represents only one link in
the chain of news production, Morrison
describes their role as an important one,
as they shape the news which will be
consumed by an audience that lacked the
first hand experience of the events being
covered, in this case the Global War on
Terror (Morrison 305). He also highlights
the fact that journalistic selection
dictated what makes it into the public
sphere and as such what becomes official
an record of an occurrence (ibid: 305).
Even the journalists themselves
acknowledged the importance of their work
in ensuring the public’s right to
self-determination (Morrison 318).
Regardless of this, Morrison maintains
the importance of embedded journalism,
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claiming that the near/eye-witness
accounts provided by the reporters
serving with the troops are invaluable to
media outlets to allow them to show what
is really happening in the conflict zone
(Morrison 306). It is the element of
eye-witness account that gives the
embedded journalist the authority
required to report and pronounce the true
nature of war to those at home (Morrison
306).
The Australian Experience of Embedded
Reporting
<10> The primary reporter for The
Advertiser (South Australian daily
newspaper) during this time is Ian
McPhedran, the chief defence writer for
Rupert Murdoch's News Ltd in Australia. A
journalist his entire working career,
McPhedran has covered numerous conflicts
in the Asia Pacific and the Middle East,
as well as winning a Walkley Award in
1999 (Harper Collins, 2009). In addition
to his journalist work, McPhedran has
penned two books on the Australian
Special Air Service Regiment, the
country’s premier special forces and
counter terrorism team, titled The
Amazing SAS and Soldiers Without Borders
(Infinitas Bookshop).
<11> Writing for The Australian during
this period is Amanda Hodge, another News
Ltd correspondent. Previously assigned to
South Asia, Hodge reports on the conflict
from Kabul, some 370km from the location
of the Australian troops. In addition to
these two journalists is Canberra based
News Ltd photographer Gary Ramage who
provides photography for both newspapers.
Australian Broadcasting Commission’s
South Asian correspondent Sally Sara, who
has covered the region previously from
New Delhi, is said to be travelling with
McPhedran and Ramage, though her focus
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appears to be providing content for ABC
radio. Prior to their deployment to the
field alongside the troops they were to
be embedded with, McPhedran, Ramage and
Sara went through four days of field
medicine and crisis training to prepare
them for life with the troops in
Afghanistan (Murdoch 31). While the
article on their training and preparation
does not mention the levels of physical
fitness the reporters posses – a problem
highlighted by Morrison during the
Falklands conflict (Morrison 219) – it
does show an effort is being made to
acclimatise the journalists to the combat
environment into which they are entering.
Morrison argues that due to the dangerous
nature of embedded reporting, only young
and inexperienced reporters volunteer or
are chosen for such assignments
(Morrison, 1994b, 213). In the case of
the August coverage of the Afghanistan
and Iraq conflicts, this appears to not
be the case. As stated above, McPhedran
and Sara are experienced journalists,
with years of experience as reporters
between them. McPhedran in particular is
quite experienced in conflict reporting,
having “...covered conflicts in Burma,
Somalia, Cambodia, Papua New Guinea,
Indonesia, East Timor, Afghanistan and
Iraq,” (HarperCollins, 2009). Having
written two books on Australian special
forces, McPhedran can be expected to have
at least a second hand knowledge of the
trauma and challenges faced by
individuals in combat.
<12> While little can be found in the
analysed articles about the training
undergone by reporters before they
entered the field with our troops, it is
apparent that a degree of preparation has
been carried out by their news agencies.
It would appear that rather than the
young, brash and ill equipped reporters
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described by Morrison, the embedded
journalists covering Australians’
contribution to the Global War on Terror
are experienced, awarded and seasoned
journalists who are trained and prepared
for their embedded tours.In order to
gauge such influences and effects on
reporting, a comparative study between
field and desk journalists would need to
be carried out in a framework such as
Hall’s study of language and
representation, work which is beyond the
scope of this paper. However, the effects
on reporters during their times embedded
with troops should not be entirely
dismissed, and it is easy to imagine the
level of bond formed between soldier and
reporter, both in hostile situations and
times of peace, which may well result in
overtly positive coverage being granted
to the soldiers working to ensure the
safety of the reporters. By examining
excerpts from the gathered articles, it
is possible to highlight and identify
possible conflicts between the civilian
reporters and the military establishment,
a conflict well documented in the work of
Morrison. In an article on Monday August
10th in The Australian, Murdoch states
that the 21 day embedded tour being
undertaken by McPhedran, Sara and Ramage
is the first of its type, an
“...unprecedented trial,” (Murdoch 31)
that will impact on future embedded
deployments. Prior to this lengthy
embedded tour, journalists were only
allowed to stay with Australia troops for
short amounts of time – eight or ten days
– a limitation that was imposed by
Australian Defence Force officials
according to the article (ibid).
<13> These limitations have led to
frustration for Australian news
organisations; Editorial Director of News
Ltd, Campbell Reid, states that the
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inability of journalists to fully report
and access the lives of Australian troops
has led to tensions between the media and
the military (ibid). Conversely, the
military has been unimpressed with prior
media coverage from the field, stating
that journalist’s reports have been
affected by the trauma of their exposure
to a warzone, and have not fully
encompassed the objectives of the
campaign (ibid). On August 19th,
McPhedran reported in The Advertiser that
despite the fact journalists were
embedded with the troops, “...Australian
journalists were banned from leaving the
outpost by rear-based commanders in Tarin
Kowt,” (McPhedran 19), some 25km away.
Two days later, a diary-style article was
published by McPhedran, detailing a
patrol with Australian troops. The
details of the patrol appeared to exactly
mirror the description of the patrol
described by McPhedran on the 19th of
August, suggesting that either the
situation with leaving the base was
resolved, or that in the end the
journalists relied on first-hand reports
from the troops to write their article.
<14> As can seen from this short excerpt,
there appears to be in place tensions
between the Australian military and the
Australian media establishment, conflicts
highlighted by Morrison in his work on
embedded journalists during the Falklands
War (Morrison, 1994b, 214). The
journalists were given training and
indoctrination prior to their deployment
with the troops, and the image
accompanying the articles shows McPhedran
and Sara undertaking first aid training
in some form of temporary military
structure, seemingly in the Middle East,
surrounded by army personnel. This image,
if in fact representative of their
training, shows that rather than working
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in opposition to the journalists, the
military is interested in lending a hand
toward training them to better cope in
this dangerous environment. Opposition to
the argument of media-military conflict
is provided by Philip M. Taylor, who
argues that rather than working in
opposition to each other, modern embedded
forms of reporting rely on and work
around co-operation between both parties
to achieve a common goal (Taylor 70).
Murdoch’s article suggests that this new
style of longer deployments, based on the
experiences of British, American and
Dutch journalists, could herald in a new
era of conflict reporting (Murdoch 31).
Both parties appear to gain from the new
arrangement; the media is allowed access
to personnel and activities normally not
permitted on short trips, and the
military hopes to be better represented
by journalists who have become accustomed
to working in the conflict area. As such,
the relationship between the Australian
media and military appears to be starting
to shift from one of conflict as
described by Morrison to one of
co-operation as described by Taylor.
Embedded Journalism and Public
Discourse
<15> It is only through the acquisition
of first-hand experiences and witness
accounts that media outlets are fully
able to show the public at home what is
actually happening in a war zone
(Morrison: 1994a, 305). The importance is
acknowledged by the journalists
themselves; McPhedran states that this is
the first time an in depth level of first
hand reporting can be carried out with
the Australian troops, and reports that
come out of the August embedded tour will
go a long way to bridging an existing gap
in reporting coverage (Murdoch 31).
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Editor of The Daily Telegraph, a
Sydney-based newspaper, Garry Linnell has
gone on the record and stated that this
embedded journalism will allow readers
for the first time to “...have an
opportunity to understand what it is like
on the ground... what our troops are
dealing with at ground zero,” (ibid). He
goes on to claim that such levels of
intimate conflict reporting have been
absent since the Vietnam conflict some
thirty years earlier and it will open the
public’s eyes to the everyday lives of
our troops over in the Middle East
(ibid). He closes by suggesting that even
though embedded journalists have operated
within the American media for some time
and that their coverage is heavily
controlled and censored, Australian
journalists will have more freedom with
what they report (ibid).
<16> The media serves an important role
in any conflict by ensuring public
support and popular opinion on the home
front, required to ensure the constant
stream of personnel and materials
(Hallin, 1994: 150). The use of embedded
journalists allows this to occur in the
most efficient fashion, as reporters are
within close geographical proximity to
the issues on which they report. Thus,
embedded journalists can be seen to be of
great importance in the newspaper
function within the political economy,
especially in regard to the maintenance
of the home front to ensure support and
public consensus. Unlike the young and
inexperienced reporters described during
the Falklands conflicts in Hallin’s work,
modern Australian embedded journalists
appear seasoned professionals, most of
whom have previously written or reported
on the military or the Middle Eastern
theatre of operations. Unlike their
Falkland counterparts before them they
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are trained and readied prior to their
deployment, and enjoy a co-operative
rather than competitive relationship with
the Australian Defence Force. Their
reports provide to us an important series
of firsthand accounts of conflict,
coverage previously lacking in Australian
war reporting. The first argument of
Hallin’s we examine is his claim that,
rather than acting as a catalyst or
influencer of public and elite or
government consensus, the media’s
reporting during times of war operates
solely as a reproducer and gauge of such
consensus (Hallin 1). This claim works in
opposition to the commonly held notion
that the media establishment is in fact
one of the greatest influences in public
opinion (O’Heffernan, 1994: 238). Such
was said to be the case during Vietnam,
where critics were quick to blame the
failure of the military campaign on the
poor press attention the war received
back home (Hallin, 1984: 5). In response
to these claims, Hallin argues that it
was the breakdown in consensus which
occurred first, followed by and reported
in the media through articles negatively
orientated toward the Vietnam War
(Hallin, 1984: 4-5).
<17> Examining the articles gathered
during the course of the study, the
trends observed in Vietnam appear to be
non-existent in the reporting of
Australia’s involvement in the Global War
on Terror. Of the articles examined, no
negative assertions or commentary about
Australian troops, their campaign in Iraq
and Afghanistan, or the government’s
decision to maintain their presence in
the Middle East can be found. Stories
about Australian’s involvement in war and
conflict are positive and in no way
critical of the conflict itself or those
partaking in it. This lack of criticism
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for the Global War on Terror appears
representative of the Australian
community’s positive outlook on the
conflict. Patrick Walters, national
security editor for The Australian
comments that the Afghanistan conflict in
particular has enjoyed “...bipartisan
support and... has generated no
substantial domestic political debate,”
(Walters, 2009a: 21). From this we can
see Hallin’s argument in action; a common
and positive consensus about the war held
through the strata of the community is
being reflected through their print media
outlets. Public opinion, in this case
seemingly in favour of the conflict,
shapes and influences the news producing
articles which favour and support the
continued Australian commitment to the
conflict (Hallin 3-4). Supporting
analogies can be drawn to the news
outlets of other countries involved in
the Global War on terror whose public
have lost support for the conflict in
recent time. In the United States, where
over 800 servicemen have lost their lives
in Afghanistan and almost 4,500 have been
killed in Iraq since the commencement of
hostilities with August 2009 being one of
the deadliest months for US since the
conflict commenced (Youssef & Landay 38).
<18> As it can be seen, Hallin’s argument
holds steady when applied to Australian
media coverage of the Afghanistan and
Iraq conflicts, where only eleven Army
personnel have lost their lives (Walters
21). Public and political consensuses
have resulted in a unified media
depiction of the conflict, in stark
contrast to the media coverage seen in
countries where support for the war is
slipping. Looking at the gathered
articles it is quickly noted that the two
primary journalists; Amanda Hodge of The
Australian and Ian McPhedran of The
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Advertiser, are both reporting from the
Middle East, very near to the region in
which the conflict is taking place. This
close proximity to the area they are
reporting allows for the journalists to
gather information first hand, thereby
lessening their reliance on official
government sources. While the
consequences and results of embedded
journalism will be examined in more depth
later in this article, it is easy to see
how by placing the journalists in
proximity to the conflicts they are
covering, a greater potential for the
gathering of firsthand accounts and
information exists, allowing the reporter
to construct their articles based on what
they experience and not simply what their
government tells them.
<19> Within their articles, Hodge and
McPhedran rely heavily on the stories and
accounts of the Australian soldiers
deployed into the field, so much so that
of the approximately thirty sources they
quote within their articles, two thirds
of them are military personnel. Of these
personnel, all but four of them are
junior officers or enlisted men, many of
whom are part time reservists. The
remaining military personnel interviewed
are senior leaders, both at home and
abroad, along with a small minority of
government officials and representatives.
Living in what Hallin describes as a
source-driven society, articles need to
rely on and be built on sources,
preferably first hand (Hallin 40). In the
gathered articles, the word being
broadcast back to the public is very much
that of the ‘man on the ground’.
Privates/Sappers/Troopers, Lance
Corporals and young Lieutenants, the men
on the ground doing the actual fighting,
feature predominately while
administrators and decision makers take a
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back seat. This trend is seen in the
accompanying images with each article,
where the only person of serious
political significance shown is the Prime
Minister Kevin Rudd, and only once during
the entire month of conflict reporting.
<20> In order for news reporting to be
objective and fulfil its role as an
informative public service, it needs to
operate on its own accord and not rely on
official government sources to produce
news content (Hallin, 1984: 19-20). As we
have shown, both The Australian and The
Advertiser in their reporting of the
Global War on Terror draw the majority of
their stories not from official
government sources, but rather from the
everyday individuals taking part in the
conflict. Some articles read like pseudo
honour roles; soldiers names, ranks and
hometown are listed in great length and
detail (McPhedran, 2009c: 10-11; 2009k:
23; 2009i: 42-43; 2009l: 24-25). Soldiers
such as Captain Close are followed over
the course of the month, from their
initial deployment right up until the end
of the campaign. The level of
personification of these soldiers is
carried across all articles, with their
families, prior occupations and hobbies
being explored in great detail. The
soldiers are not simply rendered as
faceless troops, but are rather given a
history and personality, allowing for the
public back home to relate and empathise
with them, heightening their interest in
the conflict.
<21> Through their coverage of the
conflict, both The Australian and The
Advertiser appear to adhere to Hallin’s
theory of home front maintenance. The
Advertiser leads off the month’s coverage
with a full page article detailing the
withdrawal of troops from Iraq. Within
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the article by a senior military officer
that “...Coalition commanders... were
full of praise for Australia’s
contribution,” (Advertiser, 2009a: 4) to
the conflict and that they were
wholeheartedly farewelled from their
base. These images paint a picture of
celebration for the reader, glossing over
the fact these men and women have just
returned from a dangerous conflict in
which a number of lives were lost. A
fortnight later The Advertiser featured
an article on a soldier named Josh Raward
who was injured during a roadside bomb
blast (McPhedran, 2009d: 48). Rather than
describe the horror of war and just how
close the young Lance Corporal came to
losing his life, the article uses the
incident to highlight just how safe the
soldiers are in the conflict zone. In the
piece, the soldier credits his survival
to his body armour and helmet, and most
importantly the Australian built
Bushmaster infantry fighting vehicles
Australians use in the region, going so
far as to say “I now have a lot of faith
in the Bushmaster. Anything else and I
would be dead,” (ibid: 48). The audience
concludes that the safety of the troops
is due to Australian built products such
as the Bushmaster – especially amid calls
their United Kingdom allies are in need
of a new vehicle to better defend against
roadside bomb attacks (Advertiser, 2009d:
24) – encouraging further production and
development, a particularly relevant
topic given South Australia’s push to
have itself recognized as the ‘defence
state’ (Enright & Robert, 2001:75). This
reassurance works to calm public concerns
for troop safety, highlighting just how
safe they are thanks to their equipment
when on deployment.
<22> Having reassured the community as to
the good work being carried out by the
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soldiers and the safety they enjoy while
in the Middle East, the articles proceed
to describe just how important the
peacekeeping work of our troops is.
Readers are told of the vital work being
carried out by Australians to ensure
safety and stability in the August
democratic elections in Afghanistan,
including just how important these
elections are to bringing peace to the
region (McPhedran 19; Hodge, 2009b: 8).
The importance of the Australian mission
to the country is confirmed by an
interview with a regional Afghan
Governor, who states the troops need to
remain for another five years to ensure
local police and military forces can be
fully trained to take over (McPhedran,
2009e: 9). The war is later described as
being fundamental to national security by
US President Barack Obama, who states the
war is one of choice rather than
necessity (Crawford 29). Australian media
coverage on the Global War on Terror
reflects rather than influences strong
public and political consensus in favour
of the conflict, one that is conveyed
without a strong reliance on government
sources as is commonplace in conflict
reporting (Hallin 40). These reports form
a rare public concern for political
activity due to the disruptive nature
they have on families and communities,
whose support is maintained though
articles which reassure and describe the
safe yet important work the soldiers are
carrying out.
Representation: The Parties of War in
Afghanistan
<23> Having studied the higher political,
industry and journalistic elements of
conflict reporting, we focus the
remainder of this paper on the study of
the articles and images themselves,
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drawing on the work of Stuart Hall and
his study of language and representation.
Using Hall’s framework, we explore the
representation of the newly reformed
Afghan National Army (ANA) and Afghan
National Police (ANP), the Australian
soldiers serving in the region and then
finally the native inhabitants, including
a brief look at the representation of the
Taliban. This will allow for a study of
the differing representations of these
groups, allowing for explanation within
the academic framework previously used in
this paper. Looking first to the ANA and
ANP, it is easy to see their coverage
taking a decisively negative approach.
When organising patrols, Australian
troops state it takes much talking to
achieve only a simple patrol, saying that
“From 40 minutes of chat, there is five
minutes of actual business, the Afghan
way.” (McPhedran, 2009l: 25). They are
often asleep when missions are scheduled
to begin, only heading into the field
after being coaxed by their commanders or
literally kicked into action, and when
patrols do start they are often up to
twenty minutes late (McPhedran, 2009l:
24-25; 2009f: 19; 2009i: 42). It is hard
not to receive connotations of a ‘lazy’
soldier force when reading the
description of the ANA and ANP in the
gathered articles.
<24> Apart for their laziness, the Afghan
soldiers are said to have little
understanding or care for their weapons
and equipment. The articles tell that the
ANA soldiers “...roll up half prepared,
weapons all over the shop,” (McPhedran,
2009l: 25), that “...their weapons drills
are at best lax,” (McPhedran, 2009l: 24),
and that the mentoring Australian troops
need to regularly check up on the ANA
guard towers to ensure their weapons are
actually facing out into the field
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(McPhedran, 2009i: 43). Again, the
denotative words of the article conjure
the mental image of a group of men with
little idea about how to carry out their
job as protectors of peace and democracy.
Furthermore, the ANA and ANP personnel
are depicted as lacking in discipline
when it comes to military matters and
operations in the field. When returning
from patrol they lose discipline and
“...are off at a gallop regardless of the
threat,” (2009a: 24) back to their base,
and are described as ‘wild horses’ that
constantly need to be kept in check by
their Australian mentors (McPhedran,
2009i: 43). During combat they fail to
maintain adequate spacing and huddle
around their Australian mentors, often
panicking (McPhedran, 2009d: 48). The
only mention of their off-duty lives
involves two ANP officers attempting to
speed through a roadblock without their
uniform, resulting in them being shot
dead due to their failure to stop and
identify themselves (Dodd 4). Their
religious lifestyles are also shown to
negatively impact on their ability to
carry out their jobs; they can only
patrol for a few hours during Ramadan due
to the tradition of fasting and hours of
prayer, leading to frustration for their
Australian mentors. All this negativity
is embodied in a quote from an Australian
soldier, when he states the ANA and ANP
personnel “‘naturally’ do not embrace
concepts such as time, weapons,
discipline or effective patrolling,”
(McPhedran, 2009l: 24). While they are on
occasion referred to as fearless and
hardened fighters, the article is quick
to add in the same sentence that they are
ineffective as soldiers and liable to
corruption, forcing them to be assigned
away from their local regions (McPhedran,
2009l: 24; 2009f: 19).
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<25> Having summarised the common themes
of the connotations implied through the
denotations of the personnel of the ANA
and ANP, we shall now examine comparative
signifiers assigned to the Australian
personnel deployed to the region, to both
ensure stability and peace against the
Taliban and to mentor and train the ANA
and ANP into becoming a capable security
force. By comparison, the Australian
Defence Force (ADF) personnel are
depicted as a professional army, composed
of senior and capable soldiers, all of
which have been intensively trained for
their deployment, some troops being so
qualified they are carrying out tasks
usually reserved for much higher rank
individuals (McPhedran, 2009l: 25; 2009b:
10). Unlike the ANA troops who always
turn up late for patrol, the ADF soldiers
are always ready and prepared to depart
on time for their duties (McPhedran,
2009l: 25). While the Afghan soldiers are
said to be unreliable and unprepared,
Australian personnel have received much
praise from allied commanders, as well as
local community leaders (Advertiser,
2009a: 4; Dodd 4; Hodge, 2009b: 8;
McPhedran 4). As mentioned above, their
mission while in Afghanistan is dual
pronged; to train local forces and fend
off the Tabilban. While the troops
themselves believe in their mission and
gain much job satisfaction from it, their
task is difficult (McPhedran, 2009b: 11).
Having initially jumped for the
opportunity to be deployed overseas,
soldiers state that frustration with the
local personnel is rife and even keeping
the Afghan soldiers on task is a daily
challenge (Advertiser 2009c: 8;
McPhedran, 2009l: 24; 2009e: 48).
Regardless of their frustrations, the ADF
personnel maintain their job is all about
“...diplomacy, advocacy, friendship
driven by a deep commitment to making the
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ANA an effective force able to protect
and secure its own people,” (McPhedran,
2009l: 25).
<26> Carrying out this mission is no easy
task if one is to believe the
connotations put forward by the reporters
from The Advertiser and The Australian.
The ADF troops “...spend weeks on end
sleeping on rocks in the dirt, eating
rations out of plastic bags and walking
for hours lumping heavy loads in
unbearable heat,” (McPhedran 19). They
have to put up with the extreme heat and
dust without the comfort of air
conditioning, staving off sleep
deprivation and constantly being suddenly
called out on early morning operations
(McPhedran, 2009i: 420). They find
themselves in frequent danger of death
and injury, and are working way beyond
their comfort zones (McPhedran, 2008d:
48; 2009i: 42; 2009k: 23). In this harsh
and inhospitable environment, the threat
from the enemy is never ending; they are
a prime target for the Taliban and their
insidious roadside bombs which means it
is safer to walk than drive (McPhedran
19). Even their headquarters far behind
safe lines and high levels of security
have been attacked, and many know friends
who have been injured or killed
(McPhedran, 2009a: 1; 2009d: 42).
<27> Despite all the hardship and danger
facing them, the Australian soldiers
remain positive and upbeat. They are said
to not adopt aggressive poses when on
patrol, treat the locals with respect and
dignity, and are casual when informing
their families back home they survived a
roadside bomb attack (McPhedran, 2009d:
48; 2009l: 25). Even the name of their
formation – the ‘Reconstruction Task
Force’ – hints at a non-aggressive
organization (McPhedran, 2009a: 1). They
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talk with reporters under a canvas tent
enjoying a hot cup of coffee and wander
their base in thongs and shorts when not
on duty, enjoying hearty breakfasts and
schnitzels for tea followed by movies in
the evening (McPhedran, 2009i: 42-43).
Within this relaxed and informal setting
they talk about how they love their job
and especially using their ‘big boys
toys’, and speak about how lucky they are
to work with mates (Hodge, 2009b: 8;
McPhedran, 2009b: 11; 2009f: 19; 2009i:
42). The articles tell how important love
is to their lives, especially that of
friends and family (McPhedran, 2009b: 10;
2009i: 42; 2009k: 23). The third party of
the conflict, the local Taliban forces
that the Australians troops are deployed
to directly and indirectly deal with, are
mentioned only infrequently in the August
news coverage of the conflict in
Afghanistan. What the reader is told is
that the Taliban are hardline militants
and insurgents who launch strikes and
suicide attacks, who are of the Islamic
faith (Hodge, 2009c:1; 2009d: 4; 2009f:
1; McPhedran 19). They indiscriminately
target and kill American and Australian
soldiers, as well as targeting unarmed
civilian contractors working to rebuild
the region (Crawford 29; Hodge 9;
McPhedran 1; Norington 9). Due to the
Taliban, everyday in the country is said
to start with an explosion or gun battle
(Hodge 9). Members of the Taliban are
intent on disrupting the elections held
during August, and disrupting democracy
(Hodge 1; McPhedran 19). In order to
achieve this they carry out a campaign of
intimidation again voters, including use
of their ‘night letters’ which warn that
anyone found to be helping foreigners
will be killed (Hodge 4; McPhedran 19; 1;
25). They burn schools and beat farmers
in their own fields, carry out rocket
attacks against polling booths, dress up
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as women to carry out suicide bomb
attacks, and are able to detonate bombs
at the doorstep of the Australian
headquarters (Hodge 1; McPhedran 4; 25).
Locals who are found to be collaborating
with American and Australian troops are
tried before a Taliban court and if found
guilty are hung or have their throats
cut, with these executions being taped
and sold by the Taliban in local markets
(McPhedran 25).
<28> From the above examples it is easy
to see how each of the three groups are
represented in distinctly different
fashions. The general representation is
that the Afghan police and army personnel
are currently undisciplined, inept and
currently unable to maintain peace and
security in their own country. This
appears to work in tandem with Hallin’s
work on the maintenance of the home
front; by setting up a signified notion
of the ANA and ANP being unable to carry
out their job in Afghanistan, the reader
can be shown that the government’s
decision to continue troop deployment in
the country is validated and justified.
The representation of the Australian
personnel deployed in the region further
works to build and garner public support
for the conflict. Unlike their Afghan
counterparts, the ADF troops are shown as
highly trained and qualified, and very
capable of carrying out their mission.
While they are shown to be operating in a
very dangerous and inhospitable
environment, they retain the sense of
humour, their loyalty and the hard
working selfless nature that helped build
the early ANZAC spirit during World War I
(Soutphommasane 11). This representation
is described by Hallin as the way in
which the reporting of conflict can help
build or reinforce national identity and
self-expression (Hallin 150). Finally,
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the representation of the Taliban in the
articles works to sustain the home front,
albeit in a different fashion. According
to theorists such as Peter Andreas, a
criminalizing aspect is required in
conflict reporting in order to sustain
the basis for war (Andreas 29). By having
the Taliban signified as evil terrorists
who are actively working against
democracy, the Australian public is
positioned to see the virtues and
importance of the conflict and continued
troop involvement in the region.
Conclusion
<29> When analysing articles published in
The Advertiser and The Australian during
the month of August 2009 through the
framework of political economy as laid
out by Daniel Hallin, a number of trends
and statements about Australian conflict
reporting can be made. While the argument
put forward that during the Vietnam era
negative media coverage of the event was
said to inspire a negative community
backlash against the war, coverage of the
Global War on Terror appears
overwhelmingly positive. Rather than
influencing public opinion, media
coverage of the war is influenced by
these factors; the generally positive
consensus to Australia’s involvement in
the conflict leads to positive media
coverage of the war. As we have also
shown, this positive coverage is
constructed primarily through the use of
firsthand accounts from the soldiers in
the field, and does not adhere to the
widespread notion that the media relies
too heavily on government sources when
constructing news stories.
<30> Furthermore, the articles show how
stories of war represent within society a
rare case of public concern for politics,
and provide a unique platform for
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everyday individuals to take political
centre stage. This concern is of course
justified, as without public interest and
support in the conflict, the consensus of
the home front cannot be maintained.
Through their composition and editing,
the articles can be seen to form a
cohesive message to the Australian public
that the soldiers are carrying out an
important and vital mission in the Middle
East, and that despite the dangers they
are safe and prepared for the task at
hand. These positive connotations act to
solidify public support for the campaign,
and ensure the constant and uninterrupted
supply of personnel and materials needed
to continue participating in the war.
Operating within this industry
environment are the journalists
themselves, who appear not to follow the
model of reporters in the Falklands Wars
as set out by David Morrison. During
previous conflicts, the reporters
deployed overseas have often been junior
reporters, keen to make a name for
themselves yet lacking experience. By
comparison the Australian reporters
working out of the Middle East during
August 2009 all appear to hold a great
depth of prior knowledge in either the
military or the region, allowing them to
better understand what they see. In
addition to their experience, modern
embedded journalists from Australia
appear to undergo training and
preparation before their deployment under
the guidance of the military, something
seemingly lacking from earlier wartime
correspondents. Despite this cooperative
training it appears tensions still exist
between the Australian Defence Force and
the media. As outlined in this paper,
evidence from the studied articles
suggests military leaders still control
and restrict the movement of journalists,
and that prior to this round of embedded
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deployments they would been unwilling to
allow reporters in the field for a
prolonged period of time. As stated
previously, this appears to be changing
with steps seemingly being taken to
bridge these gaps, a move that editors
say will usher in a new era of
transparent and in depth conflict
reporting.
<31> Finally this paper shows the role
representation plays in war and conflict
reporting. Drawing on the work of Hall We
have shown how the denotations of the
local Afghan forces within the articles
leads to the audience perceiving the
connotation that the ANA and ANP are
composed of young, undisciplined and
inexperienced soldiers. Through the
process of signification as detailed by
Hall, the articles maintain the position
that these local soldiers are not yet
ready or capable to ensure the peace and
stability their home country so
desperately needs, a stance supported
both in the text and images of the
articles. The articles build a
representation of the Taliban as an evil
and unseen enemy, one which the Afghan,
United States and United Kingdom forces
have trouble combating. A solution is
presented through the representations of
the Australian personnel, who are shown
in the articles as being well trained and
capable of the task at hand. The audience
is assured of their safety while in this
dangerous environment, and shown how
these troops still maintain and hold up
the ideals that form the Australian sense
of identity. Just as The Art of War was
written to enlighten and educate military
leaders in the finer points of waring war
and conflict, The Art of War Reporting
has set out to study the issues relevant
to the reporting of such conflicts,
including which external elements can
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distort or alter the coverage events.
While this text may not last the two
centuries Sun Tzu’s writings have, my
hope is that it will form the basis of a
new era in the study of Australian war
and conflict reporting.
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