Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings

Supplément 39 Associations and Religion in Context The Hellenistic and Roman Eastern Mediterranean edited by Annelies CAZEMIER & Stella SKALTSA Supplément 39 Associations and Religion in Context The Hellenistic and Roman Eastern Mediterranean edited by Annelies Cazemier & Stella Skaltsa Centre International d’Étude de la Religion Grecque Antique Presses Universitaires de Liège Liège, 2022 Table of Contents Introduction, by Stella Skaltsa and Annelies Cazemier ................................................. 9 Sara M. Wijma, Between Private and Public: Orgeones in Classical and Hellenistic Athens ...................................................................................................... 21 Christian A. Thomsen, The Place of Honour: Associations’ Sanctuaries and Inscribed Honours in Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Athens ................... 45 Paschalis Paschidis, Civic Cults and (Other) Religious Associations: In Search of Collective Identities in Roman Macedonia .............................................. 59 Claire Hasenohr, The Italian Associations on Delos: Religion, Trade, Politics and Social Cohesion (2nd –1st c. BC) ............................................................................... 79 Monika Trümper, Cult in Clubhouses of Delian Associations ........................................ 93 Stella Skaltsa, Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings ... 125 Stéphanie Maillot, Associations and Death: The Funerary Activities of Hellenistic Associations ............................................................................................... 149 Jan-Mathieu Carbon, Funerals and Foreigners, Founders and Functionaries: On the Boundary Stones of Associations from Kos ...................................................... 169 Philip F. Venticinque, Dying to Belong: Associations and the Economics of Funerals in Egypt and the Roman World ............................................................... 207 Mario C.D. Paganini, Religion and Leisure: A Gentry Association of Hellenistic Egypt .......................................................................................................... 227 Ilias N. Arnaoutoglou, Cult and Craft: Variations on a (Neglected) Theme ....... 249 Matt Gibbs, Artisans and Their Gods: The Religious Activities of Trade Associations in Roman Egypt ......................................................................................... 271 Michał Gawlikowski, The Marzeḥa of the Priests of Bel and Other Drinking Societies in Palmyra ....................................................................................... 287 8 Table of contents List of Contributors ................................................................................................................ 301 Abstracts .................................................................................................................................... 305 Abbreviations and Bibliography ........................................................................................... 313 Index of Ancient Sources ....................................................................................................... 357 Index of Associations .............................................................................................................. 371 Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings* Introduction The ancient city of Thera, perched at the top of a steep and barren cliff (369m; modern name Mesa Vouno) on the east coast of the island, has yielded five inscriptions that attest to the presence of five associations, all dating from around the mid 3rd c. BC to the second half of the 2nd c. BC. 1 The earliest attestation is that of the group of basilistai. The koinon of the andreios of syggeneis and that of Antister Pythochrestos date to the turn of the 3rd to the 2nd c. BC, while the koinon of Bakchistai and that of the aleiphomenoi date to the reign of Ptolemy VI Philometor. 2 Thus, associational activity falls precisely within the period in which the island formed the base of the Ptolemaic fleet in the Aegean. This began most likely towards the end or after the reign of Ptolemy II Philadelphos, and lasted until the death of Ptolemy VI Philometor in 145 BC. 3 At first glance, associational life in Thera may appear of minor importance, espe­ cially if compared to the thriving Late Hellenistic port town of Delos, which has yielded more than 30 attestations of associations. 4 By analogy to other islands in the Cyclades, * I would like to thank my colleagues of the Copenhagen Associations Project (Vincent Gabrielsen, Annelies Cazemier, and Mario Paganini) for their comments on an earlier version of this paper. My gratitude extends to Mat Carbon who discussed with me various aspects of this paper. 1. An inscription from Egypt that mentions [οἱ ἐν] ‹Θ›ή‹ρ›αι μάχιμοι (SEG 8, 741; CAPInv. 128) has been taken to refer to a religious association formed by the soldiers in Thera while stationed in the island (Bagnall 1976, 129–130; Chaniotis 2002, 109). As the dedication of the altar was set up in Thebes in Egypt, it is more plausible to think that soldiers of the garrison in Thera upon their return to Egypt formed a religious group as a means to evoke their past activities. For this reason, this inscrip­ tion does not form part of the discussion in this paper. 2. Βασιλισταί: IG XII 3, 443; τὸ κοινὸν τοῦ ἀνδρείου τῶν συγγενῶν: IG XII 3, 330 (cf. LGS II 129, LSCG 135; CGRN 152); τὸ κοινὸν τοῦ Ανθιστήρος τοῦ Πυθοχρήστου IG XII 3, 329+1295; τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Βακχιστῶν: IG XII 3 Suppl. 1296; τὸ κοινὸν τῶν ἀλειφομένων: IG XII 3, 331+IG XII 3, Suppl. p. 285. 3. Bagnall 1976, 123–124, 134; Hölbl 2001, 43, 305; for the policy of Ptolemy VI in the Aegean, Buraselis 2011. 4. Trümper 2011 has collected the evidence in a table (77–79). See also Trümper in this volume. 126 Stella Skaltsa however, the epigraphic corpus of associations in Thera is substantial and informative. 5 Not only does it perfectly exemplify the intensity of associational activity in the time­ span of a century, but it significantly enriches our view of the social and religious life of the city in a period during which civic decrees only slightly outnumber the epigraphic output of private associations. 6 At the same time, the epigraphic record for private asso­ ciations mirrors developments in the political history of the island in that it further evinces the presence of the Ptolemaic army in Thera, one of the major Ptolemaic naval bases in the Aegean. 7 It has been estimated that the garrison by the time of Ptolemy VI Philometor was manned by about 300 soldiers, whose presence—even if not stationed there throughout the year—would have certainly been felt by the small community of the city of Thera. 8 All in all, the paper sets out to contextualise the evidence for associations in Thera, set against this historical background and within the urban fabric. The objective is to assess to what extent associations carved their own space, responding to and engaging with developments in the religious and socio­political landscape of ancient Thera in the period in which the city was under Ptolemaic control. Identity and self-representation, names and membership The longest inscription from Thera—288 lines long—that records the will of Epikteta and the decree passed by the association founded by her, as well as a decree issued by the koinon of the aleiphomenoi for their gymnasiarch Baton, were already well known in the 17th century. 9 Three more inscriptions that attest to associations, the basilistai, the koinon of Anthister Pythochrestos and the Bakchistai, came to light during excavations funded 5. There is a dearth of evidence for associations in many other islands of the Cyclades in the Hellenistic period; for example, only single cases are known from Keos (IG XII 5, 606; cf. CAPInv. 50), Paros (SEG 54, 794; cf. CAPInv. 52), Syros (IG XII 5, 672; cf. CAPInv. 54), Anaphe (IG XII 3, 253; cf. CAPInv. 142), and Naxos (SEG 58, 899; cf. CAPInv. 346). More comparable sets of five associations are known from Amorgos (IG XII 7, 58; 61; 235; 241; cf. CAPInv. 858–862) and Tenos (IG XII 5, 872 [cf. CAPInv. 864–867]; SEG 40, 688 [cf. CAPInv. 1713]). 6. There are two honorific decrees for Ptolemaic officials (IG XII 3, 320; 1291); one honorific decree for two Alexandrians in the late 3rd/early 2nd c. BC (Fraser 1958); and three proxeny decrees, two of which are fragmentary (IG XII 3, 321+1291; IG XII 3 Suppl. 1290; 1293). For a brief overview of the epigraphic sources for Thera in the Hellenistic period see Ager 2008, 160–163. 7. For an overview of the Ptolemaic bases in the southern Aegean, Gill 2007, 58–60, 63–64. 8. Sperling 1974, 325, tentatively estimates the population of the city to no more than 2,000 inhabitants. However, as he notes ‘the theatre in Hellenistic and Roman times had a seating capacity of about 1,500; this allowed for the attendance of persons from other parts of the region.’ It has been estimated that the garrison was manned by around 300 soldiers in light of the soldiers contributing to repair works in the gymnasium between 163 and 159 BC (IG XII 3, 327; cf. Launey 1987, 847; Thera V, 19). 9. On the history of the will of Epikteta, Wittenburg 1990, 16–19. On the history of the decree of the aleiphomenoi, Cuvigny and Vagenheim 2005. Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 127 by Hiller von Gaertringen in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. 10 Hiller was the first to introduce a distinction between associations of local inhabitants and associations of foreigners (i.e. soldiers of the garrison). The membership profile of associations in Thera appears to be more homogeneous, unlike the more fluid membership of associations in other places in the Hellenistic world. Hiller’s criteria were mostly drawn from language and onomastics. 11 In short, associations of foreigners issued decrees in the Hellenistic koine, while associations of locals retained Doric features in the language of their decrees. This rigid classification may underline exclusivity of the groups under discussion, yet it does not advance much our understanding of their nature and role, especially in light of the naming practices of the group and the activities as illustrated in the texts. In what follows, I engage with issues regarding the identity of the associations under discussion. All five associations bear distinct names, of which several are unique among the naming practices of private associations. It can be said from the onset that these names are not drawn from the same wellspring of inspiration, for they display disparate affilia­ tions. Some are overtly religious (basilistai, Anthister Pythochrestos, Bakchistai), others social (aleiphomenoi), or kinship­related (ὁ ἀνδρεῖος τῶν συγγενῶν); yet the religious or social profile of associations extends beyond the confines implied by the chosen mode of self­representation. The name of the association of the male relatives (τὸ κοινὸν τοῦ ἀνδρείου τῶν συγγενῶν), founded by Epikteta, underlines an apparently strong male membership profile in the self­representation of the group. 12 However, female relatives and children joined the association as members, though the priesthood and other offices were exclu­ sive to male relatives. 13 Kinship relationships are easily traceable within members of the association as membership was mostly drawn from three Theraian well­off families. 14 Moreover, members themselves or their descendants were prominent citizens of Thera as illustrated in the epigraphic record. 15 Though family ties are exemplified by the name of the association, the name does not reveal anything of the commemorative and religious events held for three consecutive days on an annual basis in honour of the Muses, the deceased couple (Phoenix and Epikteta) and their two sons (Andragoras and Kratesilochos). 10. Between 1895 and 1902 Hiller von Gaertringen conducted systematic investigation of the ancient city of Thera, the outcome of which is presented in three massive volumes. Some inscriptions from Thera, however, were already known, including the main fragment of the decree of Anthister Pythochrestos (Ross 1842, no. 198). 11. Hiller von Gaertringen 1903, 97–98. 12. IG XII 3, 330. The literature on Epikteta is extensive, see notably Wittenburg 1990 with earlier bibliography and Stavrianopoulou 2006, 151 n. 125 with earlier literature on the judicial content of the text. See also Campanelli 2016, 151–153. 13. For the priesthood and the office of the epimenioi see Carbon and Pirenne­Delforge 2013, 76, 90–92. 14. For the composition of membership in this association see Wittenburg 1990, 63–66; Stavrianopoulou 2006, 292–302. 15. Thera III, 114. 128 Stella Skaltsa Religious affiliation to Dionysos, yet in each case under a different guise, was proclaimed by two associations in Thera. The association of Bakchistai—a name only sparingly attested in the epigraphic record—attests to the worship of Dionysos Bakchos, the only attestation of the cult of Bakchos in Thera. 16 The association of Anthister Pythochrestos also claimed allegiance to the cult of Dionysos though this may not be immediately apparent. 17 An analysis of the name of the association of Anthister Pythochrestos can illuminate aspects pertaining to the identity of the group. This association was comprised of locals and family ties among members are discernible. 18 The cult epithet Anthister, as Hiller von Gaertringen has shown, probably refers to Dionysos. Deriving from the word anthos (flower), it alludes to the Anthesteria, a springtime festival. 19 The Anthesteria, however, was a festival celebrated in Attica and Ionia, and not among Doric communities, like Thera. To underline a dimension of Dionysos’ worship that was not rooted in the island would have certainly vested this association with an aura of distinctiveness and innova­ tion within the local community. 20 The degree of innovation, however, does not stop with the first component of the name but it expands with the second, Pythochrestos. This cult epithet indicates that a consultation of the Delphic oracle was sought and resulted in the validation of the cult. 21 As this epithet features in the name of a private association, oracular consultation was probably instigated by private and not public initiative. 22 The oracle seems to have approved the introduction of the cult, which in turn must have validated the foundation of the association itself. 23 The practice of oracular consulta­ tion, especially of the oracle at Delphi, has a long precedent in the history of Thera. Closely contemporaneous with the association of Anthister Pythochrestos is the public 16. IG XII 3 Suppl. 1296 (160–146 BC); cf. Jaccottet 2003, ΙΙ no. 169. Unlike the prevalence of the term Bakcheion to denote an association of devotees of Dionysos (Jaccottet 2003, I 60–61; Jaccottet 2003, II nos. 6, 10, 24, 34, 37, 43, 44, 50, 68, 75, 76, 103, 127, 144, 159) the evidence for associations of Bakchistai (only in Thera) or Bakcheastai (attested only in Dionysopolis in the 3rd c. BC, Jaccottet 2003, II no. 52; cf. CAPInv. 1118) is scanty. 17. IG XII 3, 329+1295 (late 3rd c. BC / early 2nd c. BC); Jaccottet 2003, II no. 170. 18. Hiller von Gaertringen 1903, 97–98. Jaccottet 2003, II 278, describes it as one “d’authentiques habi­ tants de l’île” and later on (280), as one “formée d’autochtones”. The episkopos of the association, Dion, bears the same name as Argea’s father. 19. Hiller von Gaertringen 1898, 228; Wilamowitz­Möllendorff 1932, 77 n. 2, calls Anthister the “Blumenbringer”. 20. Wilamowitz­Möllendorff (1932, 77 n. 22) described this cult as “weder einheimisch noch alt”. 21. For an extensive discussion of the cultic epithet pythochrestos, Robert and Robert 1983, 110–113. 22. For example, Poseidonios the son of Iatrokles from Halikarnassos consulted the oracle about the cult of ancestral gods (see Carbon and Pirenne­Delforge 2013, 70–71; CGRN 104; CAPInv. 830 cf. SEG 63, 863). Jaccottet (2003, II 280) is of the view that the cult epithet indicates a public cult of Dionysos in Thera, without explaining why. See, however, Robert and Robert 1983, 111–112 for private initia­ tive. 23. Robert and Robert 1983, 112: “Puisqu’il s’agit du dieu d’une association, la consultation eut lieu pour la constitution de cette association.” Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 129 consultation of the Delphic oracle for the heroisation of a naturalised citizen of Thera, Artemidoros, son of Apollonios, from Perge, who enjoyed a prominent career in the Ptolemaic kingdom before settling in Thera. 24 In other words, oracular consultation, by public or private initiative, helped enrich considerably religious life in Thera, even if on certain occasions the cult was open to members only, as seems to be the case in the cult of Anthister. The question arises as to what was at stake in a cult with such a unique name, fostered by a private association. As the honorific decree for Argea is the only piece of evidence for this association, there is little room for concrete answers, without falling into the trap of speculation. What can be said with some certainty is that oracular consultation sought by individuals for the introduction of a cult within the circle of an association is not uncommon. 25 Whether the distinct name of the association allows us to suppose an emulation of practices from the level of the polis, such as the case of Artemidoros of Perge and the public oracular consultation for his heroisation, should remain open. Equally uncertain, albeit plausible, is the introduction of a new cult (Anthister) as a result of the shifting religious landscape in Thera. The cult of the Egyptian Gods was introduced in the first half of the 3rd c. BC under Ptolemaic influence, 26 and the shrine was set in a relatively remote location within the urban fabric. 27 Sometime after the mid­ 3rd c. BC, in the reign of Ptolemy III, Artemidoros built a temenos housing a number of foreign and local cults that marked conspicuously the entrance into the city, as it was located along the main artery that led to the Agora. 28 Provided that the identification of Anthister with Dionysos lies on firm ground, then the association lay claim to a cult that was manifestly endorsed by the city of Thera from the late 4th c. BC on, as well as by the Ptolemies. 29 In this respect, the naming practice of this association shows that members of the local community tried to firmly emplace themselves into this permeable religious landscape, which was open to external influences and innovation. 30 Moreover, the asso­ ciation, through the oracular consultation, was vested with authority as shown by the cult epithet Pythochrestos. The association of Bakchistai, another association with a theophoric name as men­ tioned above, has been treated in literature as an association of locals just as much as an association of foreigners. Hiller von Gaertringen was an advocate of both views during his long and prolific academic career. He first considered the association of Bakchistai 24. For Artemidoros, see Bagnall 1976, 133–134; Meadows 2013, 36. 25. See n. 22. 26. Bommas 2005, 43–44; Pfeiffer 2008b. 27. Thera I, 258–260; III, 85–88. 28. For the temenos he built in Thera, see Thera III, 90–102; Palagia 1992; Graf 2013, 127–130. 29. The temple of Dionysos in Thera on the west side of the Middle Agora has now been dated to the late 4th c. BC or early 3rd c. BC on grounds of masonry style and architectural form: Giese and Kose 2006, 81; Sielhorst 2015, 132–136. 30. The association consisted of locals on the basis of the onomastics (Thera III, 114). 130 Stella Skaltsa as an association consisting of members of the garrison. 31 Later, however, he linked this association to the association of Anthister Pythochrestos, alleging that the former could be a continuation of the latter. 32 He assumed that the cult of Dionysos, despite the disparate cult epithets, provided the connecting element between the two associations. Ever since, scholars have identified the Bakchistai either with an association of foreigners or an association of locals. For example, Anne­Françoise Jaccottet treats this association as an association of members of the Ptolemaic garrison, whereas Angelos Chaniotis takes the Bakchistai as evidence for the interaction of the native population with commanders of the Ptolemaic garrison (specifically the commander Ladamos). 33 It is therefore necessary to shed some light on the identity of the Bakchistai, as this bears wider implications with regard to the closed or open character of the group and its degree of interaction with representatives of the Ptolemaic royal house. As will be demonstrated, a close reading of the inscription vindicates Hiller’s initial view according to which the Bakchistai were an association of foreigners. During the reign of Ptolemy VI Philometor, the association of Bakchistai passed an honorific decree for Ladamos son of Dionysophanes, commander of the Ptolemaic garrison and spokesman before the king. 34 The honours were passed on account of Ladamos being well­disposed towards the association (line 6). Ladamos’ support of the affairs of the association went back to earlier days, and did not only represent the current state of affairs (lines 7–20). The honours awarded to Ladamos included membership in the association, a right which was also extended to his wife and to his descendants: all became thiasitai (lines 21–25). The decree, though partly preserved, illuminates Ladamos’ career (lines 4–5, 11–12). 35 Ladamos’ official capacity is defined in the causal clause of the decree: he was the commander appointed in Thera—τεταγμένος ἐπὶ Θήρας. This is the official title of the commander sent to Thera by Ptolemy, as other decrees make clear. 36 Yet Ladamos’ identity does not help us unlock the identity of the Bakchistai. However, in line 12, the general indication ἐπὶ Θήρας is now further specified: Ladamos was appointed ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἡμῶν. This is a critical clause for defining the ethnic and social background of the Bakchistai. The substantive ‘πόλεως’ and the first plural personal pronoun ‘ἡμῶν’ 31. Hiller von Gaertringen 1903, 89, 98; also in Thera III, 111. 32. Hiller von Gaertringen 1934, 2298–2299, made the suggestion that “die Bakchisten könnten eine Fortsetzung des Vereins zu Ehren des Anthister sein”. Stavrianopoulou 2006, 235 n. 144, admits that “die Inschriften an sich geben kaum genügend Anhaltspunkte zur Verifizierung der vorgeschlagenen Hypothesen”. Yet, as will be shown the inscriptions can shed light on the identity of the members. 33. Association of foreigners: Jaccottet 2003, II 278. Association of locals: Chaniotis 2002, 109. 34. The date of the decree in the reign of Philometor is indisputable; for attempts to date it more precisely, see Bagnall 1976, 126–127. 35. For Ladamos’ career and the date of the decree see Bagnall 1976, 126–127. Hiller thought that Ladamos was from Alexandria but this restoration was dismissed by Fraser 1972, I 150 n. 211. 36. IG XII 3, 466+1390 line 3; 467+1391 l. 5; IG XII 3 Suppl. 1296 lines 3­4; see also Bagnall 1976, 124–125. Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 131 constitute the sphere of Ladamos’ control, that is the island of Thera. 37 However, the personal pronoun cannot refer to any group other than the Bakchistai themselves, the issuing body of the decree. Who are then the Bakchistai over whom Ladamos exercised some sort of command? They were devotees of Bakchos and portrayed themselves explicitly as such. Emphasis on this religious dimension of their identity is further illustrated by the way in which they referred to themselves: from the decree we learn that members were called thiasitai, a common designation for members of religious associations. Ladamos, by being admitted to the association, became a thiasites himself. In his official capacity as the commander appointed by the king, he was responsible for overseeing affairs in Thera, that is the affairs of the local community (the city) as well as of the garrison. As an honorary mem­ ber and not an appointed official of the association, Ladamos could have hardly super­ vised internal affairs of the association itself. Yet, as line 12 indicates, Ladamos exerted control over members of the association and the city of Thera. In lines 15 and 16, a further distinction is made between the Bakchistai (ἡμᾶς in the Greek text) and all the others (τοὺς ἅπαντας) with reference to the kings’ policy and to Ladamos’ benevolence. This time the city of Thera does not feature in the text; instead the substantive ἅπαντας should encompass all those who fall under Ladamos’ control as the representative of the king, that is to say, both the polis and the garrison. It therefore seems that the Bakchistai drew first a line between themselves and the polis (line 12) and then a further distinction between themselves and all those who were under Ladamos’ command (the polis as well as the garrison). If the association was comprised of locals, 38 the juxtaposition between members of the association and the polis would seem redundant. In other words, membership in the association was clearly drawn from the circles of the garrison itself. In this respect, the Bakchistai, outside the circle of the association, were members of the garrison. It should be noted, however, that not all soldiers were members of the Bakchistai. The Bakchistai defined their identity in a twofold manner. As their name reveals, they were devotees of Bakchos and were perceived as such by outsiders. At the same time, as the decree makes explicit, they were also members of the garrison and this identity was invoked in order to justify the honours passed for Ladamos, as the commander of the garrison, and to set the group apart from the polis. The Bakchistai were not the only association whose members were affiliated to the garrison. The basilistai, an association devoted to the cult of the Ptolemaic rulers, as may be inferred from its name, 39 dedicated jointly with Diokles a thesaurus to Sarapis, Isis and Anubis in the sanctuary of the Egyptian gods in Thera. 40 The military background 37. For a similar distinction between the polis and the garrison, see IG XII 3, 466+1390 lines 6–7. 38. Chaniotis 2002, 109. 39. Buraselis and Aneziri 2004, 175. 40. IG XII 3, 443 (cf. CAPInv. 15). The dedication of the basilistai is the earliest from the sanctuary of the Egyptian Gods; most of the inscriptions date to the reign of Ptolemy III and Ptolemy IV: IG XII 3, 444 = RICIS 202/1203; one of the dedicants, Himerophon son of Himertos, is a member of the association founded by Epikteta. Dedication of someone from Myndos on behalf of Ptolemy IV, 132 Stella Skaltsa of associations of basilistai or philobasilistai in Egypt, in connection to the attestation of associations of basilistai exclusively in territories under Ptolemaic influence or control, firmly support the idea that the basilistai in Thera were members of the Ptolemaic garrison stationed there. 41 A date in the first half of the 3rd c. BC as claimed by Hiller von Gaertringen and ever since accepted would make this inscription the earliest attention of an association of basilistai either inside or outside Egypt. The date, however, may be narrowed down. In 272/1 BC Ptolemy II introduced the cult of the Theoi Adelphoi, that is the cult for the living kings; 42 this provides a terminus post quem for the inscription from Thera, as an association endorsing the cult of the sovereign could only properly be formed after that date. The earliest epigraphic attestation for a Ptolemaic official in Thera dates to around 265 BC. 43 Moreover, it seems that Thera became the base of the Ptolemaic fleet towards the end of the reign of Ptolemy II or perhaps shortly after. 44 The date of the inscription of the basilistai should therefore be somewhere in the range of ca. 265–240 BC. At any rate, the dedication from Thera still provides the earliest evidence for an association of basilistai in the Ptolemaic territories. Another association with an affiliation to the army is that of the aleiphomenoi. 45 The designation aleiphomenoi generally refers to those partaking in the gymnasium and it is by no means confined to members of the army. In Thera, however, the aleiphomenoi were members of the garrison who apparently formed a private association, active within the cadre of the gymnasium which informed their identity. This association in Thera can be traced for a period of six years, from 159/8 to 153/2 BC, since the decree includes references to regnal years (of Ptolemy VI). 46 This is the period during which Baton, a fellow­soldier himself, was appointed gymnasiarch. 47 The decree was passed towards the end of his fifth gymnasiarchy (154/3 BC). The aleiphomenoi awarded Baton gold crowns and a painted portrait and asked him to remain in office for one more year (153/2 BC; it is unclear and only possible that he accepted). As Chankowski and Curty have made clear, this is beyond any doubt a decree passed by a private association for its own gymnasiarch. 48 Civic authorities do not feature in the text and they do not appear to be involved in Baton’s appointment or in the affairs Arisone III and Ptolemy V (IG XII 3 Suppl. 1389 = RICIS 202/1205); dedication by Antiphanes and Aristippa on behalf of their sons to Isis: IG XII 3, 445 = RICIS 202/1206 (late 3rd/early 2nd c. BC). 41. For associations of basilistai/ philobasilistai in Egypt, Fischer­Bovet 2014, 287–289. Besides Thera and Cyprus, a recent inscription attesting to basilistai comes from Limyra in Lycia (SEG 65, 1469; cf. CAPInv. 1657). For basilistai in Cyprus (Lapethos and Paphos) see Wörrle 2015, 297 n. 38 with references. 42. Fraser 1972, I 205, II 364 n. 208. 43. Honorific decree for Patroklos, the commander of the Ptolemaic fleet IG XII 3, 320 (= OGIS 44). 44. See n. 3 above. 45. IG XII 3, 331, cf. Curty 2015, no. 11. 46. Bagnall 1976, 129. 47. The name appears in the list of contributors to the repair of the gymnasium, IG XII 3, 327 line 50. 48. Chankowski 2010, 169; Curty 2015, 77–78. Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 133 of the aleiphomenoi. What is not that clear is whether the gymnasium frequented by the aleiphomenoi was their own private gymnasium or the civic gymnasium of Thera. For Chaniotis, this text provides evidence for the integration of the garrison into civic structures—the civic gymnasium—Chankowski, on the other hand, has ruled out that the garrison ever frequented the civic gymnasium in Thera. 49 In my view, some passages of the decree can help us clear up the matter of interaction between locals and foreigners. A key word in illuminating this issue is the term neoi found in lines 34–35. It appears only once in the text. The term denotes one of the gymnasium age­groups par excellence. Chankowski, without any further justification, takes it as synonymous to aleiphomenoi. However, while the term aleiphomenoi can have a more inclusive meaning, in that it can encompass all those frequenting the gymnasium, irrespective of their age­class, the term neoi stands for a specific gymnasium group, which is institutionally defined. 50 Furthermore, at the end of the decree we hear that if Baton agrees to assume the gymnasiarchy for one more year then he will gratify (line 46 κεχαρισμένος) all the aleiphomenoi (lines 45–46: πᾶσι τοῖς ἀλειφομένοις). The pronoun πᾶσι may be used for emphasis; yet, it may also denote that the aleiphomenoi who passed the decree and were members of the garrison, did not correspond to all the members of the gymnasium who would show gratitude to Baton for assuming the office for one more year. In this context the phrase πᾶσι τοῖς ἀλειφομένοις may also encompass the neoi mentioned in the inscrip­ tion (lines 34–35). A close parallel for the presence of both the aleiphomenoi and the neoi within the same gymnasium comes from Eresos on Lesbos. 51 There, it is evident that both groups frequented the gymnasium and were under the supervision of the same gymnasiarch, who was, however, appointed by the city. The decree from Eresos, dating in 209–204 BC, comes from a period when the city was in the Ptolemaic sphere of influence: the gymnasium was named after the king (Ptolemaion) and gymnastic contests for the king were organised by the city and supervised by the gymnasiarch. Of course, the identity of the aleiphomenoi in the gymnasium in Eresos cannot be uncovered to the extent that this is possible for the case of Thera. Yet the case of Eresos shows that different groups could harmoniously co­exist in the gymnasium, provided that the gymnasiarch was able to preserve good order (eutaxia), a cardinal gymnasial value. This is also what Baton manifestly accomplished for the association of the aleiphomenoi and for the gymnasium of Thera as a whole. 52 49. Chankowski 2010, 171. 50. On the neoi see Kennell 2013. 51. IG XII Suppl. 122. 52. IG XII 3, 331 ll.17–18: καὶ τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν εὐ|ταξίαν αὐτός τε συνετήρησεν. 134 Stella Skaltsa Ritual activity, eponymous days and contests As shown above, theophoric names overtly demonstrate the religious affiliations of the associations under discussion. Moreover, some names underline family relations— fictive or real—while in the case of the aleiphomenoi the name exemplifies the affiliation to the gymnasium. Yet these names also have their limitations in that they do not neces­ sarily inform us about the nature and scale of cultic activities of associations. A close­up examination of the inscriptions under discussion can offer useful glimpses into the reli­ gious life of associations in Thera in the late 3rd and 2nd c. BC. Epikteta: the koinon of the male relatives The association founded by Epikteta is the most well­discussed of all five associations and I will thus limit myself to a brief outline. 53 Epikteta’s testamentary endowment provided for a three­day celebration. 54 Each day was devoted to a different cult, which included a sacrifice followed by a meal. The Muses were honored first, while the deceased couple (Epikteta and her late husband) was honored on the next day, followed by the celebration for their deceased sons on the last day (Kratesilochos and Andragoras). The physical setting of the gathering was the Mouseion, a sanctuary of the Muses, in which the funerary monuments of the deceased were set up. 55 The duration of the celebration (three consecutive days) underlines the largesse of the benefactress. Epikteta made an endowment which was bound to land properties of a value equal to the principal of 3,000 drachmas. 56 In the sanctuary of Apollo in Delos endowments ranged from 1,500 drachmas—the smallest—to 8,700 drachmas—the largest—with an average value of 3,000 to 4,000 drachmas. 57 Epikteta’s endowment is therefore comparable in value to an average one in Delos. Admittedly, the turnout of the investment in Thera was smaller than in Delos, for it was lent at an interest rate of 7%, unlike the usual 10% rate of Delian loans. 58 The interest accrued by the principal of 3,000 drachmas was 210 drachmas, and it seems that this amount was sufficient to defray the cost of the sacrifices and the gathering of the association. If assessed in a local context, Epikteta’s endowment was a quite substantial one, as it allowed the annual gathering of ca. 60–70 people for three continuous days. 59 Moreover, Epikteta’s endowment was aimed at bringing the association together and performing of commemorative rites. 53. IG XII 3, 330 (cf. CAPInv. 1645; CGRN 152); Wittenburg 1990; Stavrianopoulou 2006, 292–302; Caruso 2016, 328–345. 54. lines 61–69, cf. Wittenburg 1990, 130–137. 55. lines 14–15, cf. Wittenburg 1990, 139–147. 56. lines 29–35, cf. Wittenburg 1990, 71–79. 57. Sosin 2014, 2. For endowments within the cadre of associations see now Aneziri 2020. 58. For the interest rate in Thera see Thera III, 114; for Delos see Sosin 2014, 1. 59. Wittenburg 1990, 131 n. 51 estimates that the association comprised at least 70 members, while Stravrianopoulou 2006, 295, places the minimum to 60 members. Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 135 In the decree passed by the association (lines 109–288), Epikteta’s will was accepted, and the administration and financial management were laid down in detail. 60 However, some discrepancies are readily noticeable between Epikteta’s will and the way in which the association funded the three­day festivities. In the testament, the interest (210 drachmas) generated by the principal was expected to finance ritual activity, while sacri­ ficial officials—epimenioi—would perform religious duties in connection to the three­ day festivities (lines 65–66). However, by the time the decree was passed, the association had turned the office of the epimenioi into a liturgy under certain circumstances. 61 By issuing the decree, the association stipulated that all current members were obliged to perform religious duties at their own expenses once in their lifetime. 62 This duty was also extended to the descendants of members, who once they had completed the ephebeia, were under the obligation to undertake this task at their own expense. 63 In other words, members performed a liturgy in their capacity as epimenioi within the circles of the association, which was in turn rewarded, in the form of priestly privileges. 64 If, however, they failed to fulfil their duties, they were liable to a fee double the amount of what was normally provided to them (i.e. 100 drachmas) and to a temporary expulsion from the group. 65 Therefore, by vesting the office of the epimenioi with a liturgical character, the asso­ ciation found ways to procure income for its own sake. Some of the interest accrued by the principal (210 drachmas) and handed over to the association by Epiteleia and her descendants could be therefore safeguarded and invested instead of being spent out. 66 It should be noted, however, that this liturgical system for the epimenioi would not have lasted long. Given that by the time of its foundation the association was comprised of 25 adult males, it is possible that the new liturgical epimenia allowed the association to save money for a period of at least eight years (assuming that a new set of three out of these 60. Wittenburg 1990, 100–118. 61. Epikteta’s will stipulated that the priesthood of the Muses and the deceased would be held by the son of Epiteleia, Epikteta’s daughter, and would pass on to descendants from the male line of Epiteleia’s family (lines 57–61). However, in the decree of the association the priesthood is not mentioned at all. 62. Lines 138–139, 199: ἐπιμηνιείαν δωρεάν; line 155: ἐγ δωρεᾶς ἐπιμήνιοι. The epimenioi were expected to provide wine, crowns, music and perfume as well as the sacrificial offerings as prescribed for each day of the celebration (lines 140–141, 177–197). 63. Lines 65–66: ἀποδείξας ἐπιμηνίος ἐξ αὐτῶν; line 136: τὸς ἐκ τούτων γενομένος. The epimenioi were selected among members of the association and more specifically, among the young men who had completed the ephebate (lines 136–137: γενο|μένος ἐκ τῶν ἐφήβων). 64. The epimenioi enjoyed a better share in the sacrificial feasting in that they were given half of the entrails: lines 194–199: οἱ δὲ ἐπιμήν[ιοι] οἱ θύον|τες τὰς θυσίας ταύτας ἀποδωσο[ῦ]ντι τῶι |κοινῶι τός τε [ἐ]λλύτας πάντας κ[α]ὶ τῶν | σπλάγχνων τὰ ἡμίση· τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ [ἑ]ξοῦντι αὐτοί. 65. Lines 142–146: εἰ δέ κά τις μὴ ἐπιμηνιεύσηι κατὰ τὰ γεγραμμέ|να, ἀποτεισάτω τῶι κοινῶι δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν καὶ | πρασσέσθω ὑπὸ τοῦ [κατα]τυγχάνοντος ἀρτυ|τῆρος κατὰ [τὸς] νόμος καὶ μὴ μετεχέτω τοῦ | κοινοῦ ἐς ὅ [κα ἐκ]τείση. It is by inference only that the fee of 100 drachmas is double the amount of the cost of the offerings. 66. This explains the presence of egdaneistai among the personnel of the association (lines 150–151). 136 Stella Skaltsa 25 adult males performed the liturgy each year). During this period the association may have saved at least 1,000 drachmas according to Wittenburg’s estimate. 67 The association also went to great lengths to stipulate the duties of non­liturgical epimenioi. These were nominated in order of seniority, unlike in Epikteta’s will, where only their appointment was foreseen. Elaborate stipulations pertaining to accounting and the organisation of the three­day festivities were laid out by the association. Officials were held accountable for any mishandling or failure to fulfil their duties. What becomes overtly apparent is the elaborate mechanism set in motion by the association to ensure, by all means, the flow of money for the three­day festivities. 68 From the decree of the association, it can be inferred that the cost of the three­ day celebrations would amount to 150 drachmas in total (50 drachmas assigned to or provided by each epimenios), unlike the 210 drachmas envisaged by Epikteta. This discrepancy of 60 drachmas, however, should not trouble us. The association explicitly specified the expenses for the celebration and took measures to ensure that the festivities would be held under any circumstances. Epikteta’s concern, on the other hand, was to ensure the flow of funds for the organisation of festivities. The 150 drachmas were solely and exclusively allocated to the provisions needed for ritual activity including feasting. It should be noted, however, that the way ritual activity was funded did not affect the duration or the scale of the celebration. The mechanisms of the financing of the cult may change, but the way in which the cult was organised did not divert from the will and original wish of the founder. The association included men and women, both young and old, who came together on the occasion of this three­day celebration. A general assembly (syllogos), apparently open to male and senior members only, was held during this three­day celebration, on the 2nd day of the celebrations in the month of Delphinios (lines 203–205). The association held one more assembly on the 10th of the month of Diosthyos, which probably marked the beginning of the administrative year for the koinon as a new episophos, the leader of the association, was elected (lines 269–271). 69 Other than these dates (10th of Diosthyos and 18th–20th of Delphinios) we do not hear anything else about any other meetings and/or festivities. Cult gave the occasion for the quorum of the association, including women and children, to come together for three consecutive days each year. 67. Of course, as mentioned, other liturgies would also have been performed by new male members having completed the ephebate. 68. The association laid down that 10 days prior to the gathering (synodos) 50 drachmas would be allocated by the artyter (financial manager) to each of the sacrificial priests nominated in order of seniority to undertake the organisation of the celebrations (lines 155–161). Again, financial fees and penalties (i.e. temporary expulsion) were to be inflicted in case someone would refuse to fulfil these duties (lines 161–167). 69. The dated decree of the association was also passed in Diosthyos (line 109), very likely on this specific occasion. Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 137 All in all the decree of the association of the male relatives provides unique insights into its calendar. Unlike the numerous festivals organised on a polis level, religious activities on an associational level would normally fall on the day/s of the celebration of the patron deity or the heroised dead, usually once a year. But, as shown in the case of Epikteta, the occasion was prolonged over three days by introducing a special day for each cult (i.e. Muses, deceased couple, deceased sons). 70 For the other associations attested in Thera we hear almost next to nothing about the main celebration of the association. As the religious calendar on a polis level was structured around main festivals, it seems likely that the calendar year of associations was also structured around festivities. Although this holds true for the association of the male relatives founded by Epikteta, who would gather for three consecutive days to hold celebrations for the Muses and the deceased, the cultic life of other associations attested in Thera at first glance looks rather piecemeal. However, the decree of the association of Anthister Pythochrestos and that of the Bakchistai can shed light on an aspect closely related to the religious life of the association and with important implications for the associations’ calendar of celebrations. Both associations introduced eponymous days for their benefactors. It should be underlined that these eponymous days did not include a festival in honour of a benefactor nor did they entail cultic honours to benefactors. Instead, they enhanced the religious calendars of the associations and their convivial activities. The introduction of an eponymous day in honour of a living benefactor is not unprecedented. But the implications of introducing an eponymous day for the religious and social life of an association have not received adequate attention. To my knowl­ edge no more than a dozen instances are attested in the Hellenistic period—a far from negligible number, but at the same time admittedly quite limited in comparison to the hundreds of honorific decrees awarded to benefactors of associations. 71 It must therefore have been an honour that was seldom granted, probably under exceptional circum­ stances. 72 Although this is not the place to fully address this phenomenon, it nonetheless deserves some attention in the case of Thera. 70. Likewise, in the foundation set up by Diomedon on Kos, the festivities would also run for three days (IG XII 4, 348, lines 90–95; cf. CAPInv. 1919; CGRN 96). 71. Delos: I.Délos 1520 (see also Trümper in this volume; cf. CAPInv. 9); 1521 (cf. CAPInv. 895); Patmos: Syll.3 1068 (CAPInv. 132); Thyssanous: I.Rhod.Per. 156 (= Bresson, Recueil Pérée 11; cf. CAPInv. 81); Tlos: SEG 58, 1640 (cf. CAPInv. 1655); Teos: SEG 4, 598 (cf. CAPInv. 1684); CIG 3069 (cf. CAPInv. 1692); Psenamosis: I.Prose 40 (cf. CAPInv. 38; see also Paganini in this volume). See also Poland 1909, 250, 252. 72. This honour was probably modelled on the honours bestowed on Hellenistic kings, see OGIS 56 (decree of Kanopos, 238 BC). 138 Stella Skaltsa Argea: the koinon of Anthister Pythochrestos Argea made an endowment of 500 drachmas to the association of Anthister Pythochrestos. 73 This principal appears quite meagre. From a local perspective, it was just one sixth of Epikteta’s endowment, while from a regional perspective it was only one third of the smallest endowments made in the sanctuary of Apollo on Delos. 74 The returns on the principal would fall between 35 and 50 drachmas (as we have seen, Epikteta’s principal was lent out at an interest rate of 7%, while the usual interest rate in Delos was 10%). However, this amount would apparently have been sufficient to pay for a meal or drinking party in honour of Argea and her daughter. 75 Furthermore, this endowment was to be a permanent testimonial of Argea’s benefaction (lines 8–10): ὥστ[ε] ἐπάγεσθαι ἀ[εὶ τὰν(?)|ἑ]βδόμαν αὐτᾶς τε καὶ τᾶς θυγα[τρ]ὸς | Ἰσ]θμῶς κατὰ [κ]οινόν so that they introduce in perpetuity the seventh (day?) for herself and her daugh­ ter Isthmo communally The text is only partially preserved and this has hindered understanding of the celebrations established in honour of the benefactress and her daughter. The standing restoration in lines 8–9 reads that the association introduced in perpetuity ‘the seventh’ for Argea and her daughter. Whereas scholars have not disputed the restoration ἀεί, a number of suggestions have been put forth about the meaning of ἑβδόμαν. Hiller von Gaertringen alleged that the association would meet only once every seven years—a wholly surprising periodicity—, while it has been tentatively suggested that it denoted a seven­day festival. 76 A seven­day festival for a benefactor of an association is overly long and, as we have seen, the endowment is too modest for this purpose. In my view, Laum came closer to the meaning of the phrase, postulating that, since the association honours Anthister, a celebration for Argea and her daughter would be held on the 7th day of the month Anthesterion. 77 Whereas he is right that a celebration would be held on the 7th day, the month in which this celebration occurred should remain open. The month Anthesterion is not attested for the calendar of Thera. 78 Albeit poorly known, it is highly unlikely that a month particular to Ionic calendars would feature in the calendar of this Doric city. As the inscription preserves Doric features, it seems to me that the alpha 73. For the association see Jaccottet 2003, II no. 170. On Argea’s endowment, Stavrianopoulou 2006, 154–155. 74. Sosin 2014, 2. 75. In light of this, we could also infer that the association of Anthister Pythocrestos was of a rather small scale, with membership only half, if not less, that of Epikteta’s association. On endowments financing festivities for members of associations see now Aneziri 2020, 21−23. 76. Thera III, 114; on the seven­day festival, see AGRW ID 12910: http://www.philipharland.com/ greco­roman­associations/?p=12910. 77. Laum 1914, 52 n. 3. 78. Trümpy 1997, 186–187. Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 139 after the infinitive ἐπάγεσθαι stands for the Doric word for day, ἁμέραν, instead of the temporal adverb ἀεί. ὥστ[ε] ἐπάγεσθαι ἁ[μέραν|ἑ]βδόμαν αὐτᾶς τε καὶ τᾶς θυγα[τρ]ὸς | Ἰσ]θμῶς κατὰ [κ] οινόν so that they celebrate also the seventh day (as eponymous) of herself and her daughter Isthmo communally The text thus contains an instance of the standardised phrase (ἐπάγω ἡμέραν) used in Hellenistic decrees for the addition or introduction of an eponymous day. 79 The date of the eponymous day is usually specified with a temporal clause, while an ordinal is instead used in the text in Thera. At any rate, since it is unlikely that it had a festival already lasting six days, the association reserved the seventh of a month, now unknown to us, to hold a festive gathering (lines 15–16 [συναγω|γὰ]ν) in honour of Argea and her daughter. The month was not specified probably because the celebration of the eponymous day would fall within, or would immediately follow, the festival of the god. 80 If this line of thinking holds true, and the eponymous day was held in connection to the main festival of the association, then Argea’s endowment and the celebration of the eponymous day augmented the existing festivities with the allocation of new resources. In line 3 of the second—badly mutilated—fragment that has been attributed to the stele of the decree, the participle θυομένων in the genitive plural indicates that a feast was held for which a sacrifice was a constituent component. The participle θυομένων is followed by the numeral δύο which can either refer to the number of sacrificial animals or, even more likely, since another honour is mentioned in the preceding line (a crown), to two portions (e.g. δύο [μοίρας]) allocated to Argea and her daughter as perquisites for their generosity. 81 As no reference in the text is made to cultic honours conferred on Argea (only to crowns and perhaps to meat), the sacrifice performed by the group would presumably have honoured the patron deity of the association (Anthister, i.e. Dionysos). With her endowment, Argea provided the means (capital of 500 drachmas) and the pretext for the association to augment what must have been the main celebrations of the association by adding an eponymous day to its celebrations (the seventh day of a month now unknown to us). Convivial activities were intensified thanks to the benevolence of the benefactress. 79. See n. 71 above. See also LSJ s.v. ἐπάγω I.9.b for the use of this verb in connection with ‘added’ (i.e. intercalated) days. 80. The seventh day was the sacred day of Apollo (e.g. in Athens, cf. Mikalson 1975, 19) whose consulta­ tion was sought after for the foundation of this association (i.e. Pythochrestos). Dionysos, the patron deity of this association under the guise of Anthister, was worshipped as Dionysos Ἑβδομεύς in Lesbos (IG XII 2, 123), while both Apollo and Dionysos were ἑπταμηνιαῖοι, that is to say, they were born prematurely (i.e. after seven months), cf. Roscher 1904, 22. 81. Argea and her daughter were honoured with olive crowns (fragm. I line 2: στε]φάνους θαλ[λοῦ). Then the stele breaks off but it is possible to restore μοίρας] | [ἀπὸ τῶν] θυομένων δύο in lines 2 and 3. On double portions granted to benefactors as part of the honours: I.Kaunos 33 lines 44–45; I.Prose 40 line 41. 140 Stella Skaltsa The association of Bakchistai The introduction of an eponymous day for Argea and her daughter within the circle of an association is not unique on Thera. In my view, the association of Bakchistai also bestowed similar honours on Ladamos. Crucial in support of this argument are lines 25 and 26 of the inscription. Admittedly, this part of the text is damaged and the reading is not secure. The different restorations put forth by Hiller von Gaertringen himself exemplify this uncertainty. In the first edition, Hiller von Gaertringen restored the text as follows: 82 ἐπάγειν δὲ [αὐτ]οῦ κα[ὶ τὴν γενέθλιον] [ἡμέραν] ἐν τῆι συνόδωι […….] However, he dismissed the above restoration in the IG XII 3 Suppl. edition in light of two letters that he was able to read before ἐν τῆι συνόδωι in line 26. 83 ἐπάγειν δὲ [αὐτ]οῦ κα[ὶ …..] […]ων ἐν τῆι συνόδωι […….] He took these letters to stand for the ending of a genitive plural masculine, suggest­ ing the reading Βακχιστῶν in his commentary. 84 That restoration poses some problems, however. The genitive plural does not agree with the object of ἐπάγειν which can hardly be any other than ἡμέραν in the accusative. As we have already seen in the case of Argea, the phrase ἐπάγειν ἡμέραν or ἐπάγεσθαι ἡμέραν in the passive (and its variants) is a standardised formula in Hellenistic honorific decrees to denote the celebration of a day as an eponymous occasion in honour of a benefactor. The temporal phrase ἐν τῆι συνόδωι should thus be related to the preceding infinitival clause determining an additional celebration. Hiller’s original restoration is thus more attractive, or at least the concept is right. The wording κα[ὶ τὴν γενέθλιον | ἡμέραν] should be revisited, particularly since the celebration of birthdays was not that common in the Classical and Hellenistic Greek world. The reading of an omega at the beginning of line 26 is unlikely on the photo of the squeeze (Fig. 1). What is visible, with some degree of caution, is a circular letter that most probably is an omicron. 85 Taken into account these traces followed by a temporal clause, as well as the expected length of the lines, I suggest the following reading: 82. Hiller von Gaertringen 1903, 88. 83. Only in Thera III, 145 was Hiller’s initial restoration taken up. Jaccottet in her study on Dionysos follows the text as appears in IG XII 3 Suppl. In other words, after ἐπάγειν nothing is restored and one is left wondering what would be the object of the infinitive. 84. However, in the commentary the tau before the omega is not included in square brackets: Βακχισ]τῶν, apparently a typo. 85. A closed round letter is visible in the photo of the squeeze. Compared to the omega of the next line which appears to be oval­shaped with both its lower strokes clearly incised on the stone, it can be said that in line 26 an omicron and not an omega should be read. I extend my warmest thanks to Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 141 ἐπάγειν δὲ [αὐτ]οῦ κα[ὶ ἡμέραν] [ἐπώνυμ]ο̣ν ἐν τῆι συνόδωι […….] And to add an [eponymous day] for him during the synodos… Fig. 1 In other words, among the honours the association bestowed on Ladamos was the introduction of an eponymous day in his honour which was held during the synodos of the Bakchistai. That a synodos refers to any gathering of the association and not necessarily to an assembly can be corroborated elsewhere. For example, the association of Haliadai and Haliastai in Rhodes held synodoi that lasted more than one day and were devoted to religious rites and to commemorative ceremonies. 86 The koinon of the Tyrian merchants and shipowners in Delos pronounced Patron son of Dorotheos as asymbolos and aleitourgetos during the synodoi, an indication that the synodoi were regular gatherings, involving feasting. They were not necessarily assemblies. 87 In Kyzikos also, in the 1st c. BC, the religious personnel of the cult of Meter Plakiane held a gathering, called synodos, on the 5th of Taureon, during which they held sacrifices. 88 Probably after the clause ἐν τῆι συνόδωι another temporal clause would have specified further the exact time of the eponymous day, to be held concurrently with the synodos of the group. However, the following lines are badly mutilated to the extent that an accurate and concrete understanding is beyond our grasp. What can be said with some certainty is that the decree went on to specify some royal affairs possibly related to two festivals. It therefore seems that these festivals played a role in the calendar of the association. In line 28, mention is made of a trieteris, a biennial festival which was usually held in honour of Dionysos, preceded by another festival which has been restored as [πεντετι|ρί]δι. 89 The penteteris generally refers to a festival other than the Dionysia and should properly denote a major quadrennial civic festival. 90 Its presence is somewhat surprising here, which allows us to question the restoration. An annual festival, [ἀμφιετι|ρί]δι, would also be possible, perhaps even more likely. In fact, this designation for a festival, while rare, Dr D. Summa from the IG Archive of the Berlin­Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities for photos of the squeeze. 86. IG XII 1, 155 d I line 23; cf. CAPInv. 10; Gabrielsen 1994, 143–146. 87. I.Délos 1519 lines 44–45. 88. CIG 3657 lines 12–14; cf. CAPInv. 1057. 89. Another possible restoration would be ἀμφιετερίς, a festival recurring on an annual cycle and attested in connection to the Iobacchoi in Athens (IG II2 1368 lines 43, 69, 112, 152). 90. In Rhodes the trieteris denoted the Dionysia (IG XII 1, 730 lines 16a, 18a, 20a, 25, 28a; Suppl.Epigr. Rh. I, 3 lines 6a, 11a), while the penteteris, the Halieia, took place both on an annual and penteteric cycle (cf. Badoud 2015, 124–125). 142 Stella Skaltsa appears specifically in connection with the cult of Dionysos and would thus particularly suit the context at hand. 91 To come back to the trieteris, it should not be a coincidence that a reference to an important festival of Dionysos is made by an association of Bakchistai. 92 The association appears to have connected the eponymous day in honour of Ladamos to a major religious event of the polis, augmenting at the same time the scale or intensity of celebrations on a private level. To illustrate this point, a few other examples from the Hellenistic world may suffice. In Late Hellenistic Delos, the Roman banker Marcus Minnatius Sextus had his own eponymous day, instituted by the koinon of the Poseidoniastai—merchants, ship­ owners and warehousemen from Beirut. 93 The celebration took place the day after the civic festival of Apollonia, 94 in which the association was actively involved, parading its own cow in the procession. 95 Likewise, one of the three eponymous days introduced for a benefactor by the koinon of the landowners in Psenamosis in Egypt also took place after the festival of Apollo. 96 The Basilistai The dedication of a thesaurus in the sanctuary of the Egyptian gods manifests the affilia­ tion of the basilistai to the gods of Egypt, the land of their rulers, though this cult was in no way restricted to members of the Ptolemaic garrison nor did the members of this garrison exclusively come from Egypt. 97 If we are right to place the inscription approxi­ matively in the last two decades of Ptolemy II Philadelphos’ reign, as argued earlier, then the following can be observed. Thera together with Alexandria are the only cities so far that have yielded positive evidence of the relation between the cult of Sarapis and the Ptolemaic ruler cult. In light of the evidence from Alexandria and Thera, Pfeiffer has argued that the Serapieion in Alexandria became a “role model” for the “merging” of the Egyptian gods and the ruler cult in the Greek world. 98 What can be affirmed about the 91. Cf. the amphieteris of the Iobakchoi, IG II2 1368; OGIS 51, ca. 246 BC, lines 27–28: Ζώπυρος ὁ πρὸς τοῖς ἱεροῖς τῆς τριετηρίδος καὶ ἀμφιετηρίδος καὶ τούτου ἀδελφοί (cf. CAPInv. 115). 92. The trieteris usually refers to the civic festival in honour of Dionysos as for example in Pergamon (see Jaccottet 2003, I, 108–110) and not to a private festival held by the association as conjectured by Jaccottet 2003, II 278 (Thera). 93. See Trümper in this volume. 94. I.Délos 1520 lines 34–35: ἀγέσθω δ’ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡμέρα καθ’ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν μ[ε]|τὰ τὴν πομπὴν τῶν Ἀπολλωνιείων τῇ ἐχομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ. 95. I.Délos 1520 lines 49–52: ἀγέσθω δ’ αὐτο[ῦ κα]|[θ’] ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν εἰς ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον βοῦς ἐν τοῖς Ἀπολλω|ν̣είοις τῇ πομπῇ, τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν ἔχων τήνδε· “τὸ κοινὸν Βηρυτίων̣|[Πο]σειδωνιαστῶν ὑπὲρ Μαάρκου Μινατίου τοῦ Σέξτου.” 96. I.Prose 40 lines 36–37: καὶ ἐν Ψεναμώσει ἐν τῶι Φαρμοῦθι μετὰ τὴν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἡμέραν μίαν καθότι προ|δέδοκται. Van Minnen (2000, 48) has wrongly taken Apollo to stand for a personal name. For the association and the honours bestowed on its benefactor see Paganini in this volume. 97. For a Pamphylian origin of some of the members see Robert 1963, 411–418. 98. Pfeiffer 2008b, 402–403. Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 143 basilistai is that they were actively endorsing the cult for the sovereign, as manifest in their name, and at the same time promoting the cult of the Egyptian gods. Epigraphic and papyrological evidence from Egypt as well as a recently published inscription from Limyra in Lycia illustrate in more concrete ways the engagement of the basilistai in the cult of the sovereign. At Limyra the basilistai were obliged to perform sacrifices on a regular basis to the king. 99 The frequency of their meetings is highlighted in an inscription from Setis (Elephantine); there, the basilistai would meet once a month (on the ninth) and on the eponymous days of the rulers to perform sacrifices and libations. 100 The dedication of the basilistai presents the only concrete evidence for ruler cult within the circle of the Ptolemaic garrison on Thera. It is possible that members of the garrison could have endorsed the cult of the sovereign under the later Ptolemies but due to the lack of evidence some caution is necessary. At any rate, the epigraphic record from Thera shows that the city was well integrated into the Ptolemaic sphere of influence and this allowed for the visibility of Ptolemaic rulers in the religious structures of Thera on multiple levels. Τhe associational level is exemplified by the case of the basilistai. In addi­ tion, three votive plaques bearing the formula Ἀρσινόης Φιλαδέλφου 101 attest to the cult of Arsinoe on a personal level, 102 while the civic level of Arsinoe’s cult is known from the celebration of a festival in honour of the queen (Arsinoeia). 103 Furthermore, mem­ bers or officers of the garrison as well as high­profile individuals with connections to the royal house set up dedications to or on behalf of the kings. 104 While dedications with the hyper formula underline the proximity of the dedicator to the sovereigns, 105 three inscriptions testify to Ptolemaic ruler cult in particular. 106 A shrine was dedicated to Ptolemy III by Artemidoros from Perge, probably a high­ranking official in the services 99. Wörrle 2015, 297–299. 100. I.Th.Sy. 303; cf. CAPInv. 51. 101. IG XII 3, 462 (= OGIS 34; RICIS 202/1201); IG XII 3 Suppl. 1386; IG XII Suppl. 156; cf. Caneva 2014, 114 on the material from Thera. He collects the evidence from across the Hellenistic world. For the votive character of these plaques see Robert 1966, 5. 102. Caneva 2014, 95, provides a very useful discussion of how these plaques could be adjusted to portable brick altars for multiple cultic purposes. It is unclear whether these plaques in Thera should be asso­ ciated with members of the garrison or with the local inhabitants. The find spot of the plaques does not throw much light on this aspect either: one was located in the sanctuary of the Egyptian Gods (IG XII 3, 462), another one was found in the area of the theatre (IG XII 3 Suppl. 1386), while the findspot of IG XII Suppl. 156 is unknown. Meadows (2013, 29–31) is of the view that the cult “was adopted by ‘free’ Greeks within the sphere of Ptolemaic influence”. However, the role of the garrison in Thera in promulgating the ruler cult should not be downplayed, cf. Fraser 1960, 24. 103. Artemidoros from Perge was crowned with an olive wreath during the Arsinoeia (IG XII Suppl. 1343). 104. Ptolemy II: IG XII 3 Suppl. 1387 (by the son of a benefactor from Samos); Ptolemy III: IG XII 3, 463+1388 (by Artemidoros); Ptolemy IV: IG XII 3 Suppl. 1389 (by a soldier from Myndos); Ptolemy VI: IG XII 3, 467+1391 (Aristippos, commander of the garrison). 105. Caneva 2016, 128–129. See also Jim 2014 for a discussion of the hyper formula. 106. For a discussion see Palagia 2013, 146. 144 Stella Skaltsa of the Ptolemies. 107 Ptolemy VI together with his wife and children was the recipient of two altars, one set up by a Ptolemaic officer, Eirenaios, the other by the demos of the Theraians. 108 Moreover, Olga Palagia has recently interpreted a colossal marble portrait of Ptolemy I as a part of a dynastic monument, which on grounds of stylistic evidence seems to have been set up in Thera during the reign of Ptolemy VI in an attempt ‘to bolster [Ptolemaic] influence outside Egypt on the eve of the final collapse of the Ptolemaic empire in the Aegean’. 109 This short overview of the evidence demonstrates the role of the Ptolemaic garrison or officials in propagating the image of the sovereigns in Thera on an associational just as much a personal level. At the same time, civic religious structures—the festival of the Arsinoeia; rituals centered around Ptolemy VI—endorsed ruler cult on a civic level. Aleiphomenoi Closely related to the promotion of the image of the king is the organisation of the gymnasium contests in the name of Ptolemy VI. 110 The decree of the koinon of the aleiphomenoi, introduced above, mentions that Baton enhanced the contests, notably by providing prizes at his own expense during the third, fourth and fifth years of his gymnasiarchy. 111 As this inscription constitutes the only attestation of gymnasium contests held in the name of the king and in light of the composition of the aleiphomenoi—members of the garrison—, the initiative to associate the contests with the king should probably lie with the garrison and with Baton himself in particular. The city of Thera does not seem to have had any involvement in promulgating the image of the king within the cadre of the gymnasium, unlike for example in Eresos on Lesbos— another city within the Ptolemaic sphere of influence—where contests explicitly dedicated to the king (in this case, Ptolemy IV) were organised by the demos under the supervision of the publicly appointed gymnasiarch. 112 Yet the contenders for prizes seems to come from a broader pool than the exclusive circle of the garrison itself. To my knowledge, the phrase ἆθλα τὰ καθήκοντα τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις (line 25) has not received adequate attention so far. In gymnasium contests (i.e. the Hermaia) the participants 107. IG XII 3, 464 + IG XII Suppl. p. 87; Thera III, 87, 100–101; Hölbl 2001, 96. 108. Altar set up by the demos: IG XII 3, 468 (= OGIS 112) (160–146 BC); altar set up by Eirenaios: IG XII 3, 466+1390. 109. Palagia 2013, 146–147. 110. IG XII 3, 331 lines 21–23: τούς τε τῶι | Ἑρμεῖ καὶ Ἡρακλεῖ τιθεμένους ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως γυμνικοὺς ἀγῶνας. This appears to be one of the only cases where contests were held in the name of the king using a hyper clause instead of the dative. 111. Lines 23–26: συνευκοσμῶν κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ δύ|ναμιν κα[τ]’ ἰδίαν ἐκτιθεὶς ἆθλα τὰ | καθήκοντα τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις. 112. IG XII Suppl. 122 lines 8–9 (Eresos, 209–204 BC). For more examples of contests organised by the city and offered on behalf of the Ptolemies see also IG XII 2, 527 lines 25–26 + IG XII Suppl. p. 33 (Eresos); IG XII. Suppl. 115 (Methymna, ca. 267–260 BC). Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 145 are normally referred to by age group (i.e. paides, ephebes, neoi). 113 Here, however, the aleiphomenoi who passed the decree used the participle ἀγωνιζομένοις. While this term accentuates the agonistic context, at the same time it may have encompassed participants beyond the group of aleiphomenoi. If so, then the contests organised in the name of the king would have constituted an occasion for members of the garrison (in their capacity as aleiphomenoi) as well as locals to compete. Concluding remarks: emplacing associations in the cityscape of Thera The detailed picture that has been drawn of associations in Thera on the basis of the rich epigraphic record provides a striking contrast with the archaeological remains from the island. These are at present insufficient to present firm evidence for the identification of actual seats of associations within the urban fabric, especially in the absence of inscriptions found in situ. 114 Of the five inscriptions discussed above, only the thesaurus dedicated by the basilistai was found in situ in the sanctuary of the Egyptian gods. 115 This sanctuary provided an appropriate ground for housing both the cult of gods affiliated to the Ptolemaic royal house and the ruler cult itself. Hiller von Gaertringen thought that the koinon of Anthister Pythochrestos was somehow connected to the sanctuary of Dionysos on the basis of a small fragment of the decree that was found in the area. 116 Although associations often put up decrees in public sanctuaries, in this case there is insufficient evidence to prove that the decree was indeed set up in this sanctuary. Likewise, the decree of the Bakchistai was found in the church of Aghios Stephanos, an area that has yielded various inscriptions and cannot be identified with a specific sanctuary. Although the find­spots of the decrees of the aleiphomenoi and of the koinon founded by Epikteta are unknown, the gymnasium and the Mouseion each provided the venue for associational activities. While the aleiphomenoi probably used the civic gymnasium, as argued above, the Mouseion that housed the funerary monuments for Epikteta’s family was built under private initiative and was used exclusively by the association for a limited period of time every year. It provided the locus for the gathering of the association and the venue for the celebration of the three­day festivities. Moreover, while the activities of some groups (e.g. basilistai, aleiphomenoi) were centred in venues that were not exclusively associa­ tional, the Mouseion was envisaged from the onset as an exclusive, private space. 117 113. E.g. Milet VI.1 368 (ca. 100 BC). 114. Thera III, 143: “die heiligen Haeuser der Kultgenossenschaften, von denen wir so viel durch die Inschriften, so wenig durch die baulichen Monumente wissen.” 115. Thera I, 250–260 and for the thesaurus in particular 260–263. 116. Hiller von Gaertringen 1898, 229. In Thera III, 114 Hiller thought that the association owned a clubhouse behind the temple of Dionysos. The fragment of the right upper corner was found to the northwest of the Agora, Hiller von Gaertringen 1898, 225. 117. On the Mouseion of Thera as a locale for boosting the sense of belonging among members of the asso­ ciation, see Skaltsa 2021, 124−125, 131−134. 146 Stella Skaltsa The types of buildings used by associations in Thera varied, something that further underlines the multifarious nature of their activities. Yet, as shown above, ritual informed the activities of all of the associations. At the same time, religious status played an important role in the self­representation of most of the associations (social status only in the case of the aleiphomenoi and the association of Epikteta). Overall, then, associa­ tions in Thera asserted their identity with reference to religion. All bear different names and thus affirm their distinctiveness, setting themselves apart from one another. 118 Whether one is dealing with associations of foreigners, specifically the Ptolemaic garrison, or associations of locals, a distinction which is often employed in literature for associations in Thera, is not actually self­evident from the name of the groups alone. Only the association of basilistai openly demonstrated their affiliation to the Ptolemaic royal house and, by extension, their foreign background. The naming practices of the associations of Anthister Pythochrestos, the Bakchistai and the aleiphomenoi barely provide hints of the ethnic composition of the membership. While language (koine vs Doric features) and onomastics provided a yardstick on which Hiller drew a distinction between associations of locals (association of Anthister Pythochrestos) and foreigners (Bakchistai and aleiphomenoi), this paper has highlighted aspects of the inscriptions that can further illuminate the composition of the groups. Although the associations were all active in the period when Thera was under Ptolemaic control, their naming practices—except for the basilistai—do not reveal the composition of membership. In other words, associations in Thera did not overtly proclaim their ethnic background to the wider community. They identified themselves and exhibited a strong prevalence to be perceived by others with reference to their religious or social affiliation. Most associations, regardless of their membership profile, used religion as a means to form and subsequently to enhance collective identity. In the case of the association founded by Epikteta, the intensity of celebrations (three days in a row) together with the involvement of members (i.e. epimenioi) in the performance of ritual helped sustain the identity of the group. For the association of Anthister Pythochrestos and the Bakchistai, we lack concrete evidence for festivals, though I argued that the introduction of eponymous days in honour of benefactors was linked to major religious events in the calendars of the associations. At any rate, these eponymous days helped augment convivial activities and in doing so, further reinforced social cohesion within the group. Furthermore, the names of these two associations, alluding to Dionsysos whose cult was endorsed both by the city of Thera and by the Ptolemies themselves, may be interpreted as carefully engineered attempts to express affiliations or allegiances within the broader community. This is particularly manifest in the case of the basilistai, who endorsed the ruler cult, while the gymnasium contests held in the name of the king explicitly demonstrate where the interests of the aleiphomenoi lay. 118. Even in large cosmopolitan towns like Rhodes, names of associations do not necessarily overlap; composite names consisting of theophoric and/or personal elements as well as geographical or topo­ graphical designations help set them apart from other similar groups (see Gabrielsen 2017). Associations in Ptolemaic Thera: Names, Identity, and Gatherings 147 When studied in context, the associations in Ptolemaic Thera outline the dynamics of the two communities coexisting on the island during this period: the local inhabitants and the foreign soldiers. The foundation of associations allowed members of both communities to carve their own space, to promote their own agendas, and by doing so, to expand the scope of their activities and enrich the different facets of their identity. Stella Skaltsa Caption Fig. 1. Squeeze of IG XII 3 Suppl. 1296 (courtesy D. Summa, IG Archive of the Berlin­ Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities). Abbreviations and Bibliography The abbreviations of periodicals are those of L’Année philologique, unless not registered there, in which case those of the American Journal of Archaeology are used. Agora XVI A.G. Woodhead, The Athenian Agora, XVI. Inscriptions: The Decrees, Princeton, 1997. Agora XIX G.V. Lalonde, M.K. Langdon and M.B. Walbank, The Athenian Agora, XIX. Inscriptions: Horoi, Poletai Records, Leases of Public Lands, Princeton, 1991. AGRW R.S. Ascough, P.A. Harland and J.S. Kloppenborg, Associations in the Graeco-Roman World: A Companion to the Sourcebook, Waco, 2012. AGRW ID R.S. Ascough, P.A. Harland and J.S. Kloppenborg, Associations in the GraecoRoman World (http://www.philipharland.com/greco­roman­associations/). Altertümer von Hierapolis W. Judeich, Inschriften in Altertümer von Hierapolis, Berlin, 1898. APF J.K. Davies, Athenian Propertied Families, Oxford, 1971. BE Bulletin épigraphique, published contemporaneously in the periodical REG. Bean–Mitford, Rough Cilicia II G.E. Bean and T.B. Mitford, Journeys in Rough Cilicia, 1964–1968, Vienna, 1970. Bosnakis, Ἀνέκδοτες D. Bosnakis, Ἀνέκδοτες ἐπιγραφὲς τῆς Κῶ. Ἐπιτύμβια μνημεῖα καὶ ὅροι, Athens, 2008. Bresson, Recueil Pérée A. Bresson, Recueil des inscriptions de la Perée Rhodienne (Pérée Intégrée), Paris, 1991. CAPInv. The Inventory of Ancient Associations (http://ancientassociations.ku.dk). CGRN J.-M. Carbon, S. Peels and V. Pirenne-Delforge, A Collection of Greek Ritual Norms (CGRN), Liège 2016– (http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be). CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum CIRB Corpus Inscriptionum Regni Bosporani, Leningrad, 1965. 314 Abbreviations and Bibliography CIS J.-B. Chabot et al. (eds.), Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum Pars II.Tomus III. Inscriptiones Palmyrenae, Inscriptiones palmyrenae, Paris, 1926. EAD VI C. Picard, L’Établissement des Poseidoniastes de Bérytos. Exploration archéo­ logique de Délos VI, Paris, 1921. EAD VIII J. Chamonard, Le Quartier du théâtre. Étude sur l’habitation délienne à l’époque hellénistique. Exploration archéologique de Délos VIII, Paris, 1922– 1924. EAD IX M. Bulard, Description des revêtements peints à sujets religieux. Exploration archéologique de Délos IX, Paris, 1926. EAD XVIII W. Deonna, Le Mobilier délien. Exploration archéologique de Délos XVIII, Paris, 1938. EAD XXVII P. Bruneau et al., L’Îlot de la Maison des comédiens. Exploration archéologique de Délos XXVII, Paris, 1970. EAD XXIX P. Bruneau, Les Mosaïques. Exploration archéologique de Délos XXIX, Paris, 1972. EAD XXX M.-T. Le Dinahet, Les Monuments funéraires de Rhénée, Exploration archéo­ logique de Délos XXX, Paris, 1974. EAD XXXVIII G. Siebert, L’Îlot des bijoux, l’Îlot des bronzes et la Maison des sceaux. 1, Topo­ graphie et architecture. Exploration archéologique de Délos XXXVIII, Athens, 2001. EKM II L. Gounaropoulou, P. Paschidis, M.B. Hatzopoulos, Ἐπιγραφὲς Κάτω Μακεδονίας. Τεῦχος Βʹ. Μέρος Αʹ. Ἐπιγραφὲς Ἀλώρου, Αἰγεῶν, Μιέζας, Μαρινίας, Σκύδρας, Νεαπόλεως, Ἔδεσσας, Athens, 2015. Μέρος Βʹ. Ἐπιγραφές Κύρρου, Γυρβέας, Τυρίσσας, Πέλλας, Ἀλάντης, Ἰχνῶν, Εὐρωποῦ, Βορείας Βοττίας, Ἀλμωπίας, Athens, 2015. P. Bruneau and J. Ducat, Guide de Délos, Quatrième édition refondue et mise à jour avec le concours de Michèle Brunet, Alexandre Farnoux, JeanCharles Moretti, Athens, 2005. GD GRA I J.S. Kloppenborg and R.S. Ascough, Greco-Roman Associations: Texts, Translations, and Commentary: Attica, Central Greece, Macedonia, Thrace, Berlin/New York, 2011. Heberdey–Kalinka R. Heberdey and E. Kalinka, Bericht über zwei Reisen im südwestlichen Kleinasien, ausgeführt im Auftrage der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, 1897. Heberdey– Wilhelm, Reisen in Kilikien R. Heberdey and A.Wilhelm, Reisen in Kilikien, ausgeführt 1891 und 1892 im Auftrage der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, 1896. I.Akoris E. Bernand, Inscriptions grecques et latines d’Akoris, Cairo, 1988. I.Alexandreia Troas M. Ricl, The inscriptions of Alexandreia Troas (IGSK 53), Bonn, 1997. Abbreviations and Bibliography 315 I.Alex.Imp. F. Kayser, Recueil des inscriptions grecques et latines (non funéraires) d’Alexandrie impériale (ier–iiie s. apr. J.­C.), Cairo, 1994. I.Anazarbos M.H. Sayar, Die Inschriften von Anazarbos und Umgebung. Teil I: Inschriften aus dem Stadtgebiet und der nächsten Umgebung der Stadt (IGSK 56), Bonn, 2000. I.Apollonia P. Cabanes and N. Ceka, Corpus des inscriptions grecques d’Illyrie méridionale et d’Épire. I. Inscriptions d’Épidamne-Dyrrhachion et d’Apollonia. 2.A. Inscriptions d’Apollonia d’Illyrie, Athens–Paris, 1997. I.Atrax A. Tziafalias et al., Corpus des inscriptions d’Atrax en Pélasgiotide (Thessalie) (Études Épigraphiques 7), Athens, 2017. I.Beroia L. Gounaropoulou and M.B. Hatzopoulos, Ἐπιγραφὲς Κάτω Μακεδονίας (μεταξὺ τοῦ Βερμίου Ὄρους καὶ τοῦ Ἀξιοῦ Ποταμοῦ). Τεῦχος Αʹ. Ἐπιγραφὲς Βεροίας, Athens, 1998. I.Bouthrotos P. Cabanes, F. Drini and M. Hatzopoulos, Corpus des inscriptions grecques d’Illyrie méridionale et d’Épire 2. Inscriptions de Bouthrôtos, Athens, 2007. IdC G. Dagron and D. Feissel, Inscriptions de Cilicie, Paris, 1987. I.Deir el-Bahari A. Łajtar, Deir el-Bahari in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. A Study of an Egyptian Temple Based on Greek Sources, Warsaw, 2006. I.Délos F. Durrbach, Inscriptions de Délos, Paris, 1926–1937. I.Delta A. Bernand, Le Delta égyptien d’après les textes grecs I, Cairo, 1970. I.Didyma H. Rehm, Didyma II, Die Inschriften, Berlin, 1958. I.Dor.Ins. W. Peek, Inschriften von den dorischen Inseln, Berlin, 1969. I.Ephesos H. Wankel, R. Merkelbach et al., Die Inschriften von Ephesos, I–VII (IGSK 11–17), Bonn, 1979–1981. I.Fayoum E. Bernand, Recueil des inscriptions grecques du Fayoum, I–III, Leiden, 1975– 1981. IGASMG R. Arena, Iscrizioni greche arcaiche di Sicilia e Magna Grecia. Vol. 5. Iscrizioni di Taranto, Locri Epizefiri, Velia e Siracusa, Milan, 1998. IGBulg Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria repertae, vols. I–V, Sofia, 1956–1997. I.Gerasa C.B. Welles in C.H. Kraeling, Gerasa. City of the Decapolis, New Haven, 1938. IGLS Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, Paris, 1911–1986. IGR Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes, Paris, 1901–1927. I.Hermoupolis E. Bernand, Inscriptions grecques d’Hermoupolis Magna et de sa nécropole, Cairo, 1999. I.Histriae Inscriptiones Daciae et Scythiae Minoris Antiquae, Series Altera. Inscriptiones Scythiae Minoris Graecae et Latinae, I. Inscriptiones Histriae et Viciniae, Bucharest, 1983. 316 Abbreviations and Bibliography I.Iasos W. Blümel, Die Inschriften von Iasos (IGSK 28.1–2), Bonn, 1985. I.Kallatis A. Avram, Inscriptions antiques de Dacie et de Scythie Mineure. Deuxième série. Inscriptions grecques et latines de Scythie Mineure, vol. III. Callatis et son territoire, Bucharest/Paris, 1999. I.Kanais A. Bernand, Le Paneion d’el-Kanaïs, Leiden, 1972. I.Kaunos C. Marek, Die Inschriften von Kaunos (Vestigia, 55), Munich, 2006. I.Kios T. Corsten, Die Inschriften von Kios (IGSK 29), Bonn, 1985. I.Kyz. E. Schwertheim, Die Inschriften von Kyzikos und Umgebung, I. Grabtexte (IGSK 18), Bonn, 1980. I.Leukopetra P.M. Petsas, M.B. Hatzopoulos, L. Gounaropoulou, and P. 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