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Critique of Ottoman Rule in the Arab Lands 2 13 09

Critique of Ottoman Arab Lands 2-13-09 Keith Hall Two main historiographical issues of Ottoman history in this week’s readings are closely related. The matter of the impact of Ottoman rule on the Empire’s Arab provinces and the matter of the traditionalist view of Ottoman decline connect in the sense that, for much of the twentieth century, too strong an emphasis on Arab nationalist historiographies tended to deemphasize the imperial context within which the Arab provinces truly existed, and indicated a waning of Ottoman stability and vitality over time. This emphasis supported the traditional “decline thesis,” which states that beginning in the late sixteenth century, the Empire started a gradual three-hundred and fifty year decline until its demise after World War I (Hathaway 8,Toledano 158). Historian Jane Hathaway’s work, The Arab Lands under Ottoman Rule, 1516-1800, offers a new perspective on these issues. Instead of a long, slow decline of the Empire, which ended with the establishment of the independent Arab states after WWI, the author offers a more believable vision of an imperial government responding and adapting to many political, social, and economic changes, both internal and external, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Instead of gradual decline, there was an adjustment to the general crises of the seventeenth century, and changes were implemented in provincial administrations to deal with shifting social and political conditions (Hathaway 8, 62, 244). Hathaway’s work agrees in purpose with historian Ehud Toledano’s stance which reveals the major influence Ottoman imperial rule had on the Arab lands, with vestiges of that rule still extant in the now independent nation-states (Hathaway 247). Toledano presents a vibrant interaction between the imperial center and the Arab provinces through the processes of “localization” and Ottomanization.” While Ottoman elites and administrators integrated themselves into local culture and politics, the local Arab elites moved into Imperial administrative positions and sought an Ottoman education (Toledano, “The Emergence of Ottoman-Local Elites(1700-1900): A Framework for Research” 155). Hathaway also emphasizes the many social, political, and economic interactions between local Arab populations and Ottoman (or other) traders, administrators, and religious figures (Hathaway 246). Ultimately, all the changes and interactions between the center and periphery helped to actually stave off Imperial decline. Arab nationalist and Neo-nationalist narratives simply ignore locals as “passive” populations within “sectioned off” provinces, and leave out the many and varied interactions local populations had with the central administration. Hathaway and Taledano demonstrate a vitality and dynamism between the local Arab entities and the central imperial government that make the sixteenth century through the nineteenth century not just Arab history but Ottoman history (247). But Hathaway’s work involves much more than the central thesis of Ottoman dynamism, growth, and change. It offers a wide range of examinations into religious and intellectual life, details on provincial notables, geographical characteristics, rural life, urban life, and many other significant themes within the realm of the Arab lands under Ottoman imperial rule. Historian Gabriel Piterberg also emphasizes the vitality of imperial involvement with the Arab provinces, specifically in this instance with Egypt. Piterberg looks at the establishment of an “Ottoman-Egyptian elite” within a more general context of imperial participation (Piterberg 275). Beginning with the central Ottoman government’s desires for centralization and attempts to curb corruption by its provincial governors, the misirli elites eventually emerged ascendant within the context of tax structure changes and of improved “surplus appropriation.” Local ayan or grandees became tax farmers, mutesellim, in order to ensure the flow of revenue to the center upward through a provincial tax administrator (muhassil) appointed by the Sultan – the iltizam system. Decisions of the Ottoman central imperial administration were critical to the formation of the misirli. Piterberg’s narrative clearly demonstrates the critical importance of Ottoman imperial rule, culture, and personnel to the Egyptian province and by extension, to all other Arab lands, and thus parallels the views of Hathaway and Toledano (Piterberg 286-287). The “decline thesis” with its corresponding emphasis on Arab nationalist historiography has become obsolete. The vitality of political, social, cultural, economic, and religious interaction between the Ottoman imperial center and the Arab peripheral lands can no longer be seriously challenged. There is simply too much evidence provided by Ottoman experts, following in the path of Albert Hourani’s calculated historiographical readjustment communicated by Toledano (Toledano 145-146). 3