BIBLIOASIA
JUL - SEP 2020
VOL. 16
CHOLERA
healthcare, waterworks and sanitation.
Although occurring more than a century
ago – the unending waves of cholera, the
subsequent cures and medicines, and the
unfolding of scientific understanding and
control of the disease, has resonance with
the Covid-19 pandemic that Singapore is
experiencing today.
The First Outbreaks in Singapore
IN 19TH-CENTURY
SINGAPORE
The colony experienced its first cholera outbreak in 1841, and several epidemics in the decades
thereafter. Bonny Tan examines how the battle against this deadly illness was won.
a
Bonny Tan is a former Senior Librarian at the National Library, Singapore. She currently lives in Ho
Chi Minh City, Vietnam, with her family and is a
regular contributor to BiblioAsia.
10
At the beginning of the 19th century,
a mysterious disease circled the globe,
eventually killing millions in its wake.
Although the cause was unknown, its outcome was severe; within hours of vomiting
and diarrhoea, a healthy person would be
sickened, along with those who had been
in close contact with the infected.
Endemic to India’s Ganges Basin, the
first recorded pandemic of this ailment
called cholera began in 1817. Before long,
it spread like wildfire throughout Asia, giv-
ing it the nickname – the Asiatic Cholera.
Riding on the backs of colonialism and
the increased trade ties that spanned the
oceans, the pestilence travelled beyond
Asia to Europe and the Americas. To date,
the world has experienced at least seven
known cholera pandemics.
Singapore, with its strategic location
along major trade routes, was not spared.
When the scourge afflicted the island in
the 1840s, the British colonial authorities
responded by improving the settlement’s
The disease first reached the Malay
Peninsula with “explosive suddenness”
in Penang in October 1819, just nine
months after the founding of Singapore.
Anticipating its spread southwards, cholera medication was quickly dispatched
to the colony and the new settlement
was spared.
The next two decades were uneventful until Singapore’s first cholera outbreak in April 1841, affecting especially
the “Native and Portuguese” people
living in Telok Ayer.1 The disease was
probably introduced to the island through
the Anglo-Indian trade routes as well
as British troops travelling en route to
China to fight in the First Opium War
(1839–42). Thereafter, cholera took firm
root in Singapore, rearing its ugly head
periodically.
At the time, Singapore was illequipped to handle the cholera outbreak
because of a lack of proper medical care
and insufficient hospital beds. As a result,
in May 1841, the cholera-stricken seamen
on the battleship H.M.S. Pelorus were
not allowed to disembark on the island.
Responding to the situation, the colonial
government set up the European Seamen’s
Hospital in November 1842,2 a predecessor
of the Singapore General Hospital.
In 1851, Singapore faced its second
cholera outbreak. This time around, the
impact on the community was so severe
that it quickly escalated into an epidemic.
Lasting between January and May 1851,
the epidemic gravely affected the population in Kampong Glam. By 25 April,
an estimated 220 people had died, of
whom 107 were Malays and 95 Chinese,
although some reports suggest that the
death toll reached as high as 400 at one
point.3 The severity of this epidemic led
to calls for proper waterworks and drainage to clear sewage among the coolie
community quarters where the largest
number of deaths occurred.
Although there were no other
major outbreaks in Singapore in the
1860s, an epidemic that took place in
Mecca in 1865 was traced to the colony.
That episode killed 15,000 out of the
ISSUE 02
FEATURE
(Facing page) View of Boat
Quay looking towards Fort
Canning Hill, 1890s. As the
centre for trade and commercial activity in Singapore in the 19th century,
the Singapore River became highly congested
and polluted, resulting
in poor drainage and unsanitary living conditions
along the river banks. The
river water was blamed for
causing various diarrhoeainducing diseases, including
cholera. Andrew Tan Collection, courtesy of National
Archives of Singapore.
(Right) An ink and watercolour etching of the “Cholera Prevention Man” by
Wundet. The translation
of the inscription reads:
“The well-equipped home
medicine cabinet for one
who loves his health.
Cholera Prevention Man”.
Division of Medicine and
Science, National Museum
of American History, Smithsonian Institution.
approximately 90,000 pilgrims in Mecca
and was linked to British ships originating
from Singapore with Javanese pilgrims
on their way to the haj.4
Singapore’s next cholera epidemic
occurred in 1873, this time crossing over
from Bangkok via the S.S. Chow Phya on
2 July. In just three months, 448 of the
857 known cases died, chalking up an
alarming mortality rate of over 50 percent.5 This led to stricter quarantine laws
and sanitary measures, which helped to
stem the spread of the disease.
Despite these actions, cholera
returned to Singapore with a vengeance
two decades later, beginning with a
sudden surge of deaths among Chinese
coolies in April 1895 compared to the
same period the prior year. This was the
first indication that something sinister
was afoot, but before any action could
be taken by the authorities, there was a
sudden spike in cholera cases between
June and August that year. Subsequently,
calls were made for a more systematic
count of deaths and their causes so
that future outbreaks could be nipped
in the bud.6
Understanding Cholera
Cholera is caused by the bacterium Vibrio
cholerae, which was identified by German
scientist Robert Koch in 1883. The bacterium enters the body when contaminated
food or water is ingested. In the small
intestine, the bacterium reproduces in
the mucous lining of the bowels. While
most victims are asymptomatic or display
limited symptoms, at least 20 percent are
severely affected.
As the immune system of the
infected person attempts to fight the
bacteria, a poison released by the bacteria causes the intestinal walls to work in
reverse: instead of food nutrients moving
into the bloodstream, plasma from the
blood drains into the intestines, causing
the distinctive “rice water stools” associated with this illness.7 Copious amounts
of this liquid are then expelled by the
sick person resulting in dehydration.
If untreated, it can lead to shock and
eventually death.
In the 19th century, the scientific
study of germs was still in its infancy.
The prevailing belief was that the malady
was spread through effusions of bad air
released by rotting material. Based on this
miasmic theory of the disease, people in
the Western world were encouraged to
keep away from foul air during cholera
outbreaks. Posters like the “Cholera
Prevention Man”, distributed throughout Europe and America, depict a man
11
BIBLIOASIA
JUL - SEP 2020
VOL. 16
A cartoon showing a woman dropping her teacup in horror upon discovering the monstrous contents of a
magnified drop of water from the River Thames, revealing the impurity of drinking water in London. Coloured
etching by William Heath, 1828. Wellcome Collection. Attrbution Non-commercial (CC BY-NC 4.0).
surrounded by a cabinet of potions and
covered in layers of clothing to protect
himself from the “bad air”, and inhaling
as an antidote the clean air of vinegared
vapours released from a bottle.
Certainly, there was no shortage of
“bad air” in the slums of 19th-century
Singapore as new migrants arrived by
the shipload, with many squeezed into
congested and unhygienic quarters
along the stretch of the Singapore and
Kallang rivers. There, poor drainage
and improper disposal of sewage, along
with the foul detritus of activities like
pig-breeding resulted in “the first-class
stenches that Singapore slums so successfully distil”.8 The Singapore River at low
tide was compared to the River Thames
in London, revealing the filth that caused
the foul air seen as the root of various
diseases, including cholera.
Contaminated water was later
proven to be a conduit for the disease,
especially given the poor hygiene practices in the consumption of food and
drink among local residents. Raw fruit and
vegetables were one source of infection,
as were the shellfish plucked from the
murky Singapore River. Popular among
the Chinese community, the shellfish
was described as “dainties which thrive
on sewage and afford a breeding ground
for microbes”. The situation was further
aggravated by the consumption of contaminated well water as well as water
bottled from the polluted Kallang River.9
Following the tragic outcomes of the
1851 epidemic, a decision was made to
12
set up proper waterworks in Singapore.
In 1852, the Government Surveyor John
Turnbull Thomson drew up plans for
supplying water to the town, although
it was only in 1867 that the Impounding
Reservoir (later renamed MacRitchie
Reservoir) was approved for construction
off Thomson Road. The reservoir finally
began operations in 1877.10
Local Cures and Customs
Globally, there was no agreed method for
treating cholera in the 19th century. In the
early days of the epidemics, residents in
Singapore turned to remedies that had
been adopted in countries where pandemics had previously swept through.
One recipe recommended by a
Major Wallace of the Madras Presidency
in British India involved imbibing brandy
infused with cloves, cinnamon and peppers, and topped with laudanum, an
opiate. The cure was first published in
The Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register
for British and Foreign India, China and
Australasia in July 1838, and reprinted in
The Singapore Free Press on 1 April 1841.
The remedy was touted as a success in
India and Germany.
Unfortunately, the same outcomes
were not realised in Singapore when
the Straits Settlements Medical Officer
Thomas Oxley administered this potion to
five patients here. In a critical letter to The
Singapore Free Press on 15 April 1841, he
recommended the use of “hot salt water
emetics and enemata, aided by dry heat to
the surface of the body” instead as a cure.11
Other treatments put forward at
the time included a concoction by Queen
Victoria’s physician James Clerk “which
proved very effectual in England in 1849”,
mixing equal parts of camphor, laudanum,
turpentine and peppermint. Another prescription attributed to a Lord Ponsonby
comprised dissolving “one part camphor
in six parts of spirits of wine”.12
People in Singapore had their own
home remedies. In 1849, one Charles
Perreau found his cure in a traditional
Malay approach consisting of bruised
ginger boiled in a pint of water for 10
minutes, with two tablespoons of salt
added. This was consumed while the
body was briskly rubbed.
In a letter to The Singapore Free
Press in October 1849, Perreau wrote:
“After having tried every European remedy I received no benefit, and were it
not for a simple Malay Drug I would not
have recovered from my severe attack
nor would I, Mr Editor, now have been
able to address you upon the subject.”13
It may have been a “simple Malay Drug”
but this remedy is not dissimilar to the
World Health Organization’s modernday recommendation to drink clean
water mixed with sodium and glucose
to replace the loss of salts and liquids,
and prevent dehydration.
Singapore’s Asian residents were
often reluctant to seek treatment in
government hospitals out of fear and
superstition, preferring native remedies
instead. For this reason, police stations
and kongsi (clan) houses were stocked
with a local concoction for treating
cholera well into the early 20th century.
This pungent mix of calumba, cardamon, ammonia, camphor and capsicum,
steeped in peppermint water, was first
offered during the 1851 outbreak in
Singapore and was considered a trustworthy curative.14
In the late 19th century, the Chinese also turned to their own dispensaries along Philip Street, imbibing “Chinese red pills” and a trusty homemade
remedy of old ginger infused in hot
water. On their preference for Asiatic
medicines, one Peranakan gentleman
wrote: “Cholera is an Asiatic disease,
it is within the province of the Asiatic
people and their physicians to know
something about the disease...”15
Native cures went beyond mere
medication. During outbreaks, loud
communal processions to exorcise the
“Hantu Cholera”,16 or cholera demon,
took place nightly. The Chinese would
parade around town “escorting fierce
gladiators carried on platforms with
drawn swords and flags with which
they cut the air in all directions while
the demon was roused up with the din
of gongs and cymbals. As these processions pass, their countrymen rush out
and let off crackers to their own intense
gratification and the great annoyance
of hack and private carriage drivers”.17
There were also Indian processions,
which were described as a “little less
dangerous, accompanied as they are by
the ringing of bells, blowing of horns, and
clamorous beating of tom toms”. The
Malays added to the general din by “bawling out in the streets at a late hour of the
night, rendering sleep next to impossible
to the great bulk of the town residents”.18
In 1873, the Colonial Secretary James
Birch participated in a Tamil procession
and was garlanded in appreciation for his
support. This created some controversy
at the Legislative Council when Dr Robert
Little, a medical practitioner who also
served as a council member, argued that
such processions where “persons went
about with knives and swords, crying
out, and howling and screaming… fighting with fancied deities and spirits” not
only caused unrest and obstructions, but
also amplified fear among local residents
and “were the cause of spreading cholera
instead of preventing it”.19
Nevertheless, some local approaches
to the disease had their advantages. For
example, during the 1851 cholera epidemic, medical authorities used native
drums to inform the locals whenever
hospital palanquins made their rounds so
that the sick could be quickly conveyed
to hospital.20
Quarantine Quarrels
The first recorded instance of forced
quarantine in Singapore took place in
June 1821 when the cholera-stricken
Austrian ship, the Caroline Augustus,
arrived from Batavia (now Jakarta) with
afflicted sailors. Mindful of the safety of
residents in Singapore who were “relatively untouched by cholera”, the colonial
authorities did not permit the ship to
land except to have their convalescents
disembark at Sandy Point21 (on the tip
of Tanjong Rhu today) where medical
assistance was rendered.
However, strict quarantine measures
were not consistently applied to the growing number of ships arriving in Singapore
until the severity of the 1851 cholera epidemic, followed by a smallpox outbreak
in 1857, called for a re-evaluation. One of
the recommendations made to Governor
ISSUE 02
FEATURE
of the Straits Settlements Edmund A.
Blundell was that every vessel be checked
for illness and that an infected ship be
quarantined, with no one permitted to
leave until every person on board was
given a clean bill of health. Only those
bringing medical or food supplies to the
ship would be allowed to board.22
Governor Blundell, however, noted
that no vessels could be completely free
of contagious diseases and that such
actions would interfere with the “free
immigration” and “agricultural interests”
that the Straits Settlements offered.23
Quarantine was also seen as an annoyance by the mercantile community as
it hindered the free flow of trade. To
complicate matters, not everyone in the
medical field was convinced that quarantine was an effective means of keeping
diseases out of Singapore.
In 1866, the British Cholera Commission, having had the experience of
battling severe cholera outbreaks in
England, advised the British GovernorGeneral of India that cholera was a communicable disease and reccommended
that infected persons be quarantined to
Newly arrived migrants at the quarantine centre on
St John’s Island, waiting for the ferry to take them to
mainland Singapore, c. 1908. Courtesy of National
Archives of Singapore.
13
BIBLIOASIA
JUL - SEP 2020
stem the contagion. In the Straits Settlements, new ordinances for quarantine
were soon introduced.
However, Dr Little, who had by then
served 28 years in Singapore, strongly
opposed the quarantine bill in 1868. He
noted that residents in Singapore had
acquired immunity as cholera had been
endemic here for more than 20 years,
adding that quarantine would affect the
entrepot trade that Singapore had become
so reliant on. The setting up of a lazaretto
(a facility to isolate and treat people with
contagious diseases) would also incur too
high a cost. Nevertheless, in November
1868, Governor Harry St George Ord
issued the order for the quarantine bill.24
The bill would lead to the proposal
to set up a lazaretto on St John’s Island.
Following the cholera epidemic that
was introduced to Singapore by a ship
from Bangkok in 1873, Acting Master
Attendant Henry Ellis proposed a scheme
which “included a steam cutter, a floating
MOULE’S ECO-TOILET
The world’s “first practical earth-closet”,
a composting toilet for homes without
access to piped water has an indirect
connection to Singapore. It was invented
in England by Reverend Henry Moule, the
brother of Reverend Horatio Moule, Resident Chaplain at Singapore’s St Andrew’s
Chapel between 1845 and 1851.
Seeing how cholera outbreaks in
England in the mid-19th century were
caused by poor sanitation, Henry Moule
designed a dry-earth toilet as a hygenic
means of disposing human waste. He
patented his earth-closet in 1860 and is
acknowleged today as its inventor.
The earth-closet resembled a modern-day toilet, with a hole cut into a chair,
a bucket below it and a hopper filled with
earth attached to the back of the seat.
When a handle was pulled, a quantity of
earth would be released over the human
excreta to mask unwelcome odours and
help the contents to decompose. When
the bucket was full, the resulting compost
could be used to enrich and fertilise soil.
Moule was certainly ahead of his time
when he came up with this contraption.
REFERENCES
BBC. (2014). Moule’s mechanical dry earth closet.
Retrieved from BBC website.
Earth closets. (n.d.). Retrieved from Old & Interesting
website.
14
VOL. 16
police station, a hospital on St John’s, and
a quarantine burial-ground on Peak [Kusu]
Island”.25 The lazaretto was seen as an
ideal solution as infected patients could
be sent to St John’s Island to recover while
the ships they disembarked from could
continue on their journey unhindered.
In November 1874, the S.S. Milton
arrived from Swatow (now Shantou),
China, with around 1,200 to 1,300 Chinese coolies on board. It was suggested
that at least two of them had died of cholera upon arrival, although contaminated
water purchased in Singapore could also
have been a source of infection.26
As the lazaretto on St John’s Island
had not been completed yet, huts had to
be quickly constructed at personal cost
to the ship’s agents to accommodate
the sick. The lazaretto was eventually
completed in 1875.27 St John’s would be
used as a quarantine centre for the next
hundred years until its facilities were
officially closed in January 1976.28
Reverend Henry Moule – the brother of Reverend Horatio Moule, Resident Chaplain at the
St Andrew’s Chapel in Singapore – invented
the “first practical earth-closet”. Henry Moule
patented his design in 1860. Seen here is the
improved version of Moule’s environmentfriendly toilet, c. 1875. Retrieved from Wikimedia
Commons (CC BY-SA 3.0).
FEATURE
Putrid Pitholes
As late as 1889, Singapore had yet to
have a proper sewage system in place,
aggravating the situation whenever cholera outbreaks took place.29 According to
the Acting Health Officer Dr Gilmore Ellis,
four-fifths of toilets here had “no catchment apparatus whatever other than the
bare earth (with or without a hole dug
in it) or a large cesspool built of brick…
[which] retain larger accumulations of
excrement… that not unfrequently is
one mass of writhing maggots to be
removed...”30
The bucket system in use at the time
involved the manual removal of faeces,
or night soil, carried to places outside of
town and disposed of by coolies. While it
was an improvement over foul-smelling
cesspits located near residences, the
bucket system had its own share of
problems. The system relied on lowly
paid and poorly motivated night-soil
workers to clear the buckets regularly. In
addition, the subsequent disposal of the
waste and the washing of the night-soil
buckets had to be done in such a way that
groundwater and rivers did not become
contaminated.
The 1895 cholera epidemic renewed
discussions over how the disposal of night
soil could be improved. There was a call
for the authorities to organise a proper
network of night-soil carriers to do the
job, while the Health Officer pushed for
the reconstruction of unsanitary toilets
and ordered public latrines to be cleaned
regularly with Jeyes Fluid, a disinfectant
still used today.31
Finally, a Vaccine
Russell, M. (2014, February). Life of Reverend Henry Moule
M.A. (1801–1880). Retrieved from RootsWeb website.
Sipe, B.M. (1988). Earth closets and the dry earth
system of sanitation in Victorian America.
Material Culture, 20 (2/3), 27–37. Retrieved from
JSTOR via NLB’s eResources website.
ISSUE 02
Singapore would experience its most
severe cholera outbreak in 1902 when
759 out of the reported 842 cases died,
a hitherto unprecedented mortality rate
of 90 percent.32 This, however, was the
last time that cholera would exact such a
heavy toll here as modern developments
in sanitation and waterworks helped
control the spread of the disease.
Advancements in medical science in
subsequent years also brought a greater
understanding of the disease, identifying its cause and controlling it through
the development of a vaccine. Following
Koch’s identification of Vibrio cholorae in
1883, Spanish doctor Jaime Ferran, who
trained under the famed microbiologust
and chemist Louis Pasteur, successfully
immunised humans against cholera in
1885. 33 By the 1920s, Singapore was
receiving a supply of vaccines from the
Pasteur Institute in Bandung, Java.34 In the
1930s, the Institute of Medical Research
in Kuala Lumpur began producing supplies
of the cholera vaccine not only for Malaya
but for the region too.35
In 1964, the seventh cholera pandemic from nearby Java spread to Singapore. Even though Singapore had
been considered vulnerable due to its
high volume of traffic as a trading port,
the island was able to protect itself
from the spread of cholera. By then, its
“standards of urban sanitation [were]
high, piped water supplies… second to
none in Asia, [and] medical control at
ports and airports… first class”.36 Several
inoculation centres were also set up to
offer free vaccines to the population.
Although there are still sporadic
instances of cholera infections in sanitised
Singapore, with four reported cases as
recently as 2009, the virulence of cholera,
thankfully, is a thing of the past.37
(Above left) A child being vaccinated against cholera at one of several inoculation centres in Singapore,
1963. Ministry of Information and the Arts Collection, courtesy of National Archives of Singapore.
(Above) A night-soil carrier, c. 1940. Workers were paid to manually remove human waste. The workers
would arrive at households with empty buckets to exchange for filled ones. As the collection was usually
carried out at night and the filled buckets covered with soil to lessen the stench, it soon acquired the
name “night soil”. Courtesy of National Archives of Singapore.
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
NOTES
1 The Free Press. (1841, April 1). The Singapore Free
Press and Mercantile Advertiser, p. 3. Retrived from
NewspaperSG.
2 Lee, Y.K. (1978). The medical history of early Singapore
(pp. 31, 26). Tokyo: Southeast Asian Medical
Information Center. (Call no.: RSING 610.95957 LEE)
3 Untitled. (1851, May 2). The Singapore Free Press and
Mercantile Advertiser, p. 5; Untitled. (1851, April 29).
The Straits Times, p. 4. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
4 Hays, J.N. (2005). Epidemics and pandemics: Their
impacts on human history (p. 267). California: ABCCLIO. (eBook)
5 Legislative Council. (1873, October 4). Straits Times
Overland Journal, p. 7. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
6 The year 1895. (1896, January 7). The Singapore Free
Press and Mercantile Advertiser, p. 1. Retrieved from
NewspaperSG.
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
Snowden, F.M. (2019). Epidemics and society: From
the black death to the present (p. 236). New Haven:
Yale University Press. (Available for digital loan on nlb.
overdrive.com)
The Singapore Free Press. (1895, June 27). The
Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, p. 2.
Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
A Chinese view – The cholera outbreak. (1895, June 25).
The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, p. 3.
Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
Hallifax, F.J. (1991). Municipal Government. In W.
Makepeace, G.E. Brooke & R.St.J. Braddell. (Eds.).
One hundred years of Singapore (Vol. I, p. 327).
Singapore: Oxford University Press. (Call no.: RSING
959.57 ONE); National Library Board. (2009). MacRitchie
Reservoir written by Zaubidah Mohamed. Retrieved from
Singapore Infopedia website; Lim T.S. (2018, Apr–Jun).
The four taps: The story of Singapore water. BiblioAsia,
14 (1), 50–57. Retrieved from BiblioAsia website.
Correspondence. (1841, April 15). The Singapore Free
Press and Mercantile Advertiser, p. 2. Retrieved from
NewspaperSG.
Cholera. (1873, July 13). The Straits Times Overland
Journal, p. 12. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
Correspondence. (1849, October 12). The Singapore
Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, p. 2. Retrieved
from NewspaperSG.
Local. (1851, January 24). The Singapore Free Press
and Mercantile Advertiser, p. 3; The Free Press. (1851,
April 25). The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile
Advertiser, p. 2. Retrieved from NewspaperSG;
Brooke, 1991, p. 505.
More about the cholera. (1895, August 12). The Straits
Times, p. 3. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
Correspondence. (1873, August 9). Straits Times
Overland Journal, p. 11. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
Untitled. (1873, August 9). Straits Times Overland
Journal, p. 13. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
Untitled. (1873, August 23). Straits Times Overland
Journal, p. 16. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
Legislative Council. (1873, September 20). Straits Times
Overland Journal, p. 6. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
Local. (1851, January 31). The Singapore Free Press
and Mercantile Advertiser, p. 3. Retrieved from
NewspaperSG.
21 Lee, Y. K. (1973, March). Cholera in early Singapore
(Part I) (1819–1849). Singapore Medical Journal, 14 (1),
42–48, pp. 44–45. Retrieved from Singapore Medical
Journal website.
22 SSR, Z, 33 (65A) 1857, May 1 from Lee, Y.K. (1978).
Quarantine in early Singapore (1819–1874) (Part II)
(p. 289). Singapore: Stamford College Press (Pte) Ltd.
(Call no.: RCLOS 614.46095957 LEE)
23 Lee, 1978, p. 289.
24 Lee, 1978, p. 295.
25 Brooke, 1991, p. 505.
26 The “Milton”. (1874, November 19). Straits Times
Overland Journal, p. 2. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
27 Quarantine. (1875, March 6). The Straits Times, p. 1.
Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
28 Ng, M. (2018, Apr–Jun). St John’s Island: From gateway
to getaway. BiblioAsia, 14 (1), pp. 30–35. Retrieved from
BiblioAsia website.
29 Insanitary Singapore. (1889, December 17). Straits Times
Weekly Issue, p. 12. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
30 Pollution of the Singapore River. (1896, April 28). The
Mid-day Herald, p. 2. Retrieved from NewspaperSG.
31 Removal of night soil. (1895, July 15). The Mid-day
Herald, p. 2; Municipal Commission. (1895, August
2). The Straits Times, p. 3; Sanitary regulations.
(1895, June 24). The Mid-day Herald, p. 2. Retreived
from NewspaperSG.
32 Brooke, 1991, p. 504.
33 The College of Physicians of Philadelphia. (2020).
All timelines overview. Retrieved from The History
of Vaccines website.
34 Health in the East. (1928, January 11). The Straits Times,
p. 9. Retreived from NewspaperSG.
35 New move to prevent cholera spread. (1937, August 21).
The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, p. 1.
Retreived from NewspaperSG.
36 Cholera menace. (1961, September 7). The Straits Times,
p. 8. Retreived from NewspaperSG.
37 National Centre for Infectious Diseases. (2020).
Cholera. Retrieved from National Centre for
Infectious Diseases website.
15