Abbie O’Hara
History of Mexico 480
2/2/19
Professor Haskett
Causes of the Texas Rebellion
Mexican revolutionary sentiment in 1810 portends a notorious division between Mexican
politics that would weaken the nation and eventually culminate with other factors in war with the
United States. The nation disseminated into opposing political demographics concerning how the
newly free nation should structure their government. Yorquinos were more liberal federalists and
called for a republic while Escocés were more conservative centralists and favored a monarchy.
After Hidalgo’s Revolution, Iturbide crowned himself emperor of the new monarchy, deepening
and intensifying the political divide of the nation. Santa Anna’s ineffectual leadership during a
pivotal point in the newly independent nation’s history may be more opportunistic and self
serving than providing long term benefits and stability. Santa Anna’s rule only accentuated the
divides of the nation, aggravating weaknesses such as regionalism and partisanship. Furthermore,
expansionist and nationalistic ideologies spreading throughout the United States converged and
took advantage of Mexico’s fragility, resulting in the infamous loss of land and military failure
under Santa Anna’s rule. The Texas Rebellion of 1836 and the Mexican-American War of 1848
arose due to instability in Mexico, caused by a number of political and ideological forces, and
United States colonial ideals such as expansionism and nationalism.
The Mexican government, through the 19th century, was unstable, making them an easier
target for colonization. The official date of Mexican Independence could be disputed, Hidalgo
initiating a violent but ultimately unsuccessful revolt and Iturbide later succeeding in diplomatic
negotiations with Spain, but failing to maintain power and stability. These two leaders both
succeeded and failed in unique ways, but stable independence requires a myriad of factors.
Hidalgo succeeded in gaining the support of the masses while Iturbide succeeded in negotiations
with their Spanish colonizers, however, an official break from Spain and the subsequent
establishment of a stable government requires both diplomatic negotiations and the support of
the masses. The iterations of The Virgin Guadalupe can also be seen as a symbol of the
partisanship personified through Hidalgo and Iturbide. The image of the Virgin evokes
proto-nationalist sentiment during the Revolution, symbolizing a break from the Bourbon
monarchy. The quick descent of Hidalgo’s revolution after his execution and Iturbide’s
abdication of the throne are symbolic of Mexico’s inability to garner both diplomacy and popular
support concerning the country's governmental system. This early instability persists through the
19th century and is a primary contributing factor to the series of wars with the United States. The
juxtaposition between Hidalgo as a leader of the people and Iturbide as a diplomat can serve to
illuminate the partisan nature of the Mexican body politic of the time. Iturbide’s rule favored the
upper classes and sought to maintain the social caste system of power that was established during
Spanish rule. His politics were more conservative, or centalist and were vehemently opposed by
the more liberal federalists who advocated for a Republic in favor of a monarchical system.
During the decades following Iturbide’s abdication of power, Mexican politics remain centered
on this debate. Such leaders as Santa Anna took advantage of such partisanship to gain popular
favor.
Antonio López de Santa Anna exploited the instability of the Mexican government in
1822 and turned against Iturbide, seizing the opportunity to claim power and initiating the long
series of rotating leaders for roughly the next half century. His rule over Mexico was nothing
more than that of an ineffectual caudillo figurehead. Even when he was not officially in power,
his influence could be felt in the background of Mexican politics. Rotating leaders and the
average presidential term of only seven months created a precarious environment which Santa
Anna took advantage of to increase his political and social power. In Cuevillas’ “Latin America:
Conflict and Creation” the author states that “...[we] use [caudillismo] to apply to that regime
which consists of the personification or incarnation of authority, where he who governs acts with
an extraordinary charismatic moral ascendancy over his people: advising them, guiding them,
leading them paternally.” This can be seen as an apt description of Santa Anna’s tumultuous rule
over Mexico when we examine his history of political leanings and proclaimed beliefs. The
leader, like many other Mexican officials, began his career as a military officer, providing him
with plenty of social mobility. He opposed Independence from Spain before Iturbide came into
power, then shifted to a more moderate stance, supporting Independence and the new Mexican
monarchy. Then, in 1822, in his Plan de Veracruz, Santa Anna rebelled against Iturbide in an
attempt to overthrow the monarchy after the dissolution of the Constituent Congress. A coalition
between Guerrero, Bravo and Santa Anna called for a Republic, rather than a monarchy, aligning
Santa Anna’s politics with liberal beliefs. This eventually changed when Santa Anna realized the
impracticality of federalism and the difficulty of its application. “Initially he was a federalist, but
soon he recognized the the impracticality of regionalism and changed to a centralist position,”
(Wasserman, 20). It has been said that there is nothing so much like a Conservative as a Liberal
in power, highlighting the often unattainability of liberal ideals in their application. This can be
seen in Santa Anna’s early rule as a federalist and later shift to a centralist. His opportunistic
politics caused the long term instability of Mexico leading up to the Texas Rebellion.
Furthermore, his military failures, coupled with centralist rhetoric, ultimately caused Mexico’s
massive loss of land after war with the United States.
Due to poor and inconsistent leadership, Mexico’s tradition of regionalist and
micro-patriotic sentiment persisted through the wars with the United States, weakening their
defense. Micro patriotism of Pre Columbian era Mexico and the paralleling development of
proto-nationalism exemplify the sociopolitical diversity of Mexican identity. Precolonial Mexico
is observed as following micro patriotism which is regions and communities feeling no sense of
connection through a nationalistic standpoint and instead being united as smaller communities.
The regionalistic and proto-nationalistic sentiments within Mexico were accentuated by
inconsistent leadership as well as isolation from the capital. There were a myriad of contributing
factors that compiled in such a way to worsen Texas isolationism and regionalism, separating
Texas from Mexican political, economic and social life, exposing them to invasion. Mexican
infrastructure was poorly developed so travel and shipping was difficult, stunting communication
and the economy. For example, many foreign travelers such as Fanny de Calderon complained
that the roads were bumpy and precarious. Other nations such as the United States had access to
natural resources and landscapes such as rivers that serves as affordable and quick forms of
transportation that greatly stimulated the economy and facilitated communication between
distant regions of the country. Furthermore, almost all of Mexico’s big cities and political bases
such as Veracruz were located inland, making travel by boat and overseas trade more difficult.
Texas is just one example of how these conditions resulted in the sense of isolationism and
regionalist ideology as opposed to a sense of unity and nationalism with the country as a whole.
Some Mexican liberals even supported a Texas rebellion and annexation as a platform to revolt
against the conservative centralism of Santa Anna. Since there were so few Mexicans in Texas
and poor communication with the government, the boundaries were poorly managed. A dispute
erupted surrounding whether the nueces River or the Rio Grande served as borders between the
U.S. and Mexico. Isolationism of the area made it difficult for Mexico to protect the boundary. It
also exposed Texas to a large number of settler from the north who refused to assimilate or
follow Mexican laws such as the abolition of slavery. The sense of isolation in Texas contributed
to the northern immigrants’ perception of the Mexican government as ineffective, casting doubt
on their ‘worthiness’ to control the land. The lack of a consistent and strong form of leadership
as well as isolationism and regionalism weakened the nation's identity, causing the U.S. to
perceive the country as incompetent and undemocratic.
The United States’ perception of Mexico and Santa Anna’s ineffectual leadership
provoked the U.S to retaliate and lay claim to Texas. By the year 1836 there were roughly 30,000
U.S. immigrants residing in Texas. These settlers refused to assimilate to Mexican society and
openly disrespected the negotiations of settlement the required them to be Catholic and not
practice slavery. Santa Anna’s revocation of the Constitution of 1824 was that it deprived
regions of freedom guaranteed under the federal system and favored a centralist national
government in Mexico City. Many U.S. immigrants feared that their freedoms and rights were
being stripped by the more centrist Mexican government. This was interpreted by U.S.
immigrants as an undemocratic infringement of their rights. The Monroe Doctrine can serves as
evidence for the reaction of U.S. officials such as Polk to declare war with an ‘undemocratic’
Mexico. The Monroe Doctrine was an official statement to break the bonds between the mother
country and the United States, officially establishing the colonies as a free and democratic
people. The claim that the nation deserved to flourish freely, unbridled by the influences of other
countries, is a perception that may have influenced the War in Texas. Land and expansionism are
also portrayed as a reward for developing democracy, as if the U.S. viewed lands as a
commodity. Theodore Roosevelt proclaimed the right of the United States to exercise an
“international police power” which is something that was invoked after the adoption of beliefs
that Mexico was undemocratic. The more conservative leanings of Mexico at this time directly
conflicted with American ideals of democracy and manifest destiny.
U.S. sentiments of manifest destiny and nationalism justified invasion and subsequent
war in Texas. United States soldiers often sang songs filled with nationalistic and racist rhetoric
that can be viewed as evidence of the ideologies that justified the war. Songs such as “To Arms”
that cry “Fling out your banners free-- Let drum and trumpet sound alarm, O'er mountain, plain,
and sea,” and “The Song of Texas” that claims “From Atlantic to Pacific, Is Uncle Sam's own
ground,” are utilizing similar rhetoric. The phrase ‘fling your banners free’ is referencing the
flying of the American flag after the conquering of a nation. The themes of manifest destiny
reflect the propagandist ideologies prevalently held by United States citizens at the time,
demonstrating their willingness to go to war with Mexico to claim land thought of as rightfully
theirs. The flag, also being synonymous with democracy and freedom, represents the superiority
the United States felt during war with Mexico. Many of the settlers believed that the Mexican
government was incompetent and too conservative, restricting their liberties and looked to
America as a sort of ‘police’ like figure to maintain justice. The idea that Mexico was
undemocratic made them undeserving of the land in the eyes of many Texas settler, further
encouraging the regions annexation. The U.S. pejorative of superiority over Mexico can be
blatantly observed in a New York Times article claiming, “a spirit of progress, which will
compel us, for the good of both nations and the world at large, TO DESTROY THE
NATIONALITY of that besotted people.” The perception of the United States as superior, and
therefore more deserving of the Texas region was sparked by the complaints of settlers in the
region that Santa Anna had passed laws restricting their individual freedoms. This assumedly
undemocratic and oppressive leadership was then challenged by the ‘democratic’ United States.
The Mexican Revolution reveals several key themes throughout the history of the nation,
demonstrating the partisanship that continued decades after independence and regionalist
ideology that was compounded by isolationism and poor, inconsistent leadership. Colonialism in
the United States was fueled by expansionist and nationalist rhetoric, prompting the annexation
of the texas region, triggering a war with Mexico during a politically and economically fragile
time. The fragility of Mexico was exploited by the U.S. to gain land and promote their growing
image as a democratic world police. If the two political climates of Mexico and the U.S. had not
converged during the same time period, then it is likely that territories such as Texas, New
Mexico, California and more would have remained in the possession of Mexico. However,
despite the massive loss of Mexican territory, it is questionable if the nation really lost anything
of crucial value in the Texas revolution and later wars with the United States. It is true that
territories such as California would have been major economic supporters considering their
minerals and other natural resources; nonetheless, the nation firmly espoused regionalism
throughout the 19th century. Regionalism, regardless of its roots in Mexican weakness and
instability, prevented the rise of nationalism and violent ideologies that accompany it. It can be
argued that the losses occuring due to Mexican regionalism outweigh the potential inequality and
violence that typically follow nationalism. This is something that is reflected in the U.S. history
of colonization, even in the wars with Mexico. Some U.S. officials wanted to expand further
south into Mexico; however, it can be argued that the reason why this did not happen is because
contributing factors to the Texas rebellion such as isolationism, lack of communication,
regionalist sentiment and poor leadership, were not parallel to the climates of other regions of
Mexico, making them more protected than Texas was. The U.S. struggled during war with
Mexico and may have lost if Santa Anna had attacked a third time, leading one to estimate that
more secure and less isolated areas of Texas would have been an arduous task to invade.
Bibliography
1. Wasserman, Mark. Everyday Life and Politics in Nineteenth Century Mexico:
Men, Women, and War. University of New Mexico Press, 2000.
2. Lecture slides