New Excavations in the Urban Area at Caere - Animal Remains

1HZ([FDYDWLRQVLQWKH8UEDQ$UHDRI&DHUH )DELR&ROLYLFFKL*LDQ/XFD*UHJRUL0DULDIUDQFHVFD/DQ]D$QWRQHOOD/HSRQH0LFKHOH6FDOLFL $QJHOD7UHQWDFRVWH&ULVWLDQD=DFFDJQLQR 0RXVHLRQ-RXUQDORIWKH&ODVVLFDO$VVRFLDWLRQRI&DQDGD9ROXPH1XPEHU /9,,6HULHV,,,SS $UWLFOH 3XEOLVKHGE\8QLYHUVLW\RI7RURQWR3UHVV )RUDGGLWLRQDOLQIRUPDWLRQDERXWWKLVDUWLFOH KWWSVPXVHMKXHGXDUWLFOH Access provided by Queen's University Library (1 Aug 2016 17:45 GMT) Mouseion, Series III, Vol. 13 (2016) 359–450 © 2016 Mouseion (published in 2016) New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Fabio Colivicchi, Gian Luca Gregori, Mariafrancesca Lanza, Antonella Lepone, Michele Scalici, Angela Trentacoste, and Cristiana Zaccagnino Abstract/Résumé Excavations conducted by Queen’s University in the central area of the Etruscan city of Caere, near the so-called hypogaeum of Clepsina, have brought to light a sequence of phases indicative of a longer and more complex history of urban occupation at the site than previously thought. The earliest stratigraphic evidence uncovered so far dates to the Late Iron Age, followed by an Orientalizing building with wall paintings, an important Archaic phase, and a large-scale renovation datable to the third century bc. Occupation was intense until the late first and early second century ad. Excavation and geophysical prospection have revealed a regular urban plan in the area between the centre of the city plateau and the sanctuary of Manganello. Research within the hypogaeum, particularly infrared imaging, has allowed for a better reading of wall paintings, drawings, and inscriptions, including two previously unknown texts. Les fouilles conduites par l’Université Queen’s au centre de la cité étrusque de Caeré, près du monument connu comme l’hypogée de Clepsina, ont mis en lumière une série de phases d’occupation du site qui révèle une présence urbaine plus longue et plus complexe qu’on ne le pensait jusqu’à présent. Le plus ancien témoignage stratigraphique découvert à ce jour remonte à la fin de l’Âge du fer ; il est suivi par un édifice orientalisant orné de peintures murales, une importante phase archaïque et une rénovation à large échelle qui peut être datée du IIIe siècle avant notre ère. L’occupation y fut intense jusqu’à la fin du Ie-début du IIe siècle de notre ère. Des fouilles et des prospections géophysiques ont révélé un plan urbain régulier dans la zone située entre le centre du plateau de la cité et le sanctuaire de Manganello. Des recherches menées à l’intérieur de l’hypogée, particulièrement à l’aide de l’imagerie à infrarouge, ont permis une meilleure lecture des peintures murales, des dessins et des inscriptions, révélant entre autres deux textes inconnus jusqu’à présent. Introduction (Fabio Colivicchi) This article presents the results of an archaeological research project in the urban area of Caere, the important Etruscan city that lies approximately 45 kilometres northwest of Rome, directed by Fabio Colivicchi of Queen’s 359 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues University (Kingston, ON, Canada) (fig. 1).1 The area under investigation is located in the centre of the plateau of the ancient city (fig. 2). The new excavations are a part of a research project that focuses on the development of urbanism in Etruria and especially on the role played by religion. It is also an excellent opportunity to investigate the long-term urban history of Caere, which includes the period following the political incorporation of the city into the Roman res publica, which historians maintain resulted in the city’s abandonment, a hypothesis that our team is testing against new archaeological data. The site was chosen because of its central position in the urban fabric of Caere, the presence of an uninterrupted archaeological sequence covering all periods of occupation, and the prescence of a highly significant monument, the hypogaeum of Clepsina, which dates to the period of change in the political status of Caere and may have been the religious centre of the community around which the physical space of the ancient city revolved. The proximity of other excavated areas and the opportunity to investigate the surrounding fields with non-invasive methods further increases its research potential. The first campaigns of 2012–2014 have provided a wealth of information on the urban history of Caere, particularly with respect to the lesserknown phases of occupation. Prior to this project, fieldwork was carried out at the site in quite different circumstances. In the nineteenth century, when it was known as Vigna Marini-Vitalini, private for-profit excavations produced a large quantity of architectural terracottas, which were promptly sold to European and North American museums.2 Information on these excavations is minimal, and almost nothing is known about the structures hastily brought to light and soon backfilled.3 This area of the city was targeted by nineteenth-century “treasure hunters” because of the emerging ruins of the Roman theatre in the neighbouring Vigna Parrocchiale and the discovery of a group of statues of the Julio-Claudian imperial family and other sculptures in the nearby Vigna Grande.4 After this hectic phase of activity, only looters visited the field until the 1980s when the Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (CNR), directed by Short report on the first campaign in Colivicchi 2013; Colivicchi, Lanza, and Scalici 2014. 2 See Sannibale et al. 2013: 39 (Rome, Vatican), 44–45 (Berlin, Antikensammlung), 47 (Paris, Louvre), 50 (London, British Museum), 54–57 (Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek; New York, Metropolitan Museum; Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania), with references. 3 On the nineteenth-century excavations at Vigna Marini, see Colivicchi 2003: 14; Nardi 2003: 153–158; Gaultier and Haumesser 2013, with references. 4 Fuchs, Liverani and Santoro 1989; Liverani 2005. 1 360 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 1. South Etruria and Latium (Ancient World Mapping Center) 361 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 2. The city plateau with the findspots of architectural terracottas (circle) and votives (triangle). Vigna Marini Vitalini is no. 2, Vigna Parrocchiale is no. 1 (Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche) 362 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Mauro Cristofani, carried out important excavations at Vigna Parrocchiale.5 Cristofani and his team subsequently extended their activities to the Vigna Marini-Vitalini and, in particular, to the monument that became known as the hypogaeum of Clepsina.6 When visited by the CNR team, the hypogaeum consisted of a stairway and a long access corridor leading to an underground chamber with two tall openings in the northeast wall, beyond which was a space filled with rubble (figs. 3–4). In the southwest wall was a niche with wall paintings, a palm tree on each side, and faded figures in the back. In the centre of the niche was a narrow opening beyond which was a partially obstructed tunnel in the ceiling of which one could see the round shaft of a well. Immediately before the access to the chamber, a second corridor, also obstructed, led off from the main one. The presence of wall paintings and Latin inscriptions set this building apart from the usual rock-cut utilitarian structures. The earliest inscription is that of a prominent figure of the Roman political scene, C. Genucius Clepsina, consul in 276 and in 270 bc (fig. 5).7 The text, one of the earliest inscriptions mentioning a Roman historical personality, reads “C. Genucio(s) Clousino(s) prai.” The second part of the text was traced on wet plaster, while the first was added when the surface had hardened. A series of inscriptions traced with lampblack is evidence for the later use of this room in the Severan period for the celebration of the Rosalia, a festival both private and public in which ancestors were honoured with the offering of crowns of roses, and anniversaries of collective and familiar traditions— the death of individuals, the birth of collegia, deities, and emperors—were celebrated.8 Cristofani suggested that the building was originally a sort of underground nymphaeum for nuptial rituals, and Gian Luca Gregori proposed that there was a later re-use of the room for mystery rites and that the Rosalia festival was possibly related to the cult of Isis.9 Mario Torelli joined the debate on the nature of the building and proposed that the Rosalia were a continuation of the original rituals in a slightly altered form. He also interpreted the paintings of the niche as a reference to Bellelli 2008, with previous bibliography. Cristofani 1986a; Cristofani 1989; Cristofani and Gregori 1987. 7 On the identity of Clepsina, there is general consensus, with the exceptions of T.C. Brennan (2000: 652–55), who thinks he might be a later and otherwise unknown namesake, and S. Sisani (2011: 710–11), who suggests that he was a son of the consul, since the office would not be appropriate for a man who was at the peak of his career. However, 1) the progression of the cursus was not yet standardized, and 2) the office of first praefectus of the new praefectura of Caere was prestigious and worthy of a man of political stature, also because it offered ample opportunities to renew and grow his clientele. On the Genucii in the territory of Caere, see Naso 1986. 8 On the Rosalia, see Nilsson 1914; Nilsson 1951; Torelli 2000: 157–59; on the funerary aspect of the festival, see also Ascough 2004. 9 Cristofani and Gregori 1987. 5 6 363 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 3. Map of the “hypogaeum of Clepsina” (Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche) Figure 4. Section of the “hypogaeum of Clepsina” (Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche) 364 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 5. RTI image of the inscription of C. Genucius Clepsina (A. Gabov/Caere Project) the cult of the Lares and advanced a different identification of the building.10 In particular, he referred to a passage of Varro,11 who distinguishes between three types of templum: the “natural” one, the heavens; the one “on the earth,” which replicates its shape and orientation for taking auspices; and the one “under the earth,” which is similar to the other two. As a templum sub terra, the square chamber would have been the underground equivalent of the augural templum and the reproduction of the celestial templum. Certain underground cult places of Rome, and especially the mundus of the forum, would also fall into this category of underground religious spaces.12 The mundus of Rome is also described as an underground likeness of the heavens13 and was considered the centre of the city of Rome or, at least, one of the places that played the role of the symbolic centre of the city.14 The Torelli 2000. Varro Ling. 7.6: “Templum tribus modis dicitur, a natura, ab auspicando, a similitudine: a natura in coelo, ab auspiciis in terra, a similitudine sub terra.” 12 The hypogaeum of Clepsina is listed among the archaeological examples of templum in Torelli 2005 and of mundus in Marcattili 2005. 13 Fest. 144.14 L: “Sic refert Cato in Commentariis Iuris Civilis: mundo nomine impositum est ab eo mundo qui supra nos est, forma enim eius est, ut ex his qui intravere cognoscere potui, adsimilis illae.” 14 On the mundus of the Roman forum, see Coarelli 1983: 199–226, with previous bibliography (Coarelli 1996); on its religious significance and the symbolism of the centre, see also Deroux 2004; Calisti 2007. 10 11 365 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues construction or renovation of the underground complex was probably sponsored by Clepsina in his capacity as first praefectus iure dicundo of Caere after its incorporation into the Roman state in 273 bc, an office that made him a sort of new founder. If this is the mundus of Caere, the ideal centre of the city space and community identity, his initiative makes perfect sense. The University of Perugia resumed the fieldwork here in 2001–2003 in search of new evidence relevant to this ongoing debate.15 It was found that the two supposed doors in the northeast wall are actually windows, through which the chamber opens onto a deep square court—a cavaedium—that was probably open to the sky (fig. 6). The short corridor that turns before the access to the room ends in a door on the northwest side of the court. A stairway enters the court in its west corner and descends along its side until it meets the door. At this point, one can either turn left and reach the north–south corridor or continue the descent. From the stairway, there is an unobstructed view of the niche through one of the windows. This was surely an intentional and important feature, as confirmed by the presence of a large painting, regrettably very damaged, on the wall of the court just beside this window. The court has not been fully explored because of safety issues, but certainly the stairway continues along the northeast side. During excavations by the team from Perugia, remains of the earlier occupation phases, which will be discussed below, also came to light. Fieldwork Geophysical Survey (Fabio Colivicchi) Excavation was preceded by a geo-magnetic survey of the Vigna Marini and of other fields between the centre of the plateau and the Manganello sanctuary. The Caere project contracted with Marco Di Lieto (s.r.l.) and Indagini Geofisiche Tomogea (s.r.l.) to conduct a survey of the site in October 2010.16 The aim of the survey was to gather preliminary information on the urban setting of the hypogaeum. A previous small-scale geo-physical survey of the Fondazione Lerici around the hypogaeum had shown the potential of this method.17 A Geometrics G-858 high sensitivity “walking” magnetometer in gradiometric configuration was used to cover 10 square areas (A–J), moving in a continuous mode along one metre traverses, with markers every five metres. The survey revealed two systems of linear anomalies (fig. 7) One (A) is found only in a small area near the slope of the plateau and is probably recent, as it is aligned with modern property boundaries. The other (B) extends over all of the surveyed area, overlapping the smaller one. The larger system is 15 16 Rizzo. 17 Colivicchi 2003; Torelli and Fiorini 2008. The survey was carried out by Marco di Lieto, Gregory de Martino and Enzo Cucarzi and Rosa 2003. 366 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 6. Map of the area excavated by the University of Perugia in 2001–2003 with the position of the hypogaeum (M. Di Lieto/Caere Project) 367 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues 368 Figure 7. Interpretation of the magnetometry of Vigna Marini Vitalini and the neighbouring fields, with the Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche’s excavations of Vigna Parrocchiale and the University of Perugia and Queen’s University excavations of Vigna Marini (dashed line: system A; dash-dotted line: system B) (M. Di Lieto/Caere Project) New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere formed by linear anomalies parallel or orthogonal with one another. The resulting grid has the same orientation as the hypogaeum complex and the buildings excavated at Vigna Parrocchiale.18 One of the longer anomalies runs diagonally through the Vigna Marini. Excavation The excavations were carried out in three areas numbered 1, 2, and 3. Areas 1 and 3 are near the hypogaeum, in part overlapping the earlier Perugia excavation and extending further northeast. The exploration of the hypogaeum was also resumed, since the main chamber had never been fully excavated. Area 2, the largest, lies southwest of the other two, in a portion of the field traversed by the long linear anomaly revealed by the geo-magnetometry. The excavation was an open area, and stratigraphy was recorded following the protocol of the Italian Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali.19 Finds were hand collected, and the most reliable stratigraphic units were sampled for flotation.20 A field laboratory of conservation operated at the site for the preliminary treatment of delicate artefacts and structures.21 The site corresponds to the central area of the city of Caere, and the archaeological sequence is extremely long. The earliest stratigraphic contexts identified so far date to the Late Iron Age, but there are some earlier residual finds. The most important building phases date to the Early Orientalizing period (which, in Etruria, is traditionally dated to between 730 and 670 bc), the Late Archaic (circa 530–480 bc), and the third century bc, but occupation was intense and uninterrupted until the early second century ad, followed by a more limited use of the area at least until the Severan period. What follows is a discussion of the excavation by area and phase, including the architecture and dating information. Areas 1 and 3 Areas 1 and 3 are located northeast of the stairway of the hypogaeum, in part overlapping the sector excavated by the University of Perugia in 2001– 2003 (fig. 8). The Queen’s University campaigns have brought to light new data that has substantially increased our understanding of urban life and organization at Caere, especially on the earlier phases (Late Iron Age and Orientalizing). Despite the destruction produced by later building phases, 18 The existence of a constant orientation in the area has been observed by Cristofani 1991: 18–19, 53; Cristofani et al. 1992: 57; Nijboer 1998: 149; Colivicchi 2003: 37–39; Colivicchi 2014: 59. 19 Parise Badoni and Ruggeri 1984. 20 Donatella Novellis is completing the flotation of the samples for her study of floral remains. 21 The laboratory was staffed by graduate students of the Art Conservation Program of Queen’s University supervised by Krysia Spirydowicz. 369 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 8. Map of Area 3 and Area 1, with the University of Perugia excavations and the hypogaeum (M. Di Lieto/Caere Project) 370 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 9. Map of Area 3 (M. Di Lieto/Caere Project) agricultural activity, and authorized and unauthorized excavations, the strata and features of the Orientalizing period have partially survived here. Floors with pits and postholes were uncovered already in 2001 and 2003, but only the layers covering them were excavated at that time. Near the stairway of the hypogaeum (Area 3), the stratigraphy was badly disturbed, and the earliest datable ancient layer brought to light under the topsoil dates to the second half of the sixth century bc as a terminus post quem (fig. 9). Under this layer were deposits of debris produced by a fire that destroyed an earlier structure. Numerous fragments of clay plaster, frequently with the print of the wattle structure they covered, were found in the destruction layers. Many of them have a painted surface.22 The largest portion of plaster has a simple pattern with alternating bands in dark red and orange on the pale background of the plaster (fig. 10). Other smaller fragments show patterns with angles and round bands, and some also have a white surface. The specimens analyzed reveal the presence of an outer layer enriched with calcium carbonate, on which the pigments were applied in a mixture of limewater. The orange and red pigments are oxides of iron and manganese, while the white is calcite.23 These colours and patterns are almost identical to those found in the rock-cut tombs at Caere, in particular, the Tomba Men22 2013a. 23 Colivicchi 2003: 22; Torelli and Fiorini 2008: 148; Torelli 2011a: 405; Fiorini Miliani et al. 2003. 371 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 10. Fragments of painted plaster under excavation garelli (675–650 bc), with linear patterns and circles in dark red and yellow/ orange on the pale tuff background.24 It appears that the tombs of Caere, which were detailed rock-cut reproductions of domestic architecture, also mirrored the actual trends of interior decoration in the colours and patterns of their wall paintings. The absence of black, which appears in later tombs such as the Tomba dei Denti di Lupo (circa 630 bc), also confirms the early dating of the wall painting.25 These data agree with the finds in the destruction layers, especially in regard to the Greek and local geometric-style pottery and impasto pottery, dated to the early seventh century bc, while later classes such as bucchero are absent.26 The destruction layers covered a beaten earth floor with differently sized and shaped pits for which we can discern no clear function, save for three postholes. In 2014, this floor was brought to light again and excavated. The surface is smooth and regular, made of a very hard and durable mix of clay, chips of tuff, and, less frequently, small potsherds as well as splinters of animal bones. The finds date to between the late eighth and the early seventh century bc. Some of the pottery and bone fragments probably became embedded in the floor during its usage phase. Under the floor surface the soil Naso 1996: 29–34. Naso 1996: 38–42. 26 Zaccagnino 2003. 24 25 372 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 11. Fragment of stone mould becomes slightly less compact and contains larger fragments, with a higher frequency of earlier finds, especially Iron Age impasto. This is probably the floor preparation, laid down to level the underlying bedrock. Among the finds of this layer, there is evidence for earlier occupation, such as fragments of unpainted daub. Particularly interesting are a crucible fragment that still contains some bronze and a stone mould for casting small rings (fig. 11). The dimensions of the crucible suggest that it was used for the production of small objects, such as ornaments. In fact, tiny chips of amber were also found in the floor preparation, and in a disturbed context nearby, a piece of red deer antler was found, from which small cylindrical “tubes” had been created with a drill, which were probably used to make fibulae with bone and amber discs on a wire arc. The floor continues beyond the pipes of the modern aqueduct where the Perugia excavations stopped. A section of a wall (450/2014) was uncovered in this area, which was built directly onto the floor preparation.27 The wall is made of slightly irregular tuff blocks and is very similar to a small section of the wall that is orthogonal to it (8/2001 = 396/2014) and which was once probably connected.28 Neither wall has a proper foundation trench, 27 A progressive number identifies each stratigraphic unit. The year of excavation is added for Areas 1 and 3 to avoid confusion with the units of the University of Perugia excavation, some of which were brought to light again and excavated by the Queen’s University team. 28 Fiorini (in Torelli and Fiorini 2008) dates this wall to the same phase as 5 = 40/2001 = 383/2014, in spite of their different technique and stratigraphic relationships. 373 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues and both lie directly on the Orientalizing leveling fill, while the upper layer of beaten earth abuts them. At the foot of the wall (450/2014) were found many fragments of clay plaster with white surface similar to those found on the floor in 2001, but thinner and without wattle prints. The remains appear to belong to a square or rectangular structure with a stone socle and wattle and daub walls.29 The pieces of painted plaster found on the floor—thick and with wattle prints on the back—must have collapsed from the upper part of the walls or possibly the ceiling, while the fragments at the foot of the wall (450/2014), which appear thinner and with a fairly regular back side, originally covered the stone socle. Another section of beaten earth floor with holes came to light in 2003 above the subterranean room and was excavated in 2012 (Area 1).30 The assemblage of finds is the same as the other floor near the hypogaeum stairway. At the northeast limit of the floor is a wall (158/2003) very similar to the two sections (450/2014 and 8/2001 = 396/2014) that were excavated in the other area (fig. 8).31 Like these walls, it is set directly on the Orientalizing floor preparation with no visible foundation trench, and the orientation is the same. It is likely that the floor and wall belong to the same complex as the remains of Area 3. Archaeological evidence of occupation even earlier than the Orientalizing period was also found in the northeast sector of Area 3, between later foundations that partially cut through it. A floor comprised of pebbles and clay has come to light (fig. 12) under which was found a one-handled impasto cup of the third quarter of the eighth century bc (fig. 13).32 It appears that this vessel was intentionally buried, perhaps as an offering. Near the cup and under the pebble floor was part of another floor made of small flat pebbles. In the northest sector of Area 3, later building phases and agricultural activity have almost completely destroyed the earlier layers. However, an impasto vessel that can be dated to between the late Iron Age and the 29 It has been suggested that a small clay lump found in 2003 along the foundation trench a wall 5 = 40 was the remain of a clay wall (Colivicchi 2003: 23; Torelli and Fiorini 2008: 149–50; Fiorini 2013a). However, it is likely only a cluster of compacted fragments of clay plaster. 30 Torelli and Fiorini 2008: 146–147. The text is about the area near the stairway, but the photo shows this floor. 31 L. Fiorini (Torelli and Fiorini 2008: 157) dates this wall to a late phase, together with other completely different structures. 32 This type is well known at Caere both in the cemeteries and in the urban area (Cavagnaro Vanoni 1966: 119, tav. 43, t. 164 Laghetto 1; 203, tav. 25, t. 248 Laghetto 2; 217, tav. 43, t. 323 Laghetto 2; Pohl 1972, 36, t. 166 no. 1; 114, t. 41, no. 2; 208, t. 451 no. 1; Moscati 1993: 229 tipo 4, H 23.1–4). 374 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 12. Area 3, floor of pebbles and clay Figure 13. Impasto cup under excavation 375 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Orientalizing period was found in a small pit dug into the bedrock.33 Pits and cuts in the bedrock dating to the early occupation phases were also visible near the open court of the hypogaeum. In one of these cuts, a small bronze figurine of a bent figure with both hands raised to its mouth was found, perhaps a pendant, dating probably to the first half of the seventh century bc.34 The remains of the Orientalizing structures were in part cut into, and in part covered by, other buildings with the same orientations. Their building technique is visibly different, with foundations of regular square blocks laid inside wide trenches, the fill of which contains Archaic materials. In the same phase, a massive structure of large blocks was also built, abutted by a series of superimposed sandy layers that make the floor level significantly higher than in the Orientalizing period. This was clearly an important building phase, but the limited extent of the excavated area and the destruction of most of the associated stratigraphy does not allow for preliminary interpretation of the nature and layout of the Archaic structures. The Semi-Subterranean Shrine of Area 1 (Cristiana Zaccagnino) The most important structure of the following period prior to the construction of the hypogaeum has come to light in Area 1, a small trench overlapping the pipes of the modern aqueduct of Cerveteri, which was partially excavated by the University of Perugia (fig. 8). It was found that the trench dug for the aqueduct pipes in the 1950s and the 1960s had cut through the upper part of an ancient structure, a small semi-subterranean room (1.77 × 1.54 m, approximately 3.20 m deep), oriented northeast by southwest. Based on its architecture and the associated finds, this room was identified as a shrine. The upper part of the structure is built of tuff blocks, while the lower is carved deep into the bedrock. The structure was filled with a layer of sandy soil mixed with stones, rich in pottery fragments and animal bones, the upper part of which had been disturbed by the aqueduct trench. Some blocks of the upper part of the structure had also been destroyed (fig. 14). A stairway of eight steps enters the room from the southwest. All steps are carved into the tuff bedrock except the first two, which are cut into a large block. The lowest step is wider than the others and expands into a sort of small platform (fig. 15). A well, the upper shaft of which is built of stone blocks, opens left of the entrance. Based on the small part of the structure that was visible in 2003, Lucio Fiorini thought that the stairway was blocked by the well, which he believed to be the one at the end of the tunnel beyond the niche of the hypogaeum.35 Our excavations demonstrate that this well is not connected to the tunnel, and its upper part does not encroach on the stairway but, rather, rests on See, for example, from the Sorbo cemetery Pohl 1972: 76, t. 283, no. 1; 99, t. 421, no. 2; 126–277, t. 89, no. 4; 130, t. 100, no. 3; 146, t. 180, no. 2; 163, t. 288, no. 1; 177, t. 321, no. 6. 34 Colivicchi 2003: 21. 35 Torelli and Fiorini 2008: 157; Fiorini 2013b. 33 376 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 14. The aqueduct pipes and their trench cutting through the upper part of the shrine Figure 15. Northwest–southeast section of point cloud looking southwest, showing the stairway, the southeast niche (left), and the northwest niche (right) (DuoArchitects/L. Tarantini) 377 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 16. The southeast niche the bedrock just beside the rock-cut stairway. On the southeast side, a small trapezoidal niche has been cut (height 0.70 × 0.60 m) (fig. 16), while on the northeast and northwest sides, two taller niches can be found, starting from the floor level. Inside the northwest niche (height 1.30 × 0.92 m) is a small block, covered with fragments of tiles and mortar, which fills a semicircular cut in the floor (fig. 17). This feature appears to have certain elements in common with altar iota at Pyrgi, particularly a vertical conduit cut through a block and covered by a movable stone.36 The northeast niche (height 1.34 m), opposite the stairway, is closed by large tuff blocks (fig. 18). It appears that a second well broke through the niche and partially destroyed it and that the gap in the shaft of the well was filled with blocks. This well belongs to a later phase, since its upper section abuts the wall (63/2012) outlining the southeast side of the room. The diameter and construction of this well is the same as the other one, but it is not clear if they belong to the same phase. The features of the shrine—underground location, niches possibly with conduits, wells—point to a locus of chthonic ritual. In many ways, this structure is similar to the underground room beneath the temple of Vigna Parrocchiale. According to Vincenzo Bellelli, this room was originally a part of an artisanal compound but was later repurposed as a facility for the cult of Vei, to whom the temple may have been dedicated.37 36 37 Colonna 2012: 213, fig. 17–18. Bellelli 2008; also see Torelli, forthcoming, for a different interpretation. 378 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 17. The northwest niche At this preliminary stage, it is impossible to identify the recipient(s) of the cult, although the associated finds confirm the cultic nature of the structure and give valuable dating information. The assemblage from the upper, partly disturbed fill and that from the lower layer are very similar, and most artefacts date to the sixth century. The upper fill (64/2012) contains a very 379 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 18. The northeast niche with the blocks few later objects dating to the fifth, fourth, and third centuries bc, clearly the result of contamination that occurred probably during the construction of the aqueduct, while in the lower and more reliable context (97/2012), there is nothing later than the beginning of the fifth century bc. The pottery consists predominantly of vases for the preparation and consumption of food and drinks, such as cooking pots and bucchero kantharoi and chalices. Three 380 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 19. Attic black-figure lekanis (M. Scalici) rare bucchero phialai with omphalos and the handle of a kyathos are more specifically related to ritual activity. Several vases bear graffiti—isolated letters, groups of letters, and a personal name.38 A notable find is a fragmentary Attic black-figure lekanis attributed to the KX Painter or a follower (circa 580 bc) (fig. 19).39 Both the upper and the lower layers also contain fragments of roof tiles and architectural terracottas. Two pieces of a sima from 64/2012 belong to a well-known series, found with a few variants at Caere, Pyrgi, Velletri, Cisterna, Rome, and Satricum (fig. 20).40 Animal bones are abundant, and their condition indicates that they were buried quickly and that post-depositional disturbance was minimal.41 In general, both layers appear to be the result of a single action, an intentional fill deposited in the early fifth century bc to close a decommissioned shrine. This was also a period of important change in the adjacent Vigna Parrocchiale, where the large temple was built. The pottery does not appear to be a primary deposition, even though there are many matching pieces, while the animal bones may have been deposited immediately after a ritual, such as a sacrifice followed by a meal and libations or as a food offering. The Later Phases (Fabio Colivicchi) In Area 1 and 3, it is difficult to date the remains due to the damage done by recent agricultural activity, illegal excavations, and the trench for the aqueduct (fig. 9). Consequently, only a small portion of the stratigraphy can be dated securely to the phase when the hypogaeum was built and to subsequent periods. In 2014, a large stone drain was brought to light near the northeast Enrico Benelli is studying the Etruscan inscriptions of the Queen’s University excavation. 39 Zaccagnino 2014. 40 See Winter 2009: 400–405; Guarino 2010: 28–29. 41 See the section by Trentacoste later in this article. 38 381 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 20. Fragment of raking sima excavation limit. The channel is made of regular stone blocks and is laid on compact soil abutting a wall that terraces the slope (378 = 451/2014). The drain directed water to the northwest, toward the edge of the city plateau and the Manganello stream. Another wall is nearby (377/2014), which also continues northwest beyond the excavation limit, which suggests that the 382 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere drain may have been set in a narrow space between two parallel terrace walls. These may have functioned as a boundary, separating the area of the hypogaeum from the Vigna Parrocchiale, which is on slightly higher ground. It is not possible to date these structures precisely since the layers in association have not yet been excavated. However, their stratigraphic relationship with the earlier structures and their building technique—stone blocks bound by mortar—suggest a date later than the Archaic structures. The Hypogaeum (Fabio Colivicchi) First mentioned in a thesis that remained unpublished because of the untimely death of its author,42 and later brought to the attention of the scientific community by Mauro Cristofani, the hypogaeum has been considered primarily in a historical and religious light.43 However, all proposed interpretations advanced to date have been based on incomplete and flawed evidence. Prior to the excavation by Queen’s University, the subterranean part of the complex was largely unexcavated and even the campaigns of the University of Perugia did not explore an area large enough to appreciate its full extent and layout. One of the goals of the new research project at Vigna Marini is to complete the exploration of the monument and publish a complete scientific report. The stairway, the corridor, and the chamber with niches (all noted previously) have been completely excavated. As was to be expected, no ancient layers have survived undisturbed. However, it is possible to detect traces of its long usage and of damage that occurred to the structure itself after its abandonment. The floor of the hypogaeum and the connected corridors is paved with a thick and extremely durable white mortar with a stone aggregate. This pavement lacks any decorative patterns and is laid directly on the tuff bedrock in the same building phase as the wall plaster, which is securely dated by the inscription of Clepsina. During the intervention of the CNR, only a small portion of the floor of the chamber and of the side corridor was exposed.44 In the centre of the room is a small round gap in the floor, above which is a hole in the ceiling with the remains of a bronze clamp.45 It is not clear if the hole in the floor was caused by the removal of an object set there or if the damage is recent. Excavation also revealed that the solid tuff below the niche was cut out. It appears that the missing part was not simply destroyed but also pulled out in one piece, leaving only its profile in the plaster of the Camerini 1975–1976. Cristofani and Gregori 1987; earlier short reports in Cristofani 1986a; Cristofani 1989. Short mentions in Harris 1984: 58; Cristofani 1991: 21. 44 Cristofani and Gregori 1987: 3–4. 45 Still visible in 2002, it was later removed by unknown visitors. 42 43 383 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues two sides (fig. 21).46 The plaster line shows that the upper part of the removed piece was not flat but, rather, had a stepped profile. If this was an ancient action, the removal of an important cultic implement could have marked the closure of the shrine. The excavation of the chamber also allowed for a complete survey of its surfaces, with the construction of an ultra-high definition photomosaic and the use of advanced imaging techniques (infrared, multispectral, reflectance transformation imaging [RTI]).47 The result is that previously known inscriptions have become easier to read, and two new texts have appeared.48 Of equal significance, this imaging technology combined with sampling has allowed the paintings in the niche to be analyzed with regard to technique and pigments.49 The resulting images of the niche paintings allow for a new and radically different reading of the very deteriorated figures on the back wall (fig. 22). The previous scholarly interpretations have identified two palmettes on the back wall, between which Mario Torelli recognized a standing figure,50 a sort of caryatid supporting a capital,51 an image that he compared to a dokanon, a non-figural representation of the Dioscuri. The presence of such a representation would be perfectly appropriate in a space identified as a chthonic shrine of the public Lares, figures that could be easily identified with the Dioscuri. In more recent contributions, Torelli has not mentioned the dokanon again,52 and, instead, has seen two small altars under the palmettes.53 Our new, more detailed data set indicates that Torelli’s interpretation requires substantial revision. First of all, the paintings of the back wall and the palm trees most likely belong to different phases. The two palm trees have complex mixtures of pigments and show clear marks such as brushstrokes left by the handling of the paint. Paint application is multi-layered, 46 As duly recorded by Cristofani and Gregori (1987: 4) and Torelli (2000: 147), who hypothesized that an altar was once set here (166). In later articles, the altar is mentioned as if it was actually there (Marcattili 2009: 23; Fiorini 2013b). The reconstructive drawing in Carandini (2000) is largely incorrect. 47 Alexander Gabov is responsible for the imaging of the hypogaeum. 48 Cristofani and Gregori 1987. 49 A technical study of the paintings by Kate Helwig and Barbara Klempan is forthcoming. 50 Torelli 2000: 163–167. 51 Torelli 2000: 147; his interpretation is accepted in Carandini 2000; Carandini 2003: 650; Colivicchi 2003: 12; Marcattili 2006a: 624, 648; Torelli and Fiorini 2008: 143–144; Marcattili 2009: 23, 36; Podda 2012: 124–125; Fiorini 2013b. 52 Torelli and Marcattili 2010: 44, figs. 5–6; Torelli 2011a: 410 mentions palmettes and caryatid, but not the dokana (“immagini forse allusive ai Lari e alla loro madre Tacita Muta”). 53 Torelli 2005: 346–7; Torelli 2011b: 48. 384 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 21. Photo mosaic of the right side of the niche, with profile of the missing part of the structure (A. Gabov/Caere Project) 385 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 22. Photo mosaic of the upper part of the back wall of the niche (A. Gabov/Caere Project) and the edges have direct, firm boundaries. The small northeast painting, although damaged, is stylistically and technically very different. The different technique of the paintings of the back wall also explains their poor condition: room humidity and rainwater seeping in through two deep holes in the ceiling of the niche have dissolved the water-soluble colour, which has dripped down and produced the vertical streaks that some have mistaken for drawn lines.54 The dark horizontal lines below are marks of the water level during periods when the chamber was flooded after its abandonment.55 Even more important, the figures of the back wall are outlined and left unpainted, white on a dark blue background, with some finishing touches in other colours. In the upper right corner are clearly visible the head and the breast of a white dove with red beak in profile against the blue background (fig. 23). 54 55 Cristofani and Gregori 1987: 4; Carandini 2000. Mistaken for a molding in Torelli 2000: 149. 386 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 23. Detail of the upper right corner, with white dove (A. Gabov/Caere Project) The rest of the decoration is heavily damaged, but it is possible to recognize floral patterns. An orange bud is painted in the upper left corner and continues on the side wall, where its colour is much better preserved. While the upper part of the wall was decorated by ‘peopled scrolls’ with flowers, birds, and perhaps more, the rest was left unpainted. The presence of some large iron nails just below the end of the painted surface suggests that the lower part of the niche was once covered by a panel of wood, terracotta, or other material, or by some other feature that possibly also framed the tunnel’s entrance. The entire length of the tunnel beyond the niche has been explored. It is approximately 12 metres long, with slightly sloping walls and a flat ceiling into which open two wells, one at its midpoint and one at the end. All scholars have believed that the first well was the end of the tunnel and the second part was previously unknown. It was also wrongly assumed that the tunnel was connected to the well next to the stairway of the semi-subterranean shrine (see earlier discussion).56 56 Torelli and Fiorini 2008: 157; Fiorini 2013b. The square well mentioned in Torelli 2005: 346 has certainly no connection with this tunnel. 387 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 24. InfraRed image of the sketched figure (A. Gabov/Caere Project) The use of infrared imaging has allowed for a better reading of a figure sketched in the opening of the window opposite the niche that is highly suggestive of religious ritual (fig. 24). Often identified as the chariot of the Sun,57 this is certainly a figure with radiate crown or headdress slaying a bull held down by his knee. In his right hand, he holds a knife, while with the left hand he takes the bull by the horn. Such iconography is generally associated with Mithras Tauroctonos, but the figure does not wear a Phrygian cap and has a fully frontal face, almost a mask, framed by rays.58 In some cases, also including scenes of tauroctony, Mithras can be represented with radiate crown.59 If the action seems to identify the figure as Mithras, his features are strongly influenced by the iconography of Helios/Sol, and there are some differences from the canonical representation of the tauroctony: the bull is not held by the nostrils, and the dog, scorpion, snake, and raven that regularly accompany the scene are missing. 57 Torelli 2000: 150; Marcattili 2006b: 306; Marcattili 2009: 56, with incorrect dating to the Hellenistic period; Torelli 2011c: 227–228, fig. 41. 58 See Cristofani 1986a: 26; Cristofani 1989: 170. Cristofani and Gregori 1987: 12 proposed that the sketch could represent a solar god other than Mithras or an initiate with the features of a solar deity. 59 Vollkommer 1992: nos. 62, 103, 116, 229, 307. 388 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere The stress on the solar nature of Mithras is by no means exceptional, but, in this case, may be significant and depend on the place where the figure was sketched—the window through which a visual axis oriented northeast– southwest reaches the niche of the underground room from the stairway of the open court. On the day of the winter solstice, a direct ray of the setting sun might have lit the niche. This possible connection to a crucial passage of the annual cycle and the beginning of the “rebirth” of the sun suggests a direct allusion to the chthonic aspect of the solar cult. This underground space may also have been appropriate for an image of Mithras in a more general way. While it is unlikely that the room was transformed into a mithraeum, given the almost complete lack of features typically associated with mithrea and the almost hidden location of this small and raw sketch, one of the late users of this space, perhaps one of those who wrote the Rosalia inscriptions,60 may have found it appropriate to draw an image of the popular god in this place. This interpretation seems particularly appropriate if the space was originally a mundus since the mithraic cave was a likeness of the cosmos61 as was the mundus described by the sources. In addition, the possible presence of a device for solar hierophany would have made the connection with Mithras almost inevitable. A detailed study of the surfaces of the hypogaeum provides valuable clues about its usage throughout its extremely long life. A very large number of holes for nails both large and small are visible on the walls of the room and are especially numerous on the northeast wall. There is no apparent order or pattern other than that there is a clear concentration at mid-height. It is possible that they were used to hang offerings, such as the garlands of roses presented during the Rosalia. However, there are several options, and certainly not all of the nails served the same purpose or date to the same period. There are also patches of white plaster repairing damaged areas in the floor and residues of white crumbly mortar on the lower part of the northwest, northeast, and southeast walls.62 An invasive post-abandonment intervention has come to light in the access corridor, where a large trench was dug, completely destroying the floor and part of the last steps and the wall on the left side of the entrance. The mark of the original floor level is clearly visible on the walls.63 60 The Rosalia inscriptions and the sketch are remarkably similar in style and technique. 61 As clearly stated by Porphyry (de Antro, 6). On the symbolism of the Mithraeum, see Beck 2006: esp. 102–152, with bibliography. 62 Considered limestone concretions by Cristofani and Gregori 1987: 3. 63 Cristofani and Gregori (1987: 3) mentions a gently sloping floor, and in the published section (here fig. 5) is visible a floor level that does not correspond to the traces of the ancient one. The last steps of the stairs are also missing. 389 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Inscriptions (Gian Luca Gregori) Two new inscriptions were discovered by the Queen’s University team as a result of the complete excavation of the chamber and the imaging of its walls, which also allowed for a better reading of the already known texts. The new texts belong to the same general phase as the other inscriptions and confirm the later usage of the hypogaeum for the celebration of the Rosalia and possibly other rituals. A new edition of the entire epigraphic dossier is now being prepared,64 which will correct some of the misprints in the first edition.65 The new inscriptions are presented here preliminarily, following the style already used in the first edition and starting from the same numbering system. 10. A few letters traced with black carbon can be distinguished on the SE wall, 60 cm from the left corner, 194 cm above the floor and 37 cm below the crown moulding (fig. 25). The height of the letters is variable (cm 5.5, 3.5, 17). Proposed reading of the text: -----[r]o[s]as [- - - - -] - - - - - -? Like the texts numbered 6, 7, and 9, this inscription may record the celebration of the Rosalia ceremony (rosas complerunt) by a group of people gathered in the hypogaeum. The letters are rather faint, but they are comparable to those of the other texts traced with black carbon, which can be dated to the early third century ad by virtue of consular dating [Impp.] M. Aurelio Antonino III cos. / [[P. Septimio Geta II cos.]]. (text no. 4). 11. A few letters engraved and retraced multiple times are visible on the NE wall, 154 cm from the niche, 140 cm from the right corner, 60 cm below the crown moulding, and 66 cm above the floor (fig. 26). The height of the letters is 15 centimetres. The most probable reading is: Gaudi! No other letters seem to follow, so we can rule out the surname Gaudiosus or the common term gaudium. The proposed reading assumes the imperative form of the verb gaudeo, which could fit in the context of the rituals celebrated in this room.66 If this hypothesis is correct, then the word gaude became gaudi in the inscription, probably as a result of the influence of spoken Latin. There are only two other engraved texts of Imperial age on the walls of the hypogaeum, and both refer to a request of salus (numbers 8, a–b). I had the opportunity to descend into the hypogaeum after 25 years on 9 July 2013, accompanied by David Nonnis, and on 29 May 2014, with Gianmarco Giosa. 65 Cristofani and Gregori 1987. 66 The exhortatory subjunctive form gaudias (CIL 13.10018: 97) as well as the form gaude (CIL 13.10018: 98) are also found painted on cups. The imperative form is frequently used in exclamations such as semper gaude (CIL 8.10479: 1) or vivas in deo, gaude semper (CIL 8.10550). 64 390 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 25. Photo of inscription no. 10 (A. Gabov/Caere Project) Figure 26. RTI image of inscription no. 11 (A. Gabov/Caere Project) 391 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues The Area South of the Clepsina Complex: Area 2 (Fabio Colivicchi) A large trench was opened in 2013 and 2014 where one of the longest linear anomalies detected by the geo-magnetometry crosses the field, which slopes gently toward the northwest and the Manganello sanctuary. Excavation revealed a complex situation, with a long wall of regular blocks of tuff (wall 3) that perfectly corresponds to the magnetic anomaly, flanked on the northeast side by a street. Foundations of structures are on both sides of the wall. The area has been divided into sectors (fig. 27): A: between the S limit of the area and wall 2; B: between wall 2 and wall 3; C: between wall 3 and wall 4/5; D: between wall 4/5 and the north limit of the area; and E: the southwest part of the area, south of wall 3, divided into five smaller sectors (E1–5). The archaeology of Area 2, with its architectural remains and dating information, is summarized by sector in the following sections, while a general discussion of the evidence in the broader context of the site is included in the conclusions of this article. Sector C and D (Michele Scalici) Sector C corresponds to a northwest–southeast street flanked on its south side by wall 3, a structure of regular tuff blocks that crosses the whole area (fig. 28). The street has been excavated for more than 25 metres, and it is 2.70–4 metres wide.67 Two sandy layers (32 and 70) with regular flat surfaces, which we interpreted as levelling fills, were excavated in the east part of the street. Both layers were rich in potsherds, especially coarse wares and amphorae. Some amphora necks were set vertically, probably to increase drainage. Although the west part of sector C was not in perfect condition, some large flagstones set on a sandy layer remained in situ, while the rest had clearly been robbed from the street. The finds date this construction phase to between the Augustan and Julio-Claudian period.68 On the north side, the street was delimited by structures (4, 55, 5) with slightly different orientation and made of differently sized blocks. These blocks formed the back of a wall bordering the street to the south and delimiting an open area to the north. A compact and smooth beaten earth street surface, full of tiny fragments of amphorae and with a steeper slope on its south side, has come to light beneath the paved street and its sandy base layers. Along the lateral sides are set curbs of crushed stone to facilitate drainage. A layer very similar in composition but less smooth and durable can also be found in sector C. 67 68 Colivicchi, Lanza, and Scalici 2014: 74–75. Scalici forthcoming. 392 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 27. Map of Area 2 with the position of the rock-cut cistern (M. Di Lieto/Caere Project) Figure 28. View of sector C looking west: the street between walls 3 (left) and 4/5 (right) 393 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 29. Sector D: the basin. It is probably a repair patch. This street of beaten earth rests on levelled and smoothed tuff bedrock. The artefacts indicate a terminus post quem in the second half of the second century bc.69 In this phase, the north limit of the street was wall 215, a regular structure similar and parallel to wall 3 that was reused as sub-foundation of wall 5 in more recent phases. The absence of earlier pavements suggests that they were either totally removed or that prior to the construction of the beaten earth street the bedrock was left exposed. Northeast of the street is sector D, an area that likely was damaged during the nineteenth-century excavations. Along the side of the street is a layer (142) with a high concentration of tile and pottery fragments, including architectural terracottas, which we interpret as a levelling fill. It probably dates to the late second century through early first century bc. Further north are the foundations of a structure of tuff blocks, in a corner of which is set a small basin with tuff sides and four square bricks on the bottom (fig. 29). The basin was connected through a round hole in the wall to a terracotta pipe sloping down toward the street. At this stage of the excavation, it is not yet possible to evaluate the layout and function of the building. Based on the 69 Scalici forthcoming. 394 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere preliminary study of the finds from the excavated layers, it appears to be Late Republican.70 Sectors A, B, E1, E2, and E4 (Antonella Lepone) The area on the southwest side of the street is divided into two terraces with slightly different ground levels. The upper terrace contains sectors A, B, E1, E2, and E4, while the lower terrace contains sectors E3 and E5. In sector A, traces of the nineteenth-century excavations came to light, consisting of large refilled trenches and piles of discarded construction materials, roof tiles, fragments of terracotta roof decorations, and potsherds. It appears that excavations were especially intensive in the east part of Area 2, while in the northwest sectors (sector E and part of sector C) clear traces of the agricultural use of the field were visible, with a series of parallel vine trenches oriented southeast–northwest. Apparently the nineteenth-century excavators avoided the cultivated parts of the vineyard, under which the ancient stratigraphy is much better preserved. Wall 2, which is the north limit of sector A, is made of a double row of square tuff blocks without proper foundation, which are now preserved only in part. A compacted layer sloping gently from east to west and abutting the long wall (wall 3) was exposed in the adjacent sector B. It was most likely once a beaten earth floor. This area is directly connected to other spaces at the same level (sectors E2, E4) and to a small sunken room (sector E1). This compound is separated from the northwest terrace (sectors E3 and E5) by a series of walls (83/88) at right angles to the street. The walls of room E1 with its stairway are completely covered in white plaster (fig. 30). The roof of the small structure was made of pairs of long tuff blocks resting against each other to form a gabled cover. The upper side of the roof did not have a sharp ridge; the blocks were worked to fashion a sort of very low vault, probably to better accommodate the floor of an upper room. This was not the original roof, as it was put in place by cutting a ledge into the side walls. Between the blocks and the southwest wall, a narrow space was left that had to be filled with plaster. Regrettably, the vine trenches cut through the blocks of the roof and caused it to collapse. However, since the room was almost completely filled with sediment and artefacts at the time of the collapse, the roof simply sagged, partially retaining its original shape. Because of the structural damage, the blocks had to be removed during the excavation of the room. This structure is the result of several renovations that changed room E1’s original appearance, some of which are visible in the access stairway. In particular, its southwest side is not made of large and regular tuff blocks like the rest of the room but, rather, of a patchwork of heterogenous and in part reused materials. The stairway originally had a mid-stair landing but was 70 Scalici 2013: 21–22. 395 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 30. Sunken room E1 with the re-positioned pillar, view looking south. On the back wall, marks of the gabled roof; on the side walls, ledge supporting the roof (now collapsed) later transformed into an uninterrupted flight of stairs with the addition of courses of large unplastered blocks. It appears that room E1 was filled intentionally when it went out of use. Against a small square bench in the west corner of the room was set a large basalt-like black stone of a kind usually found in Etruscan religious contexts,71 beside which was a nearly complete relief antefix representing a Nereid riding a sea monster (fig. 31). Near those two larger objects were found two Roman lamps and a terracotta votive (a finger). The finds date the fill to the early second century ad, but there are some earlier artefacts. Inside the room was also found a square pillar with a depression on the upper side that might have been originally set in the centre of the room, where a square impression is visible (fig. 30). The finds are diverse in nature and dating, and their provenance is uncertain, but it appears that the room was decommissioned following a well organized procedure, perhaps a rite of abandonment, which might confirm its religious purpose.72 If this is the case, it is possible that this was the original location of the black stone, but it is difficult to explain 71 72 Colivicchi, Lanza, and Scalici 2014. Torelli (forthcoming) has suggested that the room was a lararium. 396 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 31. Black stone and antefix as found in the west corner of E1 the presence of the antefix.73 The closure of the sunken room E1 coincides with an apparent change in the usage of the area, as indicated by the sudden decrease of finds observed in all excavation areas. In sector E2, southwest of the sunken room, was a large layer containing white lime and finds with a terminus post quem in the third century bc. On one side, the layer is contained by a wall of large blocks without proper foundation (50 = 213). The foundations of earlier walls and a sequence of layers with artefacts dating to the fifth and fourth century bc were revealed beneath the white layer. These layers were cut by a terracotta drain that passes through a wall (wall 88) and continues into sector E3. Between sector E2 and the stairway of sector E1 is the small structure E4, with a series of fills and floors containing finds dating between the Archaic period and the fourth century bc. Sectors E3 and E5 (Fabio Colivicchi) In its later occupation phase, this sector was a fairly large space with a beaten earth floor, bounded on the northeast side by the long wall flanking the street, on the southeast by the alignment of walls (wall 83 and 88) separating 73 On the ritual deposition of selected parts of terracotta roof decoration, antefixes in particular, see Rescigno 2009. 397 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 32. Plaster in the east corner of room E3, view looking northeast sector E3 from the central part of the excavation area, where floor levels were higher, and on the southwest by a structure of stone blocks, while its extent to northeast is unknown. The ancient floor level is marked by the lower edge of the layer of plaster preserved in the east corner (fig. 32). This is a thick and rather coarse coat of white plaster with abundant inclusions, among which are pebbles and fragments of pottery and tiles. The edge of the plaster at the foot of the northeast wall shows that the ground level sloped gently toward the northwest. The floor preparation is a thick layer containing stones and abundant artefacts that date its construction to the Late Republican period, with a successive Early Imperial usage period. In the east corner was found a remnant of the abandonment layer, rich in plaster fragments and cubilia of opus reticulatum that indicate the presence of concrete masonry walls, perhaps renovations and repairs of the older tuff masonry structures. The level of this floor coincides with the round opening of a well, complete with the rest for the lid or the well curb, and the upper face of a large stone block that, together with a smaller one, closed the square opening of a rock-cut cistern connected to the well. The water reservoir consists of two parts, a square chamber with a beehive vault and a slightly offset rectangular section with a flat ceiling (fig. 33). The well enters the cistern in the northwest corner. The 398 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 33. Interior of the cistern in room E3 walls and the floor are coated with waterproof plaster, while on the ceilings the tuff bedrock is left exposed with clear marks of excavation tools. Other than in the northwest part, where there is a large pile of debris fallen through the well, the cistern was found empty, except for a thin layer of silt with few finds, among which was part of a plain pitcher. It appears that the structure was simply abandoned and not reused as a dump. The well and the cistern were still in use in the last occupation phases, but their construction dates to an earlier period. The curb of the well had been repaired, and one of the original blocks with the rest for the lid had been replaced with a plain one before the last floor level was laid. The upper section of the well is built of blocks of tuff with fragments of roof tiles as space-fillers, a masonry style that is also visible in the stairway of the hypogaeum, inside a large trench that was covered by later layers. The blocks of the square opening of the cistern were laid in a cut in the bedrock, the fill of which has a terminus post quem in the Middle Republic. Under the floor of the later phase were found the foundations of earlier structures razed and buried and the vestiges of beaten earth floors. A northeast–southwest wall of large rectangular blocks (232) is laid in a wide foundation trench and set on smaller irregular stones that compensate for the sloping terrain. The finds in the associated layers date its construction 399 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues to the third century bc. Another wall of more irregular blocks (314) is immediately northeast of the square opening of the cistern. This structure certainly dates to an even earlier phase. The associated layers have not been completely investigated yet, but the terminus ante quem set by the finds so far is between the late fourth and the early third century bc. Other heavily damaged structures have come to light northeast of the round well, one of which, near the wall flanking the street, is certainly earlier than wall 232. Thick layers of dark volcanic sand were also found in sector E3, which appear to have had its floor level raised before the Late Republican building phase. The best preserved of those sandy layers abuts the foundations that define the southwest limit of the sector (structures 214, 221, 222). The blocks cover earlier structures or rest directly on the bedrock that shows a series of narrow parallel cuts at a right angle to the wall and stopping immediately before it. To an even earlier phase belong postholes, pits, and linear cuts visible where the bedrock has been exposed. The removal of the later layers in sector E3 has also shown that the long wall 3 flanking the street was built on an earlier wall with the same orientation but thicker. Part of a small space with three elongated grey stones set vertically into narrow holes of the bedrock came to light southwest of the walls of the structures 214–221 (fig. 34). The walls defining this space Figure 34. Sector E5 with the three upright stones, view from southwest 400 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere (sector E5) are made of regular square blocks of an even size, except for a single smaller block protruding above the level of the others that appears to be a later addition closing a previously open space. This gap in the wall might relate to the cuts in the bedrock observed on the other side. Building Techniques (Mariafrancesca Lanza) The excavation brought to light numerous stone structures, the analysis of which offers insight to the history of construction techniques used at the site. Three main criteria were taken into consideration in this analysis: the material, dimension, and arrangement of the elements. In many cases, the structures are preserved only in foundation. However, foundations are the most important part of a structure, bearing the load of the building and ensuring its structural integrity. Ancient builders applied the highest level of technical skill to the foundations, while the elevation determined the architectural and visual effect of the building, which depended primarily on function rather than on technical expertise. One of the main obstacles to the study of ancient architecture of this area is the low level of scholarly interest in building techniques, which has often resulted in very generic descriptions with few or no technical observations. Only recently has interest in building techniques and their social and political significance grown.74 In this light, building techniques have been studied in depth, taking full advantage of the availability of reliable dating based on the associated stratigraphy and finds. Masonry styles are diverse both from the point of view of technical features and dimensions, making the definition of a detailed typological classification difficult. However, it has been possible not only to identify recurring features in the structures of the same period but also to observe the use of the same techniques over centuries, which attests to the development of a local architectural tradition. In this venue, a preliminary description of the principal masonry styles and building phases will be presented, leaving out for now secondary types. Starting with the Orientalizing and Archaic phases, a trend toward the standardization of masonry style can be recognized. Three main types were identified in our analysis. The first and earliest is made of fairly regular rectangular blocks (approximately 0.26 × 0.43 × 0.30 m) and comprising all headers—laid with their short side exposed—without mortar and without a proper foundation trench (fig. 35). This style is used in two short sections in Area 3 (396 and 450/2014) that were once covered by fine clay plaster and supported a wall of perishable materials (see the section on Areas 1 and 3 above). The associated stratigraphy dates those structures to the first half of the seventh century bc. 74 See Belelli Marchesini 1994 for Etruria and Cifani 2008 for early Rome. 401 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 35. Area 1: Orientalizing wall 450/2014 To the same period can be dated another structure (158/2003) of large and slightly irregular blocks of grey tuff bound by earth and small river pebbles inserted in the spaces (fig. 36).75 It appears that this wall did not have a proper foundation trench. Like the previous type, the structure likely supported a building of perishable materials. The northeast face of some blocks was partially reworked to reduce the thickness of the wall and obtain a module of 0.25 × 0.45 m, which is very close to that of the above-mentioned walls of Area 3, even though the blocks of the latter are taller (approximately 0.70 m). A different and more recent type is found in Area 3 in structures 383, 397 = 463, and 398/2014, with a terminus post quem in the sixth century bc (fig. 37). They have a rather wide foundation trench, at least 40 centimetres deep, in which are laid large and regularly cut square blocks of grey tuff (0.50 × 0.50 × 0.30 m) bound with earth. The trend toward increasingly Fiorini (Torelli and Fiorini 2008: 156–157) dates this wall to the same phase as the hypogaeum complex and the well by the stairs of the semi-subterranean shrine. However, its building technique is totally different and its features suggest a much earlier date. 75 402 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 36. Area 1: wall 158/2003, view from southwest regular and standardized blocks has been observed in all of South Etruria.76 Remains of the second course show that the vertical joints were staggered to distribute the load uniformly. Small pebbles were inserted at the foot of the first course, probably to compensate for irregularities in the blocks and the trench and to obtain a perfectly level and continuous horizontal joint. Buildings of the later phases, dated to between the late fourth and especially the third century bc, with later additions and renovations, were found especially in Area 2. In the later phases, there is an increased differentiation of masonry styles within the same period and the same area, probably depending on the advancement of technical expertise and the use of the building techniques that better met the specific structural and functional requirements for each structure and possibly varied within single structures depending on function. The long wall 3, the terminus post quem of which is the fourth century bc, illustrates a type that shows a high level of accuracy and technical skill (fig. 38). The wall, preserved up to several courses, is made of regular and well-cut square blocks with the vertical joints accurately staggered to coincide with the centre of the block below for the even distribution of load and structural stability.77 This solution, though simple, is very effective and 76 77 Belelli Marchesini 1994: 118. The blocks are 0.30 m tall, 0.35 m thick, and their length is variable. 403 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 37. Area 3: Archaic wall 397 = 463 with the remains of the upper course of blocks 404 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 38. Area 2: wall 3, and street C, view from south. In the background, walls 5, 215, and 55 is frequently used in retaining walls78 and city walls.79 A peculiar feature is the presence of river pebbles of 5–6 centimetres deeply set in the joints to prevent horizontal shifting of the blocks. Earth was used as a binder and perhaps also as a coating with insulating properties. Wall 215, parallel to wall 3 on the other side of the street, is similarly regular but does not have the pebbles between the blocks. The structure was razed and buried when the street level was raised in the Late Republic, so it pre-dates this phase (fig. 39). The same regularity and texture found in wall 3 are also visible in the long alignment of structures 83/88 that marks the southeast limit of sector E3 and makes a side of the roofed semi-subterranean room E1. A group of structures (314, 287, 342) built before the end of the fourth century and the beginning of the third century bc share some features that set them apart. Their blocks, mostly stretchers—laid with their long side exposed—are not always regularly cut, are not perfectly aligned, and do not have a regular module (0.20–0.40 m wide). No traces of plaster or mortar are visible (fig. 40). See Ward-Perkins 1961: fig. 8. Such as the walls of Bolsena (Bloch 1972) and the late Etruscan strongholds of Grotte Pinza and Castellaccio di Caporipa (Cerasuolo and Pulcinelli 2008: figs. 3, 5). 78 79 405 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 39. Area 2: wall 5 founded on 215 A masonry type characterized by regular square blocks of approximately 0.51 × 0.52 × 0.50 m, bound with earth and without a visible foundation trench, can be dated to a slightly later phase in the third century bc. This type is found in two connected walls (structures 214, 221) enclosing an area (sector E5) with three elongated stones set vertically into the bedrock 406 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 40. Area 2: wall 314 (fig. 34). To the recent phases also dates a masonry type made of large rectangular blocks laid directly on the ground without proper foundation. Wall 2, a structure of two parallel rows of blocks, and the single-row wall 213 = 50 in sector E2 are good examples of this type (fig. 41). During the long history of the site, there were frequent smaller-scale interventions, for which more irregular and casual techniques were adopted. 407 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Figure 41. Area 2: rooms A/B, wall 2. The semi-subterranean room E1 is the result of a long and complex building history, which is in part difficult to assess because of the plaster covering the walls. While the northeast wall of the stairway coincides with wall 3, the opposite one is totally different, with an irregular patchwork of blocks— some reused—and rubble (fig. 42). Even later are the renovations of the central part of the stairway and the new gabled roof. Interventions on earlier 408 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 42. Area 2: room E4, the back of the southwest wall of the stairway of the semi-subterranean room E1. buildings are also visible on the northeast side of the street, where the structure 215 was razed and in part reused as the foundation of wall 5, the orientation of which is slightly divergent (figs. 38–39) The blocks of wall 5 are stretchers and aligned only on the street side. Nearby, wall 4, aligned with wall 5, is made of both headers and stretchers. The last important occupation phase documented at Vigna Marini in the Early Imperial period is documented by indirect evidence for structures of concrete masonry, especially in sector E3, where some cubilia of tuff from opus reticulatum masonry were found lying on the last floor level. However, it appears that only small additions to the earlier structures were built using this technique. Animal Remains (Angela Trentacoste) The faunal assemblage from the Vigna Marini-Vitalini presents an opportunity to explore the nature of animal husbandry at Caere and the relationship between the city and its landscape. Zooarchaeological research charts chronological changes in the prevailing agricultural strategy, the character of urban production and consumption, and the cultural role of different species. Animal remains date from the seventh century bc to the first century ad, allowing an investigation over nearly a millennium of dynamic socio-economic development. In addition, this analysis explores contextual differences between stratigraphic units. Of these, stratigraphic unit 97— interpreted as the fill of a semi-subterranean shrine80—is of particular interest. Comparative intra-site data is supplied by Gillian Clark’s study of the fauna from a cistern in the adjacent Vigna Parrocchiale, and a further suite 80 Zaccagnino 2014. 409 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues of central Italian sites is used to contextualize results from Caere on a larger regional scale.81 This analysis provides new evidence for the subsistence strategy of this important city, and it indicates a system of animal management that advanced into the Roman period. Materials and Methods Animal remains from the 2012–2014 excavations were recovered from a variety of contexts, including floors, streets, and multiple types of fill. All materials were hand collected, a method that is known to bias against small elements and taxa.82 The recording protocol83 was adapted from Beatrice Bertini Vacca84 and Angela Trentacoste85 with minor changes.86 Diagnostic zones—a predefined set of morphologically distinct skeletal elements— form the basis of this system. All excavated remains were examined, and those containing zones were recorded. In addition, specimens of particular interest (for example, rare taxa and perinatal remains) were also documented, even if outside the protocol. The presence of vertebrae and ribs was noted by context according to large, medium, and small size classes. Identifications were assisted by reference skeletons from the British School at Rome, the University of Sheffield, and various manuals.87 Specialist Chiara Corbino kindly provided advice on bird identifications. Due to the limited reference material available during recording, shell identifications will be refined in the future. Tooth wear stages follow Annie Grant’s methods for cattle and pigs88 and Sebastian Payne’s for sheep/goat.89 Mandible wear stages were estimated using the same references, expect for pigs, which follow Trentacoste.90 Animal age was assigned based on tooth eruption following O’Connor.91 Fusion stages were based on those of Silver.92 Clark 1989, 1993; Cristofani et al. 1992; Cristofani et al. 1993. Payne 1972, 1975. 83 See http://alexandriaarchive.org/bonecommons/items/show/1893. 84 Bertini Vacca 2012. 85 Trentacoste 2013. 86 The systems differ in the number of zones they employ. Bertini Vacca (2012) and Trentacoste (2013) included more zones on the long bones (six rather than four); astragalus (four/two); and bovid metapodials (six/five). See Watson (1979) for more on diagnostic zones. 87 Sisson 1930; Schmid 1972; Barone 1976; Cohen and Serjeanston 1986; Doneddu and Trainito 2010. 88 Grant 1982. 89 Payne 1973, 1987. 90 Trentacoste 2014. 91 O’Connor 1988. According to Payne (1972), wear stages H and higher in sheep and goats were classified as elderly. 92 Silver 1969. 81 82 410 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Numeric analyses only include specimens with diagnostic zones. Additional remains are considered in the text, but not used quantitatively. Species presence and abundance is represented by the number of counted specimens (NCSP) in place of the traditional number of identified specimens (NISP), because only recorded remains with zones were counted. The NCSP from modern and indeterminate periods is presented but not analyzed further. Skeletal element abundance was quantified through the minimum number of animal units (MAU).93 The MAU was compared across elements to look for differences in the treatment or transport of carcasses. Representation of the fore and hind limbs was compared as well as the relative abundance of high meat utility (scapula, pelvis, upper limb bones) and low meat utility (teeth, cranial, and lower limb bones) elements. Differences in the distribution of skeletal parts may suggest selective treatment of the carcass or access to more desirable (that is, meat-bearing) elements. The MAU also provides comparative data for taxa representation. On account of the small number of elements within each phase, material was grouped together into the following generalized periods, which are referred to in the text:94 Etruscan Roman Orientalizing Archaic Republican Imperial Seventh century bc Sixth–fifth centuries bc Fourth–first centuries bc94 First century ad Results Taxa Representation and Livestock Frequency A total of 1,304 countable specimens from phased contexts were identified; 1,043 of these remains were dated to Etruscan or Roman levels (table 1). As expected, common domesticates (cattle, sheep/goats, and pigs) are the most abundant taxa. Compared across time, the relative proportions of livestock suggest changes in animal management over the history of the site (fig. 43). The relationship between these taxa remains relatively stable between Orientalizing and Republican phases, but ratios shift dramatically during the Imperial period, when the relative proportion of pigs increases to over 60 percent. Comparison of the maximum MAU values reinforces this trend (see tables 2–4). This increase in the relative proportion of pigs is accompanied by a significant change in the body part distribution of pigs; the Imperial period Binford 1984. Roman acquisition of Caere occurred in the third century bc; here “Republican” is meant in a general regional sense. No material was specifically dated to the fourth or to the third century bc. Remains from contexts dated as “fourth–third century bc” and “third–second century bc” were grouped with general “Republican” contexts to create this category. 93 94 411 Table 1. Number of counted specimens. Archaic 15 62 10 4 45 ArchaicRepublican RepublicanRepublican Imperial 41 2 139 4 1 24 9 120 2 * * Imperial 46 31 8 2 136 Postabandonment 13 24 3 1 32 Modern/ mixed 17 66 9 4 70 * 1 2 1 2 1 1 3 1 8 1 * 2 90 1 254 1 2 5 3 5 2 4 1 2 2 363 Notes: * Taxa recorded but no zones present. Scientific names provided in the text. 2 2 8 252 5 2 3 23 3 1 2 1 1 1 7 1 15 163 4 78 183 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues 412 Cattle Sheep/goat Sheep/sheep? Goats/goat? Pig Horse/donkey Red deer Red deer/fallow deer Roe deer Rabbit/hare Small rodent Sheep/goat/roe deer Medium mammal Dog Dog/fox Fox Cat Bear Bird Fish Tortoise Shell Human Total Orientalizing 29 57 8 2 52 3 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Cattle Sheep/goat Pig 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Orientalizing (148) Archaic (138) Republican (333) Imperial (223) Figure 43. Relative livestock frequencies by period (sample size in parentheses) (A. Trentacoste/Caere Project) contains many more pig scapulae (shoulder bones) than earlier phases, a change not present in other livestock. However, the relative presence of pigs increases even if this element is excluded. Thus, the overall pattern in livestock frequencies is one of relative stability until the Imperial period, when there is a shift from sheep/goat husbandry to pig husbandry. Cattle (Bos taurus) There is little evidence for the selective treatment of cattle remains (table 2). The skeleton is fairly evenly distributed across Etruscan and Roman phases, although in the later period teeth are more common than bones. Tooth wear indicates that Roman cattle were culled in advanced adulthood (table 5), although bone fusion demonstrates the presence of a few immature animals (table 6). Data for the Etruscan period is limited, but most of the specimens also come from adults. No information on the sex of cattle was recorded. Saw marks indicative of bone working were noted on one metatarsal fragment from the Imperial period. This phase also contained a very robust first phalanx with pathological exostosis—bony growth typically related to advanced age or to heavy physical labour, such as in agriculture.95 Overall, the limited osteological material from cattle suggests that these animals were kept mainly for traction and meat and that their bones provided material for craft production. Sheep/Goat (Ovis aries/Capra hircus) The body part distribution of sheep/goat is roughly balanced (table 3). In the Etruscan period, the forelimb is better represented than the hindlimb. 95 de Cupere et al. 2000; Johannsen 2005. 413 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Table 2. Cattle body part distribution. Orientalizing-Archaic MNE Upper Lower MAU Republican-Imperial MNE Upper I1 1 I3 1 I 4 1 1 1 1 1 M1 M2 M1+2 5 M3 M 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 3 2 1 2 3 2 4 13 13 3 5 2 4 1 P/M 1 2 Teeth max MNE 4 MAU MNE Cranium (zgo) Horn core 1 MAU 1 1 1 1 Axis 1 1 1 1 Scapula 1 1 1 1 Humerus 2 1 Radius 2 1 Ulna 2 1 Metacarpal 2 1 Pelvis 1 1 Femur 1 1 Astragalus 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Calcaneum 1 1 1 1 Metatarsal 1 1 2 1 Phalanx I 6 1 16 2 Phalanx II 3 1 Phalanx III 1 1 Bone max 2 3 1 P4 1 1 P3 P MAU 3 I2 P2 Lower 1 1 8 1 3 1 2 Notes: MAU: minimum number of animal units; MNE: minimum number of skeletal elements. 414 1 1 1 2 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Table 3. Sheep/goat body part distribution I1 I2 I3 I4 I dI dP2 dP3 dP4 P2 P3 P4 P M1 M2 M1+2 M3 M Teeth max Cranium (zyg) Horn core Atlas Axis Scapula Humerus Radius Ulna Metacarpal Pelvis Femur Tibia Calcaneum Astragalus Scafocuboid Metatarsal Metapodial Phalanx I Phalanx II Phalanx III Bone Max Orientalizing-Archaic MNE MAU Upper Lower 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 11 1 2 MNE 1 1 2 1 7 5 10 3 4 6 5 6 5 2 2 3 3 11 2 2 3 1 4 3 Republican-Imperial MNE MAU Upper Lower 1 2 1 2 2 3 4 14 4 1 4 MAU 1 1 2 1 4 3 5 2 2 3 3 3 3 1 2 2 1 2 1 4 MAU 5 2 5 3 3 3 1 1 1 2 1 3 17 7 MNE 5 8 2 7 6 13 5 9 5 2 11 3 1 3 13 1 15 8 5 1 1 4 3 7 7 6 3 20 10 5 MAU 3 8 2 4 3 7 3 5 3 1 6 2 1 2 7 1 2 1 1 7 2 4 5 MAU 8 7 7 2 Notes: MAU: minimum number of animal units; MNE: minimum number of skeletal elements. 415 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Table 4. Pig body part distribution. Orientalizing-Archaic MNE Upper Lower dI1 1 dI2 1 MAU MNE Upper 1 dI3 I1 Republican-Imperial Lower 1 1 1 3 3 I2 2 1 I3 2 I 2 4 8 2 6 1 4 1 C 2 8 dP2 2 dP3 3 1 dP4 6 2 P1 1 1 1 P2 2 1 2 P3 2 3 4 1 2 3 2 2 3 6 M1+2 5 6 M3 1 P4 M1 MAU M2 1 3 1 1 1 3 2 2 2 4 2 5 9 13 2 MNE MAU Cranium (zyg) 1 1 Atlas 2 2 Scapula 4 2 7 3 7 3 Teeth max 2 MAU MNE MAU 1 0.5 1 1 2 75 38 2 Humerus 5 3 17 9 Radius 1 1 3 2 Ulna 5 3 5 3 3 Metacarpal III 2 1 8 4 Metacarpal IV 4 2 4 2 416 MAU 1 38 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Table 4. continued Orientalizing-Archaic MNE Republican-Imperial MNE MAU Upper Lower Upper Pelvis 3 2 6 3 Femur 1 1 7 4 Tibia 7 4 12 6 Calcaneum 6 3 2 1 Astragalus 1 1 4 2 4 Lower Scafocuboid 1 1 1 1 Metatarsal III 5 3 1 1 Metatarsal IV 4 2 4 2 Metapodial 2 1 11 2 Phalanx I 1 1 Phalanx III 2 1 1 5 1 1 1 6 2 38 4 Bone Max MAU Notes: MAU: minimum number of animal units; MNE: minimum number of skeletal elements. Table 5. Mandible age stages and presence of mandibular fourth deciduous premolars and third molars Mandible age stages NCSP Neo- Juve- Imma- Subnatal nile ture adult Adult Elderly dp4 M3 Cattle Orientalizing-Archaic Republican-Imperial Sheep/goat Orientalizing-Archaic Republican-Imperial Pig Orientalizing-Archaic Republican-Imperial 1 5 4 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 1 3 2 1 3 4 4 10 2 4 3 Notes: Mandible age stages follow O’Connor (1988). Ages were estimated for jaws with two or more identifiable teeth. M3 and dP4 counts include both loose teeth and those in jaws. 417 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Table 6. Bone fusion n OrientalizingArchaic % RepublicanImperial OrientalizingArchaic RepublicanImperial Fused Unfused Fused Unfused Fused Unfused Fused Unfused Cattle Early Middle Late 2 10 1 1 2 25 3 2 100% 0% 11% Sheep/goat Early 8 2 10 3 Middle 13 11 32 4 Late 7 5 8 7 54% 46% 91% 93% 7% 40% 60% 50% 50% Pig Early Middle Late 2 (1) 8 43 (6) 3 12 15 15 6 4 10 Notes: Age stages based on Silver (1969). Percentages given for samples over 20. Parenthesise indicate the number of bones excluding the scapula. However, the number of high versus low meat-utility elements is fairly even. In the Roman period, the skeleton is evenly represented. Sheep and goats were culled at a range of ages from juvenile to adult (tables 5–6). Perinatal elements were also identified in both the Etruscan and Roman periods. These remains indicate that husbandry occurred within, or very close to, the settlement. Tooth eruption and bone fusion suggest that caprines were slaughtered at an older age in the Roman period, but with limited data it is difficult to comment further on this trend. The only incidence of pathology was the presence of coral-like roots on four molars from the Roman period.96 A sheep/goat astragalus from stratigraphic unit 133, a fill under a Roman floor, had been smoothed on its lateral and medial sides (fig. 44). Knucklebones were used as gaming pieces and in divination throughout Italian antiquity, and astragali with similar modifications appear in tombs and Roman temples.97 The context of these bones has been vital to their interpretation as 96 The presence of “coral-like” roots is thought to be related to low-grade infection or inflammation, which results in the pathological growth of the tooth root. Baker and Brothwell 1980: 151; Chilardi and Viglio 2010. 97 De Grossi Mazzorin and Minniti 2012, 2013. 418 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 44. Unit 133, specimen 173: modified sheep/goat astragalus (A. Trentacoste/Caere Project) toys, amulets, and sacred objects, but the location of the astragalus from Caere does little to identify its significance. Overall, the analysis of caprine remains provides evidence for a mixed system of management that includes meat, milk, and wool. Pig (Sus scrofa) Pig skeletal element distribution was more varied than in other livestock (table 4). In the Etruscan period, the forelimb is slightly better represented than the hind leg, and high meat yield bones (scapula, humerus, and tibia) are somewhat more common than low utility elements (cranial bones, 419 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Table 7. Pig canines and alveoli. Canines Alveoli Total Male Female Male Female Male Female Orientalizing-Archaic Republican-Imperial 1 8 2 1 1 8 3 metapodials, and phalanges). Major changes are visible in the Roman period on account of the elevated number of pig scapulae, which bias the sample toward forelimbs and high meat yield elements. However, even if scapulae are not considered, this trend persists, albeit in a less pronounced form. Pigs were slaughtered at a range of ages, but, on the whole, they were culled earlier than cattle or caprines. Age data from fusion suggests that only about half of the population reached the third fusion stage, and tooth wear suggests the majority of pigs were slaughtered before adulthood (tables 5–6). Perinatal pig remains were recovered from both the Etruscan and Roman periods; their presence implies that pig breeding took place within or near the city. Male pig canines are more common than those from females, but the sexes are balanced when alveoli are considered (table 7). This pattern is common in hand-collected assemblages because the male pig canine is larger and therefore easier to recover during excavation. In sum, the culling strategy for pigs suggests a focus on meat production, a pattern typical for sites of this period. In the Etruscan period, carcass representation is roughly balanced, but in the Roman period body part distribution indicates a different treatment of the pig carcass than for other livestock. High meat yield bones outnumber less meaty elements for both periods, and the forelimb is better represented than the hindlimb. Considering the high status nature of the city at Caere and its role as a centre for production and exchange, pig body part distribution probably reflects a preference for, and access to, the meatier cuts of pork. However, the greater abundance of the forequarter may result from the greater density of those elements rather than differential transport. Dog (Canis familiaris) and Fox (Vulpes vulpes) Skeletal remains from dogs and foxes were identified in both Etruscan and Roman phases. The morphology of dog and fox bones is very similar, and the animals were of comparable stature during the period under consideration. Thus, species-level identifications were not possible in all cases. Both adult and juvenile dogs are represented, but only adult foxes were confidently identified. The presence of cut marks indicative of dismemberment on several canid remains is of particular interest. These include a dog humerus (fig. 45) and atlas from the Orientalizing period, and a pelvis 420 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Figure 45. Unit 448, specimen 836: dog humerus with cut marks, also gnawed by carnivores (A. Trentacoste/Caere Project) (fox), femur (fox), and atlas (dog/fox) from the Republican period. The Republican remains all derive from a single context, and they may represent the same individual. All of the specimens with butchery marks were recovered from the levels of floor preparation. Dogs were not commonly consumed in Etruscan and Roman Italy, but the repeated recovery of small numbers of butchered dog bones from proto-historic sites suggests that this practice was not entirely unknown.98 There is also ample archaeological and textual evidence for dog sacrifice in ancient Italy,99 but the context of the butchered dog bones from Caere does not suggest a ritual or symbolic usage of these animals. Future zooarchaeological work will aim to refine species determinations and contextualize canine size and morphology more broadly. The Late Iron Age and Roman period witnessed marked diversification in the De Grossi Mazzorin and Tagliacozzo 1997; Trentacoste 2014. For dog consumption in adjacent ancient cultures, see Yvinec 1987; Horard-Herbin 1997, 2000; Chenal-Velarde 2006; Méniel 2006; Chrószcz et al. 2013; Horard-Herbin, Tresset, and Vigne 2014. 99 Smith 1996; Wilkens 2006; De Grossi Mazzorin 2006; De Grossi Mazzorin and Minniti 2008. 98 421 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues size and shape of dogs across Europe and the development of new dwarf types.100 While there is not osteological evidence for toy or dwarf dogs (under approximately 30 cm at the shoulder) in Italy before the early Roman period,101 small, spitz-type dogs are frequently pictured in Hellenistic art.102 This disconnect between the Italian zooarchaeological and iconographic evidence reinforces the nature of these animals as a rare and high-status item,103 but it also challenges us to better define the relationship between depictions of Maltese “lap” dogs that are documented from the fourth century bc and the osteometrically distinct population of small dogs that is recognizable in later periods. Future work at Caere in conjunction with a broader three-dimensional evaluation of dog biometry will help elucidate new trends. Birds Table 8 details the NCSP from avian fauna. Domestic fowl (Gallus gallus domesticus) are present in Archaic and Republican contexts. The bones in Archaic context 97 (not later than the early fifth century bc) are of particular importance, as they constitute some of the earliest chicken remains found in central Italy outside of a funerary context. Domestic fowl were introduced to Italy during the early Iron Age.104 By the sixth century bc, chickens are found throughout the region, although they are restricted to funerary (for example, the necropoli of Osteria, Cerveteri, Tarquinia, and Fidene)105 and symbolic contexts (Civita of Tarquinia).106 In contrast, chickens appear to have been more diffused throughout Etruria padana (Marzabotto, Forcello, Casale di Rivalta, and Case Vandelli) during the same period.107 After the fourth century bc, domestic fowl became increasingly common, appearing more frequently and in a wider range of site types. In this context, we may be able to draw parallels between the Archaic chicken remains from Caere and those from Tarquinia (phase 2, sixth–fifth century bc). In both examples, domestic fowl appear outside of funerary contexts, but their recovery from areas of high status and symbolic action separates them from mundane 100 De Grossi Mazzorin and Tagliacozzo 1997, 2000; Zedda et al. 2006; HorardHerbin, Tresset, and Vigne 2014. 101 De Grossi Mazzorin and Tagliacozzo 1997, 2000; de Venuto and Quercia 2010. 102 Trantalidou 2006; de Venuto and Quercia 2010. One is even visible at Caere in the Tomb of the Reliefs (second half of the fourth century bc) (Proietti and Blanck 1986). 103 MacKinnon 2014b. 104 De Grossi Mazzorin 2005. The earliest confirmed case, found at the necropolis of Castel Gandolfo, dates to the ninth century bc. 105 De Grossi Mazzorin 2005. 106 Bedini 1997. 107 De Grossi Mazzorin 2005; Trentacoste 2014. 422 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Table 8. Number of counted specimens for avian fauna Archaic Republican Post-abandonment Modern/ mixed Chicken 3 3 1 1 Coot 3 3 1 4 2 5 Dabbling duck Goose 3 Anseriforme 1 Wood pigeon 4 Wood pigeon/ Rock pigeon 1 Barn owl 1 Total 15 7 Notes: Scientific names provided in the text. consumption. Chickens would have supplied meat, eggs, and feathers, but their additional value as an exotic luxury item during the Etruscan period should not be overlooked. Ducks and geese (Anseriformes) are the most common type of bird found at Caere. Both dabbling ducks (Anas sp.) and geese (Anser sp.) were identified. Like chickens, these birds would have supplied meat and feathers. Domestic or tame birds could also supply eggs. Duck domestication is not thought to have begun until at least the Roman period, although the Romans did raise captive wild ducks.108 Roman goose husbandry was well developed, but it is unclear whether the Etruscans has also had domestic geese.109 A small collection of wild bird bones demonstrates the exploitation of Caere’s surrounding environment. Wood pigeon (Columba palumbus) and coot (Fulica atra/cristata) may have been eaten, while the feathers of a barn owl (Tyto alba) were probably more desired than its meat. In general, wing bones are more common than leg bones in both Etruscan and Roman periods, a trend that further supports the general exploitation of birds for feathers. Other taxa In addition to the main species presented above, a number of other animals were encountered in the Caere assemblage. Several equid remains were recovered from the Orientalizing period. These included a deciduous incisor, as well as specimens from adult horses/donkeys (Equus sp.). Also of 108 109 Albarella 2005. Albarella 2005. 423 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues interest are two red deer (Cervus elaphus) antler fragments, one sawn, which were recovered from the Archaic and Republican periods. The biometric comparison of pig remains revealed a bone from a wild boar. Bear (Ursus sp.) is represented by a single phalanx from a Republican floor preparation (stratigraphic unit 133); this bone has a cut mark suggestive of skinning. Rabbit/hare (Oryctolagus cuniculus/Lepus europaeus) bones indicate hunting or snaring for meat and fur.110 Shells provide evidence of Caere’s links with the sea. The Orientalizing phase contains a large number of small clams (Veneroida) and several limpets (Patella sp.). These mollusks are absent from the Roman period, although oysters (Ostrea edulis) and both purple and banded dye murex (Bolinus brandaris, Hexaplex truculus) are present in the Roman strata. Bittersweet clams (Glycymeris sp.) were noted throughout the assemblage. A fragment of an adult human (Homo sapiens) maxilla with teeth is probably recontextualized residual material; it was recovered from the fill under an Orientalizing floor (stratigraphic unit 464). Considering the long history of human occupation at Caere, such a find is not surprising. Small rodent (Rodentia) and tortoise (Testudinidae) bones are likely natural parts of the area’s fauna. Contextual Comparison Stratigraphic Unit 97: Fill of a Subterranean Shrine Animal remains from unit 97 warrant separate consideration on account of the special nature of this deposit. The fill was dated to the early fifth century bc,111 similar to the fill of the “cistern” of Vigna Parrocchiale studied by Clark.112 The deposit appears to derive from the debris of a sanctuary, and it contains pottery forms typical of votive offerings as well as architectural fragments. The most notable feature of the fauna from unit 97 was the unusually high proportion of well-preserved medium mammal (probably sheep/goat) ribs. As a relatively delicate bone, ribs often fragment if their archaeological matrix is significantly reworked. Thus, the elevated presence of complete ribs suggests that the context was not greatly disturbed after these bones were deposited. Joining pieces of an unfused pelvis further support this hypothesis; we would expect the pieces to become separated if they were disturbed sometime after their original deposition. The fill also contained a larger proportion of bird bones and a larger range of avian species than other contexts. Parallels with the avian species identified in unit 97—chicken, goose, wood pigeon, and barn owl—can also be found in other Etruscan assemblages related to cultic The bones are most likely from hares, as rabbits are thought to have arrived in Italy during the Imperial period (MacKinnon 2014a). 111 Zaccagnino, above; Zaccagnino 2014. 112 Clark 1989, 1993. 110 424 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Cattle Sheep/goat Pig 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% US 97 (84) Other US (135) Figure 46. Relative livestock frequencies from US 97 and other Etruscan contexts (sample size in parentheses) (A. Trentacoste/Caere Project) activity.113 However, they are not limited to such contexts,114 and the enhanced recovery of these bird remains may also relate to the deposit’s taphonomic history, as delicate avian bones are also easily fractured. No burnt bones were recorded, and none of the bones were gnawed. The lack of carnivore modifications suggests that the deposit was quickly buried. No other significant differences were noted between the fauna in unit 97 and that found in other Orientalizing and Archaic contexts. The distribution of livestock from the fill is generally similar to other strata (fig. 46), albeit with a lower proportion of pigs and a higher percentage of cattle. As elsewhere on site, both juvenile and adult pigs and sheep/goats were present, and cattle remains were from adult animals. There is no evidence for the differential treatment/deposition of the cattle or sheep/goat carcass. A slight preference for the hind leg of pig is discernable, but the small sample precludes further interpretation of this trend. Pearson’s chi-square test was used to investigate side bias and found no indication of a preference for left or right elements. The fill also included canid remains, including fox bones and a specimen from a very young dog. No shells were recorded. Chicken is discussed above. Wood pigeon and duck remains have been recovered from San Omobono (Tagliacozzo 1989) and Tarquinia (Bedini 1997). Little owl (Athene noctua) was also identified at Tarquinia (Bedini 1997). 114 Chicken, pigeons, coot, and owls (probably Athene noctua) are present Forcello in a domestic context (Trentacoste 2014). Small numbers of pigeon bones are found in several other habitation-related Etruscan assemblages. 113 425 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Stratigraphic Units 32 and 70: Strata under a Roman Street The animal remains recovered from units 32 and 70 are of particular zooarchaeological interest due to the extremely elevated quantity of pig scapulae they contain. These sandy, compacted contexts lay under the flagstones of a Roman street that had been almost totally robbed. About 10 percent of the bones in this context were gnawed, indicating the exposure of this material to scavengers, probably dogs. Compared to other strata of the Republican and Imperial periods, the livestock frequencies from street-related contexts differ significantly from other deposit types (fig. 47). In pigs, the scapula is a particularly dense bone and one that is easily recognizable during excavation. As a result, it survives well in the archaeological record and is more prone to recovery than other elements. An elevated quantity of scapulae has been noted on other urban settlements in Italy where hand collection was the recovery method employed, and it was suggested that these reasons underlay its relative overabundance.115 Thus, if material from middens or other rubbish deposits was used to construct the road, we might expect a high proportion of scapula because of their relative robustness. At the moment, however, we cannot be certain. Nearly all of the faunal material from the Imperial layers derives from these two contexts, and, as a result, changes in animal use within the Roman period cannot be separated from context-specific trends. Relation to Previous Zooarchaeological Research from Caere In two previous zooarchaeological reports, Clark investigated animal remains from the Archaic fill of a “cistern” (circa 530–490 bc)116 in the Vigna Parrocchiale.117 The analysis identified 505 animal remains, 495 from mammals, and a further 10 classified as bird, fish, and shell. Domestic livestock constituted the majority of the assemblage, and the previous study identified several red deer antler fragments and a small number of equid bones and teeth. Dogs were also present. Livestock culling strategies were similar in both zooarchaeological analyses; however, differences are visible in taxa representation. Clark’s relative proportions of livestock differ from those analyzed here, emphasizing cattle over sheep/goats and pigs (fig. 48). This relationship is reinforced by the minimum number of individuals. When Clark’s material is considered in combination with the Archaic remains from the Queen’s University excavations, we see greater fluctuation in livestock ratios during the Etruscan period. However, the main chronological trend toward pig husbandry remains intact. The marked emphasis on cattle in Clark’s report partly results from the presence of numerous worked Trentacoste 2014. Clark 1989, 1993. 117 Cristofani 1986a; Cristofani et al. 1992; Cristofani et al. 1993. 115 116 426 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Cattle Sheep/goat Pig 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Streets (168) Other US (241) Figure 47. Relative livestock frequencies from Roman streets and other Roman contexts (sample size in parentheses) (A. Trentacoste/Caere Project) Cattle Sheep/goat Pig 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Clarke (472) Figure 48. Relative livestock frequencies from Clarke (sample size in parentheses) (Clarke 1989, 1993; Figure by A. Trentacoste/Caere Project) fragments, which provide evidence for local craft production. These modified remains also affect body part distribution. Skeletal element representation is similar for pigs and caprines in both studies, but the cistern yielded many more worked cattle metapodials and horncores. The rarity of modified remains from the recent excavations suggests spatial differences in the usage of the site during the Archaic period. 427 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Discussion Compared to livestock frequencies of other central Italian sites, animal remains from Caere are similar to those from contemporaneous settlements (fig. 49; table 9). The greatest differences are found in the Archaic period; however, this sample is affected by the bone-working refuse identified by Clark.118 If Clark’s assemblage is excluded, the resulting pig frequencies of approximately 50 percent are close to those seen at Tarquinia in the same period. The predominant trend in the region over the first millennium bc is a shift toward pig husbandry. Pig frequencies reach marked levels during the Imperial period, and it is not uncommon for pigs to account for 60–70 percent of livestock on such sites.119 Likewise, this dietary preference was also adopted by people under Roman influence, and increases in pig consumption can be associated with the “Romanization” of Italy120 and the provinces.121 The origin of this wide-scale increase in pork consumption has been linked to the growth of urban settlements and population expansion as well as social changes and the increasing importance of surplus production.122 Pork meat is an ideal protein for feeding urban populations because pigs grow quickly, have large litters, and do not compete for pasture with cereal agriculture. Pig frequencies near 50 percent first appear in the region at Rome123 and Tarquinia124 from the seventh to the fifth centuries bc, and by the turn of the millennium and first century ad, pig remains regularly exceed 70 percent of livestock. The new data presented here expand on Clark’s previous work to better align Caere with the regional increase in pork consumption seen in urban and villa sites. The aims of livestock management at Caere, as implied by age analysis, were also in line with related sites, but the limited data do not permit a detailed comparison. Investigation of animal biometry revealed more pronounced trends. Biometric comparison indicates that Etruscan and Roman livestock at Caere were similar in size to those at other sites. However, chronological changes are visible within Caere. Several unquantified but very large cattle bones were recovered from the Imperial period, and a size increase is more clearly demonstrated in sheep/goat biometry (fig. 50). In contrast, pigs appear to remain roughly the same size through time. This increase in animal size ties Caere to another significant regional trend. Sheep in central Italy remained a relatively constant, if variable, size throughout the Early Iron Age, but in the Archaic period they began to increase gradually Clark 1989, 1993. MacKinnon 2001, 2004. 120 Love 2008. 121 King 1999. 122 De Grossi Mazzorin 2001, 2004b; De Grossi Mazzorin and Minniti 2009; Minniti 2012; Trentacoste 2016. 123 Minniti 2012. 124 Bedini 1997. 118 119 428 pig % Ficana VIII-VI Rome - Palatine VIII-V Caere VII San Giovenale VII-VI Acquarossa Rome - Velia VII-VI Veii VII-VI Roselle VI Caere VI-V Tarquinia VI-V Capena V-IV Rome - Centocelle IV-III Narce IV-II Caere IV-II Tarquinia III-II Volterra III-II Cosa II Populonia II-I Bolsena II-1AD Settefinestre II-1AD Rome - Aqua Mar. I-1AD Caere 1AD Rome - Meta Sudans 1AD Rome - Foro Trans. 1AD Rome - Quirinale 1AD Rome - Caput Africae 1AD Rome - Aqua Mar. 1-2AD Monte Gelato 1-2AD Le Colonne 1-2AD Quintilli 1-2AD Settefinestre 1-3AD 429 90 Rome - D. Regia VIII-VII 80 Fidene VIII San Giovenale VIII-VII 70 Tarquinia IX-VII 60 Fidene IX Rome - Palatine IX-VIII 50 Tarquinia IX 40 30 20 0 10 Narce X-VIII Gran Carro IX Figure 49. Relative pig frequencies from central Italian sites; data from Caere highlighted (arranged chronologically, Roman numerals indicate centuries bc; see table 8 for dates, references, and further information). (A. Trentacoste/Caere Project) New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Table 9. Comparative livestock frequencies from central Italian sites Area Century n Narce Phase IV–Vi and M 1965–6 and 1980 10–8 bc 1237 23 9 bc 273 29 49 22 9 bc 197 31 51 18 9 bc 326 28 49 29 9–7 bc 56 18 27 55 9–7 bc 627 23 34 43 8 bc 233 44 38 18 8–7 bc 280 62 16 22 8–7 bc 8–6 bc 61 1281 20 30 44 38 36 32 8–5 bc 217 24 39 37 7 bc 148 20 45 35 Minniti 2012 De Grossi Mazzorin 1989b, 1996a van Kampen et al. 2005 this report 7–6 bc 64 19 41 41 Sorrentino 1981b 7–6 bc 248* 52 28 21 7–6 bc 7–6 bc 222 346 7 24 41 40 53 37 6 bc 6–5 bc 140 608 30 31 29 39 41 30 Gejvall 1982; Tagliacozzo 1994 Minniti 2012 Cucinotta, De Grossi Mazzorin, and Minniti 2010 Corridi 1989 Clark 1989, 1993; this report 6–5 bc 5–4 bc 392 185 17 33 34 39 49 28 Gran Carro Tarquinia Poggio Cretoncini Fidene capanna Rome Palatine capanna Puglisi Tarquinia Phase 1 Fidene U.P.F San Giovenale Rome Ficana Spring building Domus Regia 3b-c II-III & zone 5a scavi Boni Rome Palatine Caere Vigna Marini-Vitalini San Gio- Acropolis venale str. 5 Acqua- Zone A + rossa trial trenches Rome Velia Veii acropolis Roselle Caere Vigna Marini-Vitalini & Parrocchiale Tarquinia Phase 2 Capena pozzo Cattle % Sheep/ Pigs Reference goats % % 53 24 Barker 1976 Site 430 Costantini, Costantini Biasini, and Scali 1987; De Grossi Mazzorin 1995b De Grossi Mazzorin 1995c De Grossi Mazzorin 1989b De Grossi Mazzorin 1989b; Minniti 2012 Sorrentino 1986; Bedini 1997 De Grossi Mazzorin 1989b Sorrentino 1981a Bedini 1997 Salari 2005 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere Rome Centocelle 4–3 bc 151 7 26 68 Phase IX–X Vigna Marini-Vitalini Tarquinia phase 3 Volterra Cosa Houses Populo- Saggio IX, nia Periods V–VI 4–2 bc 4–2 bc 77 336 22 12 57 52 21 36 3–2 bc 3–2 bc 2 bc 2–1 bc 85 40 111 346 27 12 5 13 32 44 56 42 41 44 39 45 Bolsena 2 bc– 1 ad 2 bc– 1 ad 1 bc– 1 ad 1 ad 1093 12 50 38 Bedini 1997 Sorrentino 2003 Scali 1993 De Grossi Mazzorin and Minniti 2008 Tagliacozzo 1995 176 11 43 47 King 1985 152 28 5 66 223 21 18 61 De Grossi Mazzorin 1996b this report 1 ad 382 7 19 75 Foro Transitorio Quirinale 1 ad 72 13 10 78 1 ad 1201 4 15 81 Caput Africae Aqua Marcia 1 ad 40 5 10 85 1–2 ad 139 8 14 78 1–2 ad 294 7 22 71 De Grossi Mazzorin 1996b King 1997 1–2 ad 508 23 29 48 King 1985 1–2 ad 132 14 86 1–3 ad 2237 17 73 De Grossi Mazzorin 1987 King 1985 Narce Caere Poggio Moscini Settefin- Period I estre Rome Aqua Marcia Caere Rome Rome Rome Rome Rome Vigna Marini-Vitalini Meta Sudans US 3399 Monte Gelato Le Colonne Villa dei Quintilli Settefin- Period II-III estre 11 De Grossi Mazzorin 2004a Barker 1976 this report De Grossi Mazzorin and Minniti 1995 De Grossi Mazzorin 1989a De Grossi Mazzorin 1996–7 Tagliacozzo 1993 Notes: n = livestock number of identified specimens. * Excludes specimens identified as “splints.” 431 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues Etruscan Roman 24.5 23.5 22.5 Dd (mm) 21.5 20.5 19.5 18.5 17.5 16.5 23 25 27 29 31 Bd (mm) Figure 50. Sheep/goat distal tibia measurements from Caere (Measurements follow von den Driesch 1976; Figure by A. Trentacoste/Caere Project) in stature, and cattle increased in size over the same period.125 These trends accelerated after the fifth century bc, and both sheep and cattle continued to develop during the Roman period.126 Changes in cattle size probably reflect the improvement of animals for work on extensive Roman agricultural estates. The general trend in sheep/goat exploitation is toward an emphasis on secondary products that are not directly linked to body size.127 Still, an intensification of caprine management, if not a conscious desire to increase carcass size for market, could also have produced larger animals. The timing of these changes in species representation and animal size is of particular interest at Caere because of the city’s loss of Etruscan autonomy in the third century bc. Rather than an image of crisis, zooarchaeology provides a picture of relative stability and subsequent development between the Etruscan and Republican periods. Livestock proportions are stable until the Imperial phase, when a shift toward pig husbandry aligns Caere with other urban centres. Larger animals arrive in the Republican period. Working at the scale of centuries, zooarchaeology in the Vigna Marini-Vitalini provides only a rough picture of economic and social life at the site, but this analysis suggests a step forward, rather than back, in Roman phases. These developments support archaeological evidence for building activity in the third century bc, which characterizes the century after Roman annexation as a period De Grossi Mazzorin 1995a; Minniti 2012; Trentacoste 2016. MacKinnon 2004, 2010a. 127 De Grossi Mazzorin 1995a, 2001; Trentacoste 2016. 125 126 432 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere of expansion rather than crisis.128 Changes in animal management also relate to rural settlement patterns. The landscape around Caere witnessed an increase in rural sites and farms in the late fourth and third centuries bc, followed by further growth in the early Imperial period.129 While such changes had a clear effect on the zooarchaeology of Caere by the first century ad, the radical changes in land ownership that would have followed the Roman conquest are not immediately visible in the animal remains presented here, outside evidence for size increase. While zooarchaeological analysis aligns with material and architectural evidence to suggest a period of post-Roman expansion, the faunal remains are unable to illuminate the timing of these phenomena on a sub-century scale. Currently, only one context with animal remains has been dated specifically to the third and second centuries bc, and the current samples are too small to evaluate changes in mortality patterns or body part distribution over this short time period. Animal husbandry might have intensified or become more hierarchical without immediately altering the relative proportions of different livestock. Alternatively, a short period of crisis might not be visible in a faunal assemblage that spans centuries. We are currently able to see general post-Roman changes in animal husbandry, but larger and more finely dated samples would be needed to assess animal management in the decades immediately before and after conquest. It is also worth mentioning the other animals—wild and domestic— that had important roles at Caere. Dogs acted as pets, guards, and hunting companions. Horses were an elite animal reserved for racing and military exercises among the higher classes.130 The remains of wild animals are rare in the Caere assemblage, a situation that reflects the urban nature of the settlement and a subsistence strategy based on domestic livestock. However, the city nevertheless exploited its environs. Roe deer, wild boar, fox, and hare were all hunted for meat or fur. In Etruscan and Republican Italy, red deer and wild boar were generally the most popular quarry,131 and the pursuit of these large animals was a repeated theme in myth and art.132 However, at Caere, red deer were represented only by antler fragments, which may have come from shed antlers rather than hunted animals. With such a high status population, we might assume that Caere’s elite participated in the pursuit of prestigious game, but large wild mammals are a very small part of the assemblage. However, the bone from a bear suggests such activity, and it would have taken an impressive group to slay such an animal. The cut mark on the bone suggests the removal of its fur, possibly as a trophy. The fish and wild see above. Maffei and Nastasi 1990; Tartara 1999; Enei 2001. 130 White 1970. 131 De Grossi Mazzorin 2001. 132 Camporeale 1984. 128 129 433 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues bird bones from Caere derive from a variety of species and immediately call to mind the famous scene of the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing at Tarquinia from the fifth century bc, which depicts line fishing from a boat and bird hunting with a sling. The last aspect of the faunal assemblage that merits discussion is the nature of the stratigraphic unit 97, the fill of a subterranean shrine. Other finds from the fill suggest that the material derived from a sanctuary. Well-preserved bones from this context and the lack of carnivore modifications on the remains suggest that these bones were in, or very close to, their primary context and that the fill was quickly buried. While the associated materials attest to the sacred origin of this fill, the animal remains it contains bear little resemblance to the expected result of a sacrifice and ritual meal, and they are quite different from comparative examples with a decided sacred or sacrificial character. Typically, an unusual emphasis on a certain species, age group, and/or body part aids in the identification of symbolic behaviour. For instance, at Sorgenti della Nova,133 Veii,134 and Populonia,135 contexts containing almost exclusively pig remains were linked to cultic activity. At Centocelle,136 around 80 percent of the animal remains from a Roman cistern belonged to chickens, many of them juvenile. The age structure of the assemblage was also indicative of the special deposits at Sant’ Omobono137 and Sorgenti della Nova,138 where contexts contained an atypically large proportion of very young and perinatal animal remains. A prevalence of the left or right side139 or fore or hindlimb140 can also be suggestive of a ritual deposit. In contrast, unit 97 has a balanced set of livestock remains very similar to the rest of the site. While some very young specimens are present, the assemblage does not emphasize juvenile animals, and there was no evidence of left/right side bias. Only two cut marks were noted, so butchery modifications do little to help our interpretation, and body part distribution did not suggest the differential treatment of livestock skeletons. In addition, the remains from unit 97 were not associated with organic residues or placed inside ceramics in a way that would suggest a ritual meal or banquet, as was the case with the faunal remains from Populonia141 and Centocelle.142 The presence of chicken and owl bones is of note, but they are not unique or necDe Grossi Mazzorin and Minniti 2002. Cucinotta, De Grossi Mazzorin, and Minniti 2010. 135 De Grossi Mazzorin and Mascione 2010. 136 De Grossi Mazzorin 2004a. 137 Tagliacozzo 1989. 138 De Grossi Mazzorin and Minniti 2002. 139 MacKinnon 2010b. 140 Ekroth 2009. 141 De Grossi Mazzorin and Mascione 2010. 142 De Grossi Mazzorin 2004a. 133 134 434 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere essarily indicative of cultic practices. While the small sample size and limitations of hand collection preclude a detailed assessment of the fauna from the fill, it can still be recognized as a distinct deposit, different from other material on the site. The mix of avian fauna and the presence of numerous well-preserved ribs and rib fragments separate the context from general food debris recovered elsewhere. Although the character of the material does not align with the traditional narrative of burning and ritual consumption that we might expect from a sacrifice, the archaeology of Etruscan sacrifice is not well understood,143 and further research into the other materials recovered from unit 97 and the taphonomic histories of comparative deposits will provide future avenues for interpretation.144 In sum, faunal remains from the Vigna Marini-Vitalini at Caere provide evidence for human–animal relationships at this important regional centre. Zooarchaeological analysis indicates a subsistence strategy based on domestic livestock and similar to comparative settlements. Cattle were raised for labour and meat; sheep/goats were kept for a variety of products, most likely including meat, milk, and wool; and pigs were bred primarily for meat. Wild animals made a small contribution to the assemblage, but their presence provides evidence of coastal and woodland exploitation and of the occasional pursuit of large game. While a similar strategy was in place on many sites in the region, this zooarchaeological analysis revealed new spatial and chronological patterns in intra-site animal usage. The comparison of these new results with Clark’s study reveals differences in the animal remains found in different areas of the Archaic settlement, indicating that bone working was a localized activity potentially in or near the Vigna Parrocchiale.145 Animal usage also evolved through time, and livestock husbandry appears to have intensified after the Roman annexation of the settlement. Lastly, animal remains from Caere provide new information on the role of animals in cultic activity. The fauna recovered from the semi-subterranean shrine helped reconstruct the depositional history of the context, and they suggest the usage of animals in cultic activity outside the typical narrative of slaughter, burning, and banqueting. Preliminary Conclusions (Fabio Colivicchi) The new excavations and the re-evaluation of data from previous research have allowed for the reconstruction of a long-term sequence of the history of the site of Caere and have brought to light a wealth of new evidence relevant to the research objectives of the project. Orientalizing structures of high architectural quality, with stone foundations and plastered walls with painted decoration, have been unearthed near the hypogaeum. Traces of earlier Rask 2014. e.g. Mylona 2013. 145 Clark 1989, 1993. 143 144 435 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues occupation phases dating back to the Late Iron Age have also been detected. In addition to the remains of pebble floors, the fragment of adult human maxilla found in the Orientalizing floor preparation is evidence of the presence of early burials in the area,146 which has already been suggested for Vigna Parrocchiale.147 One extremely important observation can be made with respect to the orientation of all surviving architecture excavated at the site. Throughout every phase, from the Orientalizing to the early Imperial, the walls maintain the same orientation (fig. 7). It will be interesting to see if this trend is general over a much larger area. The presence of a form of regular urban planning starting from such an early date would be exceptional in Etruria and Latium, where the earliest wave of urban formations resulted almost invariably in irregular layouts.148 The quality of the structures and the presence of objects of probable ritual or ceremonial function, such as certain vase shapes and the bronze figurine found in a pit, might suggest that the area had a cultic purpose already at that early phase.149 However, great caution should be used, both because of the incomplete nature of the evidence and especially the extreme difficulty of distinguishing spaces for ‘public’ religion at such an early stage. At any rate, this is the first significant discovery in the urban area of Caere of Orientalizing structures, which were previously documented indirectly by finds in a secondary context and tombs imitating domestic architecture. Especially important are the indicators for the manufacture of bronze objects found in the floor preparation of the Orientalizing building. This is the earliest evidence of a designated area for metalworking that continues in the Archaic period, as shown by the findings for Vigna Parrocchiale.150 Even though the stratigraphy of the Archaic period is highly disturbed, it is clear that in the area of the hypogaeum structures were built with foundations of stone blocks oriented like the earlier Orientalizing buildings, the remains of which were in part cut and in part buried under the new floor levels. The architectural terracottas found in the nineteenth century, and then in the Italian151 and Canadian excavations, confirm the presence of 146 147 250. Trentacoste, above. (I refer to the part by T. just above the conclusions) Cristofani 1986b: 12; Rizzo 1994: 105; Moscati 2001: 123; Cristofani et al. 2003: See Colivicchi 2014: 58–64, with bibliography. Fiorini (2013a) makes explicit reference to the so-called “cultic huts,” Iron Age structures found in many sanctuaries of Etruria and Latium that some scholars have interpreted as direct predecessors of the temple buildings of the Archaic period. This interpretation has been proposed at Caere for the hut found under the foundations of Temple B of Sant’Antonio (Izzet 2000). 150 Bellelli 2005. 151 Romizzi 2003. 148 149 436 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere monumental buildings. The majority of the finds date to the second half of the sixth century bc, but there are also earlier pieces in the “white-on-red” technique. These structures with decorated roofs may have been elite residences and/or temples. At any rate, the religious purpose of the area—or at least a part of it—is confirmed by the semi-subterranean shrine with niches, a structure that may have been used for chthonic cults, a form of religion that is also well documented at Vigna Parrocchiale and, of course, in the hypogaeum. Given the subterranean nature and the location of the shrine, it cannot be ruled out that it might have been a predecessor of the hypogaeum. The religious nature of the area would be visible here earlier than at Vigna Parrocchiale, where the structures pre-dating the large temple have been identified as a productive compound and not a sanctuary.152 The closure of the shrine in the early fifth century bc is evidence for a phase of general renovation that is also visible at Vigna Parrocchiale, where a quarry was filled, earlier structures were demolished, and a temple and an elliptical building were built on the debris. The other large urban sanctuary of Sant’Antonio also underwent important changes in the early fifth century bc, with the construction of Temple A in the place of the smaller Archaic temple labelled as “Proto A.”153 Primary contexts of the full fifth and fourth centuries bc have not been identified yet, but artefacts in the secondary context, including architectural terracottas,154 confirm the continuity of occupation and the presence of monumental buildings. One of the most significant results of the ongoing excavation is the importance of the third century bc phase, when not only the hypogaeum, but also many of the structures brought to light in Area 2, were built. The new data make a strong case for the general re-evaluation of the post-273 bc period, which until now was regarded as one of steep decline for the city of Caere. This view is largely the product of the prejudicial assumption that the “Romanization” must have had dire consequences.155 As a matter of fact, the data from the Queen’s University excavation are supported by evidence from other contexts of Caere. Emerging data from both Vigna Parrocchiale and Sant’Antonio provide evidence of significant building activity after 273 bc,156 and the compound of the so-called “Temple of Hera,” which was investigated by R. Mengarelli in 1912–1913, shows Bellelli 2008, with bibliography. Maggiani and Rizzo 2005; Rizzo 2008; Maggiani 2013a. 154 See also some pieces probably found at Vigna Marini in the nineteenth century, such as the antefix with Hercules and Minerva (Gaultier 2008: 1481; Casal 2013: no. 326, with bibliography) and antefixes with female heads and satyr heads (Christiansen, Winter, and Lulof 2010: 108–111, nos. 49–50; Casal 2013: nos. 321–325, with bibliography). 155 On post-conquest Caere, see Colivicchi 2015 and Colivicchi forthcoming. 156 Maggiani 2008; Maggiani 2013b; Bellelli 2013a, with bibliography. 152 153 437 Fabio Colivicchi and colleagues the continued productive vitality of the city.157 The evidence for thriving and renewed cult activity in Caere, with massive deposits of third century votive terracottas and numerous architectural decorations in the urban and peri-urban area also contributes to serious questioning of the traditional image of a city prostrated and in deep recession.158 The construction of the hypogaeum of Clepsina can be hardly regarded as the Roman seal on the fate of Caere. Rather, it appears to mark the beginning of a new phase of intense activity in the history of the city. The hypogaeum complex and the structures brought to light in Area 2 were built between the Middle and Late Republican period. The gently sloping terrain, terraced and drained by a network of pipes and reservoirs, was crossed by a street that continued in the direction of one of the main accesses to the city, near the Manganello sanctuary. The long wall flanking the street does not have any visible opening in the excavated section and might have served as a boundary between the northeast and the southwest part of the area. The stone drain and the retaining walls immediately northeast of the stairway of the hypogaeum might have marked another boundary, between the hypogaeum complex and Vigna Parrocchiale. The two lines are parallel to each other and to another axis excavated further northwest, the monumental stone drain of the so-called “Temple of Hera.” The geo-magnetic survey seems to show that these axes were part of a regular urban plan extending all the way to the Manganello gate, the orientation of which was already defined in the Archaic period at the latest and possibly even in the Orientalizing period (fig. 7). Architectural terracottas in the secondary context confirm the presence in the Middle and Late Republican periods of buildings with high quality decoration, such as the antefixes with Nereids.159 The vitality of the city mirrors the burgeoning nature of rural settlement and possible intensive exploitation of the countryside revealed by surface survey.160 This economic vigour was the product of significant investment and planning, which must have been a source of wealth that could be re-invested. The preliminary analysis of faunal remains also appears to indicate stability in animal management until around the first century bc/first century ad,161 a fact that is difficult to reconcile with the traditional narrative that emphasizes the disruptive effects of the Roman Bellelli 2013b, with bibliography. Nagy 2013; Gentili 2013, with bibliography. 159 Fragments of antefixes of the same series have been found in the Vigna Parrocchiale (Bellelli and Maggiani 2006: 94, fig. 8.28; Bellelli 2008: 79, fig. 26; Bellelli 2013a: no. 336). 160 Maffei and Nastasi 1990; Tartara 1999; Enei 2001; Colivicchi 2015. 161 Trentacoste , above (I refer to Angela’s text in this article). 157 158 438 New Excavations in the Urban Area of Caere conquest, with dramatic changes in land ownership, the creation of ager publicus, and the arrival of colonists. In the early Imperial period at Vigna Marini, there were renovations and upgrades, such as the paving of the street, but not monumental projects like those at Vigna Parrocchiale. The traces of concrete masonry appear to belong to rather modest interventions. However, mobile finds are abundant and attest to the intensive usage of the area. Between the late first century ad and the early second century ad, the quantity of finds drops dramatically, coinciding with the closure and fill of the sunken room of Area 2. The votive objects and the antefix are probably from nearby cultic areas that were abandoned. Black stones like the one found in the room— probably the metamorphic rock, serpentine—have been found at several sites in Etruria. Giovanni Colonna has proposed a connection to the cult of Śuri,162 a chthonic deity also identified with Apollo and, in the south sanctuary of Pyrgi, to Veiovis.163 We cannot tell if the stone was originally set in the room, but it was certainly moved to the corner where it was found. This change in the usage of the area could be part of a more general trend. It may not be a coincidence that the most recent cistern of the sanctuary of Sant’Antonio was abandoned and filled in the late first century ad, probably marking the end of the cultic activity there.164 However, the inscriptions show that the hypogaeum remained in use at least until the early third century ad, even though it was located in what appears to be a much changed urban landscape. Acknowledgements The project was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and by Queen’s University at Kingston, ON, Canada. Zooarchaeological research was made possible by the Etruscan Foundation and the British School at Rome. The authors would like to thank the Soprintendenza ai Beni Archeologici dell’Etruria Meridionale and especially Soprintendente Alfonsina Russo, Rita Cosentino, and Sandro Dello Russo for their support. Many thanks also to the three readers and the editors of Mouseion for their comments and suggestions. Finally, we would like to thank the students who have participated in the fieldwork for their hard work and enthusiasm, which has been essential to the success of this project. Fabio Colivicchi Department of Classics, Queen’s University [email protected] Colonna 2007. 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