/ ARTICLES /
News of the World
The Role of Handwritten Newspapers in the Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth in the Early 18th Century
ANNA PENKAŁA-JASTRZĘBSKA
Handwritten newspapers are one of the most interesting sources for research, giving
a broad picture of eighteenth-century mentality, preferences, and interests1 Apart from
correspondence, they were one of the most important information sources and opinion-forming tools in the 18th century2 In the case of the eighteenth-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, it was primarily the representatives of the privileged class – the
magnates and nobility – who were interested in current events taking place at European
courts, as evidenced by the selection and scope of the content presented in handwritten
newspapers3 The wealthy regularly paid to receive written reports, which included not
only current affairs of the Commonwealth itself, but also political and social reports concerning the situation at European courts4 The subject of the analysis are the surviving
accounts from handwritten newspapers from the first half of the 18th century Extensive source materials were studied in order to capture those accounts and reports that
directly related to the activity of leading figures – representatives of European ruling
houses and their courts Of scholarly interest is both the scope of information reaching
the Commonwealth, the preferences of the recipients, revealed in particularly frequent
and extensive reports relating to specific places, as well as the selection of information
disclosed to the public This analysis is an excellent contribution to the study of international interactions and an important component of research on the scale of information
dissemination in 18th century Europe
1
This paper has been prepared in the course of a study conducted under the National Science Centre
Grant: Kobiecy dwór szlachecki w Rzeczypospolitej w czasach saskich. Struktura, ludzie, kultura, funkcje;
Nr 2021/41/B/HS3/00253 See Caroline Archer-Parré, Private pleasures and portable presses,
do-it-yourself printers in the eighteenth-century, in: eadem – Malcolm Dick (edd), Pen, print and
communication in the eighteenth century, Liverpool 2020, pp 89-106
2
See Rachael Scarborough King, All the News that’s Fit to Write. The Eighteenth-Century Manuscript Newsletter, in: Siv Gøril Brandtzæg – Paul Goring – Christine Watson (edd), Travelling
Chronicles News and Newspapers from the Early Modern Period to the Eighteenth Century,
Leiden-Boston 2018, pp 95-118, here pp 97-98
3
See Mirosława Siuciak, Kształtowanie się gatunku wiadomości prasowej w XVIII wieku, in: Urszula
Sokólska (ed), Tekst – akt mowy – gatunek wypowiedzi, Białystok 2013, pp 351-367, here pp 353354
4
For more see Bożena Popiołek, Z kraju i ze świata. Krakowskie nowiny rękopiśmienne z 1729 r. jako
źródło do historii mentalności społeczeństwa czasów saskich, Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej 15, 2012,
pp 23-39
304
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The decision to focus on the first half of the 18th century in our analysis has been
motivated by several factors The popularity of handwritten newspapers was already
noticeable during this period – the wealthy even had their private informants, sending
them current political and social reports5 Lack of private representation was not an
obstacle to obtaining information Representatives of the higher and lower nobility
willingly paid for copies of messages prepared and sent out by newspaper writers-informants It was an attitude analogous to the activity of European aristocracy6 In the
eighteenth century, the nature of contacts between Polish magnates and nobility and
foreigners was also changing7 In the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, this was influenced by several factors – most of all, the relocation of the political centre to Dresden
The need to maintain permanent relations with the Dresden society was symptomatic
for the entire period of the reign of the Wettin dynasty The need to stay with the king
triggered understandable mobility in politically active circles Moreover, representatives
of the magnates increasingly maintained contacts with European aristocracy It had both
a political and a private dimension At the turn of the eighteenth century, an increased
activity of the Polish magnates could be observed in terms of entering into marriage
alliances with foreign noble houses The related process of cultural migration and assimilation also resulted in a growing interest in European affairs in the Commonwealth
In the case of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, it is crucial to maintain the
terminological distinction between the nobility and the richest part of the society –
the magnates8 It was the magnates who began to feel part of the European community in the eighteenth century and increasingly aspired to establish closer relations with
the European aristocracy Court culture directly influenced the formation of this type
of attitudes – an undisguised fascination with French culture, the disappearance of the
language barrier, the formation of a common culture of elites, and – consequently –
the need to constantly become familiar with information reaching from royal European courts The content reproduced in handwritten newspapers was an indicator of the
opinions of that time, and outlined the way information was perceived and understood It was the representatives of the magnate class who maintained a large group
of people skilled in providing them with current news: informants, private diplomats
5
Jeffery A Smith, 18th-Century Journalism and Notable Journalists, in: Tim P Vos – Folker
Hanusch – Dimitra Dimitrakopoulou – Margaretha Geertsema-Sligh – Annika Sehl (edd), The
International Encyclopedia of Journalism Studies, Wiley-Blackwell 2018, pp 1-7, here pp 1-2
6
Thorkild Kjærgaard, The rise of press and public opinion in eighteenth-century Denmark-Norway,
Scandinavian Journal of History 14, 1989, pp 215-230, here pp 216-217
7
Anna Penkała-Jastrzębska, Za cudzoziemca iść… Migracje a polityka małżeńska szlachty państwa
polsko-litewskiego, Kraków 2021, pp 14-15
8
Adam Kersten, Warstwa magnacka – kryterium przynależności, in: idem – Władysław Czapliński
(edd), Magnateria polska jako warstwa społeczna, Toruń 1974, pp 8-12
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and, finally – writers of handwritten newspapers The scope of content was therefore
adapted to their needs and expectations – the paid people made every effort to meet
the requirements set for them by their employers
The preserved body of sources is the outcome of the changes outlined above, resulting in an increased demand for current affairs information from western countries It
should be emphasized that the scope of information from handwritten newspapers
was supplemented by printed newspapers, such as the „Kurier Polski“, concerned with
domestic affairs, and the „Uprzywilejowane Wiadomości z Cudzych Krajów“, compiling
news from abroad,9 which was published by the Piarists Order10 in the 1730s11 They
constituted an important source of information and an important supplement to handwritten newspapers The latter, however, were still ordered and paid for by customers
in the Commonwealth, not losing popularity until the second half of the 18th century
It should also be noted that the printed „Uprzywilejowane Wiadomości z Cudzych
Krajów“ was a translation of foreign newspapers, so its content and the character of its
reporting differed from information recorded in handwritten newspapers Due to the
specific character of this source, as well as the duplication of information known from
original foreign newspapers, they did not constitute a source for the presented analysis
In the case of handwritten newspapers, the preserved source material consists of both
extensive volumes of materials collected over the years, as well as individual fragments,
single notes, which are selective reports with various dates As a result, these materials
sometimes duplicate or differ only slightly, because the newspapers found are merely
another excerpt from an original source The study of preserved handwritten newspapers
requires a wide source query, because this type of material is spread out across numerous
archives12 The presented research results are the effect of source queries conducted in
the Central Archives of Historical Records (Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych), the Library of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Kórnik (Biblioteka Polskiej Akademii Nauk w
Kórniku), the National Archives in Krakow (Archiwum Narodowe w Krakowie), the Library of the National Ossoliński Institute in Wrocław (Biblioteka Zakładu Narodowego im.
Ossolińskich we Wrocławiu), the Central State Archives of Ukraine in Kyiv, the National
Historical Archives of Belarus in Minsk, and Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden
9
See Piotr Lewandowski, Z historii prasy polskiej. „Wiadomości różne Cudzoziemskie“ jako przykład
rozwoju gazet seryjnych w Polsce na przełomie XVII i XVIII wieku, 2015 (eBook), pp 47-59
10
See Ewa Wierzbicka, Warszawskie gazety drukowane z lat 1729-1740, Rocznik Historii Prasy
Polskiej 5, 2002, Nr 2, pp 5-44
11
National Historical Archives of Belarus in Minsk [hereinafter NIAB], fond 694, description 1, case
487, pp 1-48v
12
Heiko Droste, How Public Was the News in Early Modern Times? in: idem – Kirsti Salmi-Niklander
(edd), Handwritten Newspapers An Alternative Medium during the Early Modern and Modern
Periods, Helsinki 2019, pp 29-44, here pp 30-31
306
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The preserved collections of handwritten newspapers constitute a huge source material Archival collections of handwritten newspapers are usually kept in the form of large
series, numbering several dozen or sometimes hundreds of newspapers Collections of
handwritten newspapers are usually sets of news from several decades, although there
are also volumes collected separately from year to year As a result, the collection of
newspapers preserved in the archives is enormous – several thousand copies organized
into smaller or larger collections Information was usually provided in a short and precise manner Only in cases that were extremely controversial or important from the point
of view of informants or potential receivers, the message was enriched with additional
details13 As a result, a single handwritten newspaper usually contained 1-2 pages of
written text The report began with news related to the place where the newspaper was
written, and then the latest news from other centres were provided Thus, for example,
the „newspaper from Warsaw“ also included reports from other places – such as Toruń,
Lublin, Gdańsk, Vilnius, Dresden, Berlin or Paris
Textual analysis of the newspaper content is in that case essential14 In the case of
the selected research group, the preserved materials were unusual valuable and significantly expanded the possibility of analyzing mental and cultural issues15 Contacts
with Western Europe during this period brought new cultural influences, and issues of
politics, social advancement and diplomatic reports were also approached with attention
Handwritten newspapers were often cited as a source of information about the political
situation in private correspondence, even if their influence on shaping the policy itself
was very limited16 Different information can be gleaned from a text of handwritten
newspapers – political symbols and sympathies, informal social relationships, and even
the problem of sympathizing or not with specific royal courts in Europe This approach
allows for in-depth research on eighteenth century mentality, culture and customs17
The range of topics covered in handwritten newspapers was extremely wide, ranging from issues of significant political importance to accounts provided as curiosities,
side news, and ones that were an interesting testimony to the mentality of 18th century
13
More about the problem how did the readers of the newspaper come to trust these accounts:
William B Warner, Truth and Trust and the Eighteenth-Century Anglophone Newspaper, in:
S G Brandtzæg – P Goring – Ch Watson (edd), Travelling Chronicles, pp 27-48
14
Patrick Studer, Textual structures in eighteenth-century newspapers: A corpus-based study of headlines,
Journal of Historical Pragmatics 4, 2003, pp 19-44; Katarzyna Kozak, War of Words: The discourse of
hate in the early eighteenth century English newspapers, Conversatoria Litteraria 13, 2019, pp 219-231
15
J A Smith, 18th-Century Journalism
16
Jeremy Black, The English Press in the Eighteenth Century, London 2011, p 97
17
See Kazimierz Maliszewski, From the History of Shaping the Mentality of Torun’s Elite in the 17th
Century and the First Half of the 18th Century: the Attempt to Address the Issue, Zapiski Historyczne
82, 2017, Nr 3, pp 121-140
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people18 Thus, handwritten newspapers can be treated as excellent materials for understanding both political matters and various elements of everyday life at European
courts, as well as how this information was received The path to obtaining some of this
information also constitutes a valuable source of learning in itself19 Analysis of the surviving reports from handwritten newspapers makes it possible to identify the places that
were particularly often used as intermediaries for information dissemination in Europe
Not surprisingly, among the frequently quoted origin points for information were such
cities as Dresden, Paris, St Petersburg, and Vienna20 Among these news items, there
were reports that constituted current and at the same time synthetic coverage of matters
commented on in Europe Reports on foreign affairs were also attached to news from
domestic centres, such as Warsaw or Lviv, but they were more often intertwined with
numerous local issues It is worth noting that the submitted information from handwritten newspapers was provided with a relatively small amount of additional commentary
or indications as to the line of interpretation of the discussed affairs Equally rarely were
the reported events set in a broader political or social context, presumably with the assumption that current, periodically provided information creates a sufficient context for
understanding the issues raised
Politics and diplomacy
Of course, matters of a military and political nature had the broadest coverage21 Information about ongoing conflicts, troop movements, battles won and lost, were given
frequent and at the same time extremely detailed descriptions Therefore, they can be
treated as an excellent source for research into European military history22 However,
a full elaboration of these aspects significantly exceeds the scope of the present study,
as the breadth and complexity of these issues requires holistic, extensive study Slightly
different in nature were the reports that can be defined as political, in the literal sense,
for example as information covering alliances and diplomatic issues, but also deliberate
marital policy, reports regarding changes on European thrones, appointments to the
18
Jeremy Black, The Press and Politics in the Eighteenth Century, Media History 8, 2002, Nr 2,
pp 175-182, here p 176
19
See Dorota Suska, Kategoria prasowości i jej wykładniki w osiemnastowiecznych gazetkach rękopiśmiennych Jędrzeja Kitowicza, Poradnik Jezykowy 770, 2020, Nr 1, pp 69-78, here p 70
20
Central State Archives of Ukraine in Kyiv, fond 254, description 1, case 5, pp 66r-66v
21
Hyder Abbas, „A Fund of entertaining and useful Information“: Coffee Houses, Early Public Libraries,
and the Print Trade in Eighteenth-Century Dublin, Library & Information History 30, 2014, Nr 1,
pp 41-61, here pp 46-47
22
Włodzimierz Zientara, Niemieckie media XVII wieku o Rzeczpospolitej szlacheckiej, in: Janusz Tazbir – Stanisław Zagórski (edd), Z szablą i kielichem, czyli życie po sarmacku, Łomża 2015, pp 185196, here pp 185-186
308
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highest offices, and even carefully concealed conflicts within ruling families The analysis
of these reports allows us to determine the range of problems playing out in European
courts that seemed important to the readers in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth It also reveals a specific manner of reporting on the most important problems and
issues23 A comparison of the preserved handwritten newspapers shows how extensive
and diverse were the political reports reaching the Commonwealth in the 18th century The receivers of these materials obtained information on the current situation in
European courts Importantly, analysis of the preserved source material demonstrates
certain preferences in terms of information policy Definitely the largest number of reports related to the Spanish, French, Viennese, and Portuguese courts Regular, detailed
reports were devoted to the events occurring there No wonder – these were areas with
which the Commonwealth was strongly politically linked in the 18th century Numerous
contacts with courts in Versailles, Madrid, and Lisbon were conducive to information
policy Surprisingly, however, there are relatively few reports from England and Scotland,
even though some of the most influential families in the Commonwealth were actively
involved in Stuart affairs24 Both countries were also linked by a number of other political issues25 Despite this, the issues of English politics were relatively poorly represented
in handwritten newspapers, most often in a broad pan-European context Equally rare
were reports from the Holy See, usually reduced to laconic messages about the health
of subsequent popes or anniversary events (such as preparations for the celebration of
jubilees)26 The celebrations of regular holidays and diplomatic contacts of the papacy
with European monarchs were also reported on27 Another issue is that of reports from
Dresden, which in the first half of the 18th century were basically treated as equal to
reports from the Commonwealth itself Most of them concerned the activities of the rulers themselves (first king Augustus II the Strong, later his son Augustus III), members
of their closest families, as well as numerous representatives of Polish nobility gathered
around the Dresden court Due to the specific character of these reports and their very
23
Jeremy Black, The Development of the Provincial Newspaper Press in the Eighteenth Century, Journal
for Eighteenth-Century Studies 14, 1991, pp 159-170, here p 160
24
This is confirmed by sporadic accounts from handwritten newspapers, speculating about the future
of Charles Edward Stuart († 1788), who was reported in 1748 to be wondering where to go next,
as there was no longer a place for him in neither France, Switcherland, nor Rome NIAB, fond 694,
description 1, case 148, pp 2r-2v
25
Jeremy Black, International Relations in the Eighteenth Century: Britain and Poland Compared,
Diplomacy & Statecraft 13, 2002, Nr 2, pp 83-112
26
Central Archives of Historical Records [Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych; hereinafter AGAD], The
Potocki Public Archive [Archiwum Publiczne Potockich; hereinafter APP], manuscript 180/1, p 49
27
For instance, in March 1749 the circumstances of granting the title of „the Most Faithful (Fidelissimus) ruler“ by Benedict IV, was reported on in much detail Ibidem, p 24
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frequent, direct connection with matters of the Commonwealth, these materials also
deserve a separate, extensive study
Matters of great politics played the most important role in the information process
Many events, however, were accompanied by side commentaries, often about curiosities
and minor episodes, which sometimes drew more attention than the actual problem
of a political nature28 For example, changes in the staffing of the most important state
administration offices were closely watched Much space was devoted in particular to
information on the appointment of new ministers and ambassadors, sometimes providing additional information on their assigned tasks or monthly salaries The actions of
those characters whose activities were related to matters of the Commonwealth were
especially carefully monitored In December 1749 reports were received with interest
about the nomination of the former French ambassador to the Commonwealth, Alphonse
Marie Louis de Saint-Séverin (†1757), as French Minister of State29 The assignment of
ambassadors and foreign envoys was also carefully watched30 Both the personnel changes
themselves and their circumstances were commented on When one of the English diplomats left the Commonwealth for good in July 1749, newspapers only briefly mentioned
his last meeting with the king, during which the Englishman received a diamond ring for
his service Much more space was devoted in the report to the information that when the
diplomat left, he took a surprising amount of goods with him In the handwritten newspaper it was reported that the Englishman had taken with him an impressive amount of
equipment and furniture31 which had been sent back to Berlin shortly after he had left
the Commonwealth Political matters gave way to secondary, gossipy accounts of little
informative value from the point of view of understanding current political interests
Recognition of fundamental issues occurred somewhat incidentally, as evidenced by
other preserved accounts from handwritten newspapers Their analysis proves that there
was interest in the course of diplomatic missions, the fact that diplomats visited certain
courts and that political missions were carried out Attempts were made to unravel the
purpose of these efforts from bits of information reaching the public, thus combining
gossip with knowledge about the current political situation32 The use of these measures
indicates that the news-writers were well versed in political matters and the reports
they edited were an attempt to combine an informative function with a desire to attract
the attention of potential readers This is perfectly reflected in the preserved accounts
28
Judith K Proud, Essence and impartiality: French-language periodical digests of the literary press in the
eighteenth century, Studies in Newspaper and Periodical History 1, 1993, pp 53-65, here p 54
29
AGAD, APP, manuscript 180/1, p 2
30
Ibidem, pp 37-38
31
„Ekwipaż i mueble.“ Ibidem, p 79
32
Ibidem, manuscript 180/2, p 4
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from 1750, where the politically significant conflict over Indian affairs was merely
a background for exposing curiosities about the actions of French and English diplomats33 The accounts concerning the conflict over the Austrian succession, which had
been developing since the beginning of the 1740s, were presented in a similar manner
Once again, the game of diplomacy, seen as a representation of the growing conflict,
was keenly observed As early as the beginning of March 1741, handwritten newspapers
were dominated by reports of various informal machinations attempted by the parties to
the conflict It was mentioned that „the envoy of Maria Theresa von Habsburg was, upon
arrival in Paris, awarded by the French King with a diamond-encrusted portrait“34 in
a display of political solidarity Such gestures were seen as certain political declarations,
but often – as in this case – greatly exaggerated35 The lack of an unambiguous commentary, a broader political background, or an explanation of the reasons behind the events,
opened the way to interpretation with quite a significant degree of freedom It should be
emphasized, however, that with the escalation of the diplomatic conflict, these accounts
began to give way to ever more reports on troop movements and the current situation on
the frontlines36 The change in the character of the accounts translated into much more
concrete content being presented
In addition to diplomatic issues, there was understandable interest in the elevation to
positions of honour, especially as a way for European rulers to express their appreciation
of those they trusted In the 1740s the activity and successive promotions of Maurice de
Saxe (†1750), son of Augustus II, who made a spectacular career in France, were often
recounted Handwritten newspapers commented on his successive achievements and
promotions, as well as on aspects of his private life In the person of Maurice de Saxe,
the scale of the influence handwritten newspapers had on the creation of his image in
the Commonwealth is clearly visible The frequency, content, and scope of information
concerning him testifies to his great popularity and widespread interest in him For
example, it was extensively reported that Maurice de Saxe received from Louis XV the
Château de Chambord, which the king gave him in April 1746 Handwritten newspapers in the Commonwealth devoted much attention to the scale of the investments undertaken by Count de Saxe in his new residence, the numerous foreigners he entertained
33
Ibidem, pp 5-6
34
„Regalizowany od króla JMci Francuskiego portretem diamentami sadzonym.“ National Archives in
Krakow, Department I [Archiwum Narodowe w Krakowie Oddział I; hereinafter ANKr I], the Zygmunt Gloger Collection [Zbiór Zygmunta Glogera; hereinafter ZZG], manuscript 734, p 5
35
France actively supported the efforts of other European courts that were opposed to the pragmatic
sanction and did not accept Maria Theresa’s accession to the throne See Michael Hochedlinger,
Austria’s Wars of Emergence. War, State and Society in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1683-1797, New York-London 2003
36
ANKr I, ZZG, manuscript 734, p 7
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there, or finally the fortification of the palace, not without considerable participation
from the French king, who „donated the cannons himself“37 As with political news, the
information policy in this regard was often based on quite prosaic accounts – official
visits, private contacts with representatives of European courts38 This example, however,
clearly shows the interpenetration of some content, as well as the increasing ease and
freedom of incorporating the Commonwealth’s problems into European politics The
reporting in handwritten newspapers evoked a sense of commonality of culture among
the elites and of belonging to the European aristocracy
Local turmoil and political games did not escape the attention of commentators They
went beyond the mainstream of European politics For example, information had met
with interest that one of the sons of the Turkish ruler visited various countries in Europe
incognito under the name of Charles Alexander It was reported with undisguised
surprise that the newcomer travelled with no more retinue than a secretary and two servants, as well as that he knew Latin, French, German, and Turkish perfectly39 Rumours
spread quickly that the foreigner „had considerable money and bills of exchange with
him“40 Although little was known about the trip itself, the aura of secrecy surrounding
it aroused understandable interest These accounts were also an expression of interest in
the changes in the workings of Ottoman diplomacy, observed at the turn of the 17th and
18th century41 Minor gestures – symbolic gifts sent on behalf of rulers – were reported
with no less attention In January 1739 a newspaper from Warsaw did not fail to note,
among various local reports, that the most exquisite horses were sent to Augustus III
as a gift from the Spanish king42 Indeed, sending symbolic gifts was actually treated in
the 18th century as an effective supplement to traditional diplomatic ties43 Examples of
accounts concerning changes in local politics are also an interesting source of knowledge
For example, at the end of 1736 the news that „Infant don Emmanuel, brother of the
Portuguese king, having left his country, came to Baioni“44 echoed widely The actions
of the would-be candidate for the Polish throne, Don Manuel de Bragança († 1766)
37
„Darował mu armaty.“ AGAD, APP, manuscript 180/1, p 37
38
Ibidem, p 67
39
„Z 1 sekretarzem i 2 służącymi (…) zna doskonale łaciński, francuski, niemiecki i turecki.“ Ibidem, p 50
40
„Znaczne pieniądze i weksle miał przy sobie.“ Ibidem
41
Artan Tülay, The First, Hesitant Steps of Ottoman Protocol and Diplomacy into Modernity (16761725), The Court Historian 26, 2021, Nr 1, pp 29-43
42
Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, Loc 2101, Nr 78, pp 38r-38v
43
Michael Yonan, Portable Dynasties: Imperial Gift-Giving at the Court of Vienna in the Eighteenth
Century, The Court Historian 14, 2009, Nr 2, pp 177-188, here pp 177-178
44
„Infant don Emmanuel brat króla portugalskiego, ujechawszy z państwa swego przybył do Baioni.“ Library of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Kórnik [Biblioteka Kórnicka PAN; hereinafter BKórnik],
manuscript 1026, p 90
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aroused interest in the Commonwealth even a few years after the end of his unsuccessful attempt at election45 It was reported that the brother of the Portuguese ruler John
V spoke to Cardinal de Fleur (André Hercule de Fleury, † 1743) that because of certain
disagreements with his brother the king he was forced to remove himself from Lisbon46
Contacts with the cardinal, the first minister of King Louis XV, were to provide him
with protection and temporary asylum, which he wanted to obtain at the French court47
Handwritten newspapers speculated about the causes of don Manuel’s flight from Portugal It was even said that the main reason was the fact that don Manuel had, „at the
persistence of his brother the Portuguese king, declared himself to be a priest, which he
now regretted“48
Life of European courts
The authors of handwritten newspapers included in their accounts various interesting
details from the life of European courts These matters, however, rarely went beyond
political issues, analysis of troop movements, newly formed alliances, or violations of
existing ones In particular, the moments of transition of power and the ceremonies
accompanying them attracted understandable interest In 1719, invoking reports
from St Petersburg, newspapers in Warsaw informed about the political turmoil in
Sweden Reference was made to the contents of the letters sent to European courts
by Ulrica Eleanor of the House of Wittelsbach († 1741), sister of King Charles XII,
who had died in November 1718, which notified of „the death of the late king and
her own accession to the throne“49 The political circumstances of this act, however,
were ignored Nevertheless, newspaper writers were perfectly capable of giving an
appropriate tone to their accounts, shaping the moods of the recipients That was what
happened in 1742 when the imperial coronation of Charles Albert of Bavaria († 1745)
was announced with undisguised joy Handwritten newspapers emphasized that the
newly elected emperor was, after all, the grandson of King John III Sobieski, and the
45
Urszula Kosińska, Kandydatura Emanuela Portugalskiego (Don Manuela de Bragança) do tronu polskiego w latach 1729-1733, in: Mariusz Markiewicz et alii (edd), Wokół wolnych elekcji w państwie
polsko-litewskim XVI-XVIII wieku, Katowice 2016, pp 430-448
46
„Odezwał się kardynałowi de Fleur [André Hercule de Fleury, zm 1743], iż dla pewnych dyssensyi
z królem bratem swoim przymuszony alienować się z Lizbony.“ BKórnik, manuscript 1026, p 90
47
See Urszula Kosińska, Could a Portuguese prince become King of Poland? The candidacy of Don Manuel de
Bragança for the Polish throne in the years 1729-1733, Slavonic & Est European Review 94, 2016, Nr 3, pp
497-508; Ernesto Soares, O infante D. Manuel (1697-1766). Subsídios para a sua biografia, Lisboa 1937
48
„Usilną perswazją króla portugalskiego brata swego deklarował się być księdzem, a teraz tego żałuje.“
BKórnik, manuscript 1026, p 90
49
„Która notificavit śmierć nieboszczyka k[róla] i onej na tron postanowienie.“ Library of the National
Ossoliński Institute in Wrocław [Biblioteka Zakładu Narodowego im. Ossolińskich we Wrocławiu],
manuscript 853, p 39
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son of Teresa Kunegunda Sobieska († 1730)50 In the news from February 1742, the
fact of the „unanimous” election of the emperor, who „was to be crowned immediately sub-nomine Caroli VII“,51 was emphasized The analysed source materials are an
excellent reflection not only of the manner of reporting the act of coronation itself, but
also of various minor elements reflecting the atmosphere at the court This is illustrated by accounts, which were a reaction to the accession to power by the next emperor
Franz Stephan von Lothringen († 1765) The activity of Franz Stephan was a point of
interest in the Commonwealth even earlier, including extensive coverage of his visits
to Dresden In 1744 it was reported that the prince, together with his wife Maria Theresa, visited Dresden on his way to Belgium The prince was greeted with „a threefold
10 cannon salvo from the ramparts“,52 and after a short visit, he continued his journey,
having received a Saxon porcelain set as a gift The mood surrounding his ascension
to the imperial throne, however, was much different The short reign of the previous
emperor and political turmoil fuelled an aura of uncertainty Less than a month after
his election, rumours reached Warsaw that an attempt was made „to poison the new
emperor with a poisoned pate, but he was saved from the cooks by divine instruction
and revelation“53 Accounts in handwritten newspapers were an excellent carrier of
this kind of content and directly influenced the formation of opinions
It should be emphasized, however, that the majority of newspaper reports only
addressed the foreign activity of people directly involved with the Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth Naturally there was much interest in the French court and the actions
of the twice crowned Stanisław Leszczyński († 1766), who was residing at the court
of Louis XV54 In 1736 it was reported that „King Stanisław wanted to choose the city
of Luneville as his residence after Christmas, and the princes dowager of Lorraine
(Élisabeth Charlotte de Bourbon) was to move to the Castle of Commercy“55 It was
correctly interpreted that cardinal André Hercule de Fleury, trying to ease the tension
in Franco-Polish relations, stood behind these subtle political manoeuvres However,
instead of focusing on the meanders of great politics, handwritten newspapers concentrated on the transport organized for this occasion and the ceremonial aspect of the
50
Henriette Graf, The Apartments of Prince-Elector Charles Albert of Bavaria around 1740 and Their
Ceremonial Use at Court, The Court Historian 22, 2017, Nr 1, pp 17-37, here pp 18-20
51
„Nieodwłocznie miał być koronowany cesarzem sub nomine Caroli VII.“ ANKr I, ZZG, manuscript 734,
p 14
52
„Z 10 armat przy troistym na wałach strzelaniu.“ BKórnik, manuscript 1577, p 53
53
„Nowego cesarza w pasztecie trucizną zaprawionym otruć chcieli, lecz za dyspozycją i wyjawieniem
boskim uwolniony od tychże kucharzów.“ Ibidem, manuscript 1026, p 131v
54
John E Rodes, The Welfare State of Stanislas Leszczynski, The Historian 19, 1956, Nr 1, pp 39-47
55
„Król Jmc Stanisław ma wolę po Bożym Narodzeniu tam przebierać na rezydencję do miasta Luneville,
a księżna lotaryńska wdowa ma się przenieść do zamku Commercy.“ BKórnik, manuscript 1026, p 96
314
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events It was thus reported that Leszczyński, on the occasion of his move to Luneville,
„obtained a beautiful and expensive carriage for himself, that could accommodate nine
people“56 Details from the private life of European ruling families were greeted with no
less interest In the news from Gdańsk of 8 January 1729 it was stated that „the Spanish
queen was trying hard to entertain, with various pleasures, her husband, who had finally
left his apartment, where he had been drowning in melancholy for a long time“57 It was
specified that the monarch’s poor condition was caused by reflecting on „the possibility
of abdicating the crown again and living out his life in solitudine“58 The report addressed the well-known issues of a psychological nature suffered by Philip V Bourbon
(† 1746), who had abdicated in 1724 in favour of his son Louis I († 1724), but after
the untimely death of his descendant had returned to the throne Worries about the
king’s health and the actions taken by his enterprising wife, Elisabetta Farnese († 1766),
reached as far as the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, along with the handwritten
newspapers It was presumed that the ruler’s changing moods could soon lead to his
abdication, thus opening a new chapter in European politics
Matrimonial politics
The matrimonial politics of European courts were also considered interesting, as they
were accurately interpreted as an excellent tool for achieving precise political goals59
Sarcastic comments were made about delicate matters, including forced efforts to enter
into specific relationships, often to the detriment of public image This is what happened
in January 1729, when reports from Gdańsk stated that „the Duchess d’Brezylle destined in sotiam vitae for the Portuguese prince was so small in stature, that the Portuguese
king had to postpone consummationem duplicus matrimonii“60 The account related to
the high-profile relationship of the future King of Portugal José o Reformador († 1777)
with Princess Mariana Victoria née Bourbon († 1781) The daughter of Philip V Bourbon, as only a child of several years of age, was engaged to the French king Louis XV,
but the couple never married (the ruler was finally married to a Polish woman – Maria
56
„Erygował sobie karetę piękną i kosztowną dla siebie, w której 9 osób commode siedzieć może.“ Ibidem,
p 96
57
„Królowa hiszpańska usilnie się stara różnymi króla męża swego rozrywać plezyrami, który lubo już
wyszedł z apartamentu swego, gdzie przez długi czas w melancholii zostawał.“ Ibidem, p 83
58
„Względem powtórnej abdykacji korony i dokończenia in solitudine życia.“ Ibidem, p 83
59
Helen Watanabe-O’Kelly, Princesses as Exiles? Foreign Consorts at European Courts 1550-1750, in:
Ian Wallace (ed), Voices from Exile Essays in Memory of Hamish Ritchie, Leiden-Boston 2015,
pp 289-302
60
„Księżna d’Brezylle destynowana insotiam vitae królewiczowi portugalskiemu jest tak małej statury, iż
król portugalski musiał odłożyć consummationem duplicus matrimonii.“ BKórnik, manuscript 1026,
p 83
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Leszczyńska, † 1768) In 1729 however, a plan was put in motion to marry the still
young – only 11-year-old – Mariana to the heir to the Portuguese throne This marriage
was part of a dual arrangement The wedding of the Spanish princess and the „Prince
of Brazil“ – as José Reformador was called – was complemented by a second marriage arrangement The missing piece of the puzzle was to be the wedding of Mariana’s
stepbrother – Ferdinand († 1759) and infanta Barbara – the Portuguese prince’s sister
Reports reaching the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the form of handwritten
newspaper accounts focused only on the first of these marriages The marriage between
the young Spanish girl and not much older heir to the Portuguese throne ( José Reformador was 15 at the time of the wedding) caused additional consternation The short
and stocky stature of the prospective bride were supposed to discourage the Portuguese
prince from the forced marriage The information reaching the Commonwealth stated
even that the Portuguese heir to the throne was „delaying the consummation of the
marriage fearing that it would not come to divortium afterwards, if the young duchess
would not grow up“61
Accounts in handwritten newspapers concerning other, less controversial marriages at
European courts were limited to much more laconic messages In March 1744 Warsaw
news included information that according to Dresden letters of 14 March „the heir to
the Swedish throne is to take in sociam vitae the sister of the Prussian king“62 These
rumours turned out to be true The marriage of Adolf Frederick († 1771) with Louisa
Ulrika Hohenzollern († 1786) was indeed finalized just a few months later – in August
1744 There were also frequent reports about planned marriages, for which the first
negotiations were to be secretly started This happened in 1749 when the plans to marry
Joseph, the eldest son of Emperor Franz Stephan von Lothringen († 1765), to a Portuguese princess were broadly commented upon The girl was then temporarily brought
to the Viennese court to receive a proper education63 However, the reports about the
engagements were brief and contained no study of possible political benefits for the parties who were to arrange a given marriage It must therefore be concluded that accounts
of this nature were to be more of a curiosity, a symptom of interest in social matters and
relations, and not a thorough analysis of political affairs This is, in any case, specific to
the preserved accounts from handwritten newspapers – the apparent lack of an analytical approach, or rather the brief and perfunctory nature of the information, probably
repeated after foreign informants
61
„Obawiając się, żeby po tym nie przyszło do divotrium, gdyby pomieniona księżna podróść nie miała.“
Ibidem
62
„Drezdeńskie listy de data 14 III piszą także, iż sukcesor tronu szwedzkiego ma pojąć in sociam vitae
siostrę króla pruskiego.“ Ibidem, manuscript 1577, p 54
63
AGAD, APP, manuscript 180/1, p 115
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Accounts that go beyond this pattern are few and far between In this case, it is worth
quoting the accounts from the late 1740s, confirming the beginning of efforts to marry
the son of the king of Sardinia – Vittorio Amedeo III di Savoia († 1796) to the Spanish infanta Maria Antonietta Bourbon († 1785)64 In the case of this marriage much
was written about its political objectives It was clear that the marriage itself was part
of the alliance politics between Spain, Sardinia, and France65 A handwritten newspaper stated at the time that the Empress, knowing about the planned marriage, „made
considerable war arrangements“66 The whole event had a broad political context and was
part of a change in alliance politics By the end of the 1740s, the tensions between the
Bourbons and the Habsburgs had ceased, and the Empire itself saw a growing threat in
the rise of the Hohenzollern power67 Marriage was an excellent tool for bringing these
powers together Rumours about the prospective marriage between Maria Antonietta
and Vittorio Amedeo III di Savoia turned out to be true The marriage did indeed take
place in May 1750
Naturally, reports concerning marriages within the Wettin family were also closely
followed In January 1738 it was reported that the Polish princess Maria Amalia of Saxony († 1760) was betrothed to the Sicilian king Don Carlos68 The husband of the eldest
daughter of King Augustus III was to be Charles III, the future king of Spain († 1788),
referred to by the newspaper as Don Carlos Although negotiations regarding the couple’s
marriage were concluded successfully at the end of October 1737, the official confirmation of this information was withheld The announcement of the couple’s engagement in
early 1738 was a clear sign of the political line taken by the groom’s mother – Elisabeth
Farnese († 1766), who used close relations with Augustus III and his wife Maria Josepha
of Austria69 Therefore, the whole event aroused understandable interest in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth70 As a result, almost immediately after the first reports,
handwritten newspapers began giving more and more details of the whole enterprise Already in the second half of January 1738, it was reported, quoting accounts from Dresden,
64
Ibidem, p 135
65
Ibidem
66
„Tym sposobem Cesarzowa JejMc znaczne czyni dyspozycje wojenne.“ Ibidem
67
Jerzy Grobis, Narodziny dualizmu niemieckiego. Polityka Wielkiej Brytanii wobec Rzeszy Niemieckiej
w latach 1748-1763, Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 5, 2006, Nr 1, pp 117-136, here pp 119-120
68
„Najjaśniejsza królewna JejMc polska starsza desponsata najjaśniejszemu królowi JMc sycylijskiemu Don
Carlos.“ BKórnik, manuscript 1026, p 103v
69
Pablo Vázquez-Gestal, „The System of This Court“: Elizabeth Farnese, the Count of Santiesteban and
the Monarchy of the Two Sicilies, 1734-1738, The Court Historian 14, 2009, Nr 1, pp 23-47, here pp
34-36
70
„Świadczy o tym powtarzanie tej informacji w różnych gazetach rękopiśmiennych.“ BKórnik, manuscript
1026, p 104
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with undisguised surprise that when the king announced the betrothal of Princess Maria
Amalia, „sitting at the table, he did not drink a toast to honour the princess, as the future
queen of Sicily and Naples, whereas all the other gentlemen at the table did“71 It was
speculated that efforts would be made to conclude the marriage as quickly as possible
Handwritten newspapers additionally emphasized the significance of the decisions It was
even mentioned that preparations had been made in Dresden to receive „an envoy of the
king of Sicily, who was said to be on his way, for the purpose of negotiating the marriage“72 The couple’s speedy per procura marriage was to quickly confirm the new arrangements73 The wedding ceremony, however, took place a little later – in May 1738 – indeed
without the personal presence of Charles III The alliance with the king of Naples and
Sicily was henceforth mentioned repeatedly in newspapers, such as when discussing the
lavish celebrations in November 1745 in Hubertsburg, where the ceremony of the feast
of St Hubert and „the gala at St Charles were held in honour of the Sicilian king and
prince Karl von Sachsen († 1796)“74
No less attention was paid to the other planned marriages of the children of king
Augustus III In February 1746 it was speculated that the Dresden court had already
started appropriate talks with the Bavarian elector Maximilian III Joseph Wittelsbach
(† 1777), grandson of Teresa Kunegunda Sobieska, great-grandson of King John III
Sobieski Maria Anna Wettin († 1797), daughter of king Augustus III, was proposed as
his wife The handwritten newspaper noted that talks had already begun, concerning „the
secret marriage between the princess and the Bavarian elector, as well as the elder prince
and a Bavarian princess“75 The latter marriage was to involve Maria Anna’s brother –
Friedrich Christian († 1763), for whom Maria Antonina née Wittelsbach († 1780),
sister of the Bavarian Elector Maximilian III Joseph († 1777) was chosen as his wife
Thus, it was another instance of a marriage arranged by ruling houses, in which the bilateral arrangement was to ensure the durability of the alliance The publication of some
information was intended to give credence to the determination of the Dresden court
in this matter Indeed, the accounts of the handwritten newspaper quickly turned out to
be true Both marriages were concluded on 20 June 1747 What is striking, however, is
71
„Będąc u stołu jak zwyczaj nie pił za zdrowie tej królewny, jako przyszłej królowej obuch Sycylii i Neapolitańskiej, co zarówno spełniali wszyscy panowie, którzy mieli honor siedzieć u stołu.“ Ibidem, p 104v
72
„Posła wielkiego króla tegoż sycylijskiego, który mówią że już jest w drodze, dla solennych transakcji królewny JejMości mariażu i dla zaślubienia jej także na JMc przez prokuracją.“ Ibidem
73
Helen Watanabe-O’Kelly, Cultural Transfer and the Eighteenth-Century Queen Consort, German
History 34, 2016, Nr 2, pp 279-292
74
„Gdzie była ceremonia festu św. Huberta i gala u św. Karola in gratiam imienia króla sycylijskiego i królewicza Karola.“ BKórnik, manuscript 1026, p 136
75
„Mariażu królewny naszej z elektorem bawarskim wraz i królewicza starszego z księżniczką bawarską.“
Ibidem, p 156
318
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the form of presentation of the news, as they mention „secret“ negotiations, which were,
after all, publicly announced The writers skilfully created the impression that the information had some special meaning The sense of elitism evoked by the news was probably
supposed to ensure the addressees of the newspapers that paying regularly for handwritten newspapers was justified Over time, the planned marriage was mentioned more and
more extensively, with numerous details about the meetings of the future spouses In
September 1746 it was even reported that „the Bavarian elector had unexpectedly come
to Dresden to see his bride, Mary Anna, presenting her with a diamond encrusted snuffbox on her birthday“76 Issues of matrimonial politics, especially conducted within the
royal courts, were treated as an important and at the same time quite interesting element
of information policy
It was much less common for accounts of marriages of people outside the royal families to reach the Commonwealth If such accounts did appear in handwritten newspapers,
they only concerned people associated with the court, most often the family of royal
ministers or diplomats This was regarded as an essential element of family politics, within
which the establishment of marital alliances was an important link connecting a certain
circle of influence Following this logic, the newspapers in 1749 announced the marriage
of baron de Stein and miss von Berlepsch, granddaughter of the Saxon minister Henry
Brühl († 1763)77 The report highlighted the setting of the wedding The ceremony was
even attended by King Augustus III and his wife, which gave the whole party a unique
setting A sumptuous meal was served after the wedding, „followed by dances, started by
the king and queen themselves, which lasted until midnight“78 However, the account of
the marriage had far broader dimensions than a mere a public confirmation of the fact
The informants made every effort to report as extensively as possible on the course of the
exceptional celebrations, on the presence of certain personalities at the event, on the ceremony itself, which would be unknown to people outside court Thus, in the eighteenth
century, accounts in handwritten newspapers fulfilled a much broader function than just
providing information They provided access to a closed world and were a way of creating
the image of the monarch himself and his immediate surroundings, a tool for explaining
the sphere of court etiquette
76
„Przybył niespodziewanie Elektor JMc bawarski, dla widzenia oblubienicy swojej królewny JejMci Maryi
Anny, którą w dzień doroczny narodzenia jej tabakierą diamentami brylantowymi sadzoną regalizował.“
Ibidem, manuscript 1577, p 66
77
AGAD, APP, manuscript 180/1, p 92
78
„Po której tańce, Król JMc pierwszy zaczął z Królową JMcią, ta ochota trwała aż do godziny 12 w noc.“
Ibidem, p 110
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Court Life
The character of reports from the world in the form of handwritten newspapers was
also based on presenting readers with completely natural information, such as accounts
of births and deaths within European courts In March 1749 handwritten newspapers
noted that „Madame du Dauphine“ was already 5 months pregnant, which was a source
of great joy for the French court79 The interest was justified as the daughter of Augustus III – Maria Josepha Wettin – and her husband Louis, dauphin de France († 1765),
were expecting the birth of a child Hope in this regard was all the more understandable
as Maria Josepha had already experienced lost pregnancies80 The public announcement
of such information was thus an element of the image policy of the court, an announcement of the imminent extension of the line of succession Unfortunately, this time also
the spouses did not enjoy their happiness for long Warsaw reports of June 1749 already
announced „the unfortunate news that on 10 May the Dauphine of France had miscarried again, due to a fright that came over her in her sleep“81 It was only a year later
that the spouses actually had the desired offspring However, Maria-Zéphirina, born
in October 1750, lived for only 5 years – to the despair of her parents, the girl died in
convulsions in 1755
News about the births of heirs to the throne and subsequent descendants of ruling
families had varied overtones Handwritten newspapers did not always take care to attach an extensive commentary explaining the changes in the line of succession This was
what happened with the reports attesting to the birth of the fourth child, the first son
of Maria Theresa and Franz Stephan von Lothringen The birth of the boy was reported
sparingly in handwritten newspapers, which stated only that „the Queen of Hungary
gave birth to a son whose name is Joseph (future Joseph II)“82 On the other hand, the
birth of the second son of the King of Sweden, Adolf, and his wife, Louisa Ulrika née
79
„Madame du Dauphine już w 5 miesiącu gravida zostaje, co wielką u dworu francuskiego causat radość.“
BKórnik, manuscript 1026, p 213 This news was also repeated in other surviving newspapers –
AGAD, APP, manuscript 180/1, pp 14-15
80
In the case of this pregnancy it was also speculated, as early as 1749, that Maria Josepha had miscarried AGAD, APP, manuscript 180/1, p 20
81
„Przyszła niepomyślna wiadomość, że die 10 maii Daufinowa Jmc Francuska znowu aborrum passa
syna z okazji przelęknienia się we śnie.“ BKórnik, manuscript 1577, p 86v It should also be noted
that not only subsequent marriages, but the pair’s whole private life had already been scrutinised
with great interest Even before their marriage, preparations to the wedding were widely reported
about [„przyszłej królowej Marii Józefy z synem króla Jmc Francuskiego delfinem“], as was the bride’s
imminent departure for Starsburg [„zaraz taż królewna Jmc odprowadzona będzie do Strasburga“]
Ibidem, p 70v This piece of information was also reported in other handwritten newspapers, which
also added that the lavish celebrations of the pair’s wedding were planned to take a few days, as the
official betrothal was planned to take place only four days before the wedding In the end, the pair
got married at the beginning of 1747
82
„Królowa węgierska powiła syna, któremu dane jest imię Józef.“ ANKr I, ZZG, manuscript 734, p 8
320
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Hohenzollern, was described much more extensively In November 1748, a month after
the birth of the child, reports reached readers in the Commonwealth that the boy was
named Karl (the future King Karl XIII) and that his birth brought „universal joy to the
Swedish nation on the occasion of the birth of a new successor to the Swedish throne“83
The reports also contained the information that during the birth of the child „a bright
star supposedly appeared over Stockholm in the middle of the day, which was seen as
a good omen by the Swedes“84 The account thus retained a certain air of mysticism
related to the birth of a royal descendant, second in succession to the throne Naturally,
handwritten newspapers devoted the most space to accounts of the births of the children
of the royal couple – king Augustus III and his wife Maria Josepha née Habsburg The
last of the sons of the couple – Klemens Wacław, was born in 1739 in Hubertusburg
On this occasion, handwritten newspapers stated that „the awaited news was announced
on Monday by cannon fire from the ramparts“85 and that Te Deum laudamus was sung
in churches and monasteries Similarly to other such reports, this account also focused
solely on the ceremonial aspect of welcoming the new heir Political and legal issues
related to the birth of a royal son were completely omitted
Reports of deaths in European courts were even more frequent In May 1736 news
from Vienna (which was specifically marked as „not secret“) reached Warsaw that
„prince Eugène, the field marshal of the emperor, died suddenly without prior sickness“86 The issue raised understandable interest, as the person involved was Eugene of
Savoy, who died unexpectedly in Vienna on 21 April 173687 He was well known in the
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, if only because of his involvement in the War of
Polish Succession in 1733-173488 Due to his numerous successes in the military arena,
the elderly commander aroused understandable, unabated interest A report of his death
was therefore included in handwritten newspapers However, it should be emphasized
that information about the deaths of people from the immediate circles of the European
rulers were not limited to those about figures well-known in the Commonwealth The
83
„Radości nacji szwedzkiej z okazji narodzonego sukcesorowi tronu szwedzkiego.“ BKórnik, manuscript
1577, p 82v
84
„Pokazać się miała w pośród dnia jasna gwiazda nad Sztokholmem, co sobie za dobre omen Szwedzi
mają.“ Ibidem
85
„Pożądaną wiadomość ogłosiły w poniedziałek armaty na wałach.“ NIAB, fond 694, description 1, case
148, p 32
86
„Że książę JMc Eugeniusz, feldmarszałek wojsk cesarza JMci fatis niechorując, ale nagle położywszy się
więcej nie żył.“ BKórnik, manuscript 1026, p 88v „16 stycznia, ślub zaś cztery dni później.“ Ibidem,
manuscript 1577, p 71
87
Max Braubach, Prinz Eugen von Savoyen IV Der Staatsmann, Wien 1965
88
Jerzy Dygdała, Dylematy austriackiej polityki wobec Rzeczypospolitej podczas bezkrólewia 1733 roku,
Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici, Historia 28, 1993, pp 103-124
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news that reached Gdańsk in December 1736 is an excellent example of this kind of
report It was then noted that „the First Secretary of State of Spain José Patiño († 1736)
had probably died and after his death all colleges were closed for 3 days, by the order of
the Spanish king, offices were also sealed with secret letters in them, as his secretary had
sworn, and all the letters from the office of this minister were brought to the chambers
of the Queen of Spain“89 The considerable political force represented by Patiño meant
that his death understandably caused quite a stir in the court of Philip V Various aspects of the actions taken at that time, in the form of notes in handwritten newspapers,
also found their way to the Commonwealth
In handwritten newspapers from the first half of the 18th century we can also find some
detailed information about deaths among members of ruling families These events were usually given a more extensive commentary or attempts were made to pinpoint the factors that
led to the deaths of the members of a royal family90 In December 1737 the death of British
Queen Wilhelmina Charlotte Caroline of Brandenburg-Ansbach was extensively commented upon; an event which – as it was written – „brought great sorrow to her husband the king
and the entire royal family“91 At the same time, it was clarified that „the queen died of gout
when it reached her innards“92 Mourning in courts was also closely observed Understandable interest was aroused in the Commonwealth by the death of Emperor Charles VII in
1745 He was, as noted above, the son of Theresa Kunegunda Sobieska (†1730) and Maximilian II Emmanuel Wittelsbach, and thus also the grandson of king John III Sobieski Not
only were reports about the death of Charles VII himself closely followed, but also about the
reaction of his relatives In April 1745 it was reported from Munich that „the Empress Dowager Maria Amalia Habsburg († 1756) and her daughters93 appeared in public for the first
time“94 Understandable interest was also caused by the deaths of children in European courts
These attitudes are perfectly reflected in the entries in the handwritten newspaper from
January 1721, which brought news from Dresden about the death of the young Saxon prince
89
„Pierwszy minister status hiszpański don Patinho [ José Patiño, zm 1736] umarł zapewne, po którego
skonaniu za rozkazem króla JMci hiszpańskiego wszystkie kolegia przez 3 dni zamknięte były, kancelarii
także z listami znajdującymi się w nich sekretnymi zapieczętowane intimus secretarius jego przysiągł; listy
wszystkie z gabinetu tegoż ministra do królowej JMci hiszpańskiej do celi zniesione.“ BKórnik, manuscript 1026, p 90
90
Mark Hengerer, The Funerals of the Habsburg Emperors in the Eighteenth Century, in: Michael
Schaich (ed), Monarchy and Religion The Transformation of Royal Culture in Eighteenth-Century Europe, Oxford 2007, pp 367-394, here pp 369-370
91
„Wielki żal królowi swemu mężowi i całej familii królewskiej.“ BKórnik, manuscript 1026, p 100v
92
„Ta królowa umarła na podagrę, gdy doszła wnętrzności.“ Ibidem
93
From among the pair’s numerous children three daughters were alive at the time – Maria Antonia
(† 1780), Maria Anna († 1776) and Maria Josepha († 1767)
94
„Cesarzowa Jejmc wdowa z córkami swymi wczoraj dopiero pierwszy raz comparuit in Publico“ BKórnik, manuscript 1026, p 124
322
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ANNA PENKAŁA-JASTRZĘBSKA
Frederick Augustus, grandson of Augustus and the firstborn son of Frederick Augustus II (†
1763) and his wife Maria Josepha née Habsburg95 The mourning after the death of the infant
was all the greater because preparations had been made in Dresden for a grand celebration
of his baptism and after the announcement of the sad news, all the mirth and jollity ceased“96
Similar descriptions of death had no political overtones but were rather reports of everyday
life events The daily life of the court, disturbed by unexpected events, returned to its former
rhythm after a while
Accounts included in handwritten newspapers are therefore a valuable source for the
analysis of information dissemination in 18th-century Europe and an excellent field for
interdisciplinary research in a transnational perspective They also shed new light on relations between the media and politics of the time Providing sensitive information, evidence
of important political and diplomatic moves, was a vital element of information policy
Handwritten accounts on matters of politics and daily life performed a narrative and
opinion-forming function, shaping the social image of the political and diplomatic manoeuvres in European courts A detailed analysis of the source material exposes a tendency
to saturate these accounts with information about interpersonal relations and curiosities
reflecting the most interesting aspects of life in European courts Thus, political matters
often gave way to news less central but much more interesting in the eyes of the authors
of these accounts The preserved source material is also an excellent source for research on
the dissemination of information in 18th-century Europe There was a visible focus on areas
and people directly related to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth However, these
issues were explored in our study in a holistic approach, taking into account the reality
of European politics Nevertheless, there was a particular tendency in the handwritten
newspapers to focus attention on activities of people associated with the courts of Dresden,
Versailles, Vienna and St Petersburg, who were treated as the most important topics from
the point of view of national interests
95
The Czartoryski Library in Kraków [Biblioteka im. Książąt Czartoryskich w Krakowie], 2739 IV,
p 255
96
„Hilaria jako, komedie to reduty ustały.“ Ibidem
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/ ARTICLES /
ANNA PENKAŁA-JASTRZĘBSKA
Anna Penkała-Jastrzębska
News of the World
The Role of Handwritten Newspapers in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
in the Early 18th Century
Abstract
The article is a first attempt at a holistic analysis of the issue of the scale of information
transfer between European royal courts and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in
the first half of the 18th century Handwritten newspapers were – apart from correspondence – one of the most important sources of information and opinion-forming tools in
the 18th century The presented research results are the effect of source queries conducted
in the Central Archives of Historical Records, the Library of the Polish Academy of
Sciences in Kórnik, the National Archives in Krakow, the Library of the National Ossoliński Institute in Wrocław, the Central State Archives of Ukraine in Kyiv, the National
Historical Archives of Belarus in Minsk, and Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden The preserved
archival materials provide an opportunity to conduct unique research concerning the scale
of information dissemination in 18th-century Europe, as well as to show particularly interesting topics and issues shaping the information policy of the day The presented analysis
not only reveals the scale of information dissemination, but also allows for conclusions
concerning the significance and popularity of specific messages The preserved source material makes it possible to identify the characteristics of information policy formation in
relation to the realities of that era’s society, but also serves as an excellent source for researching its mentality Reports presented in handwritten newspapers are also an excellent
source for an analysis of the scale of information dissemination in 18th-century Europe
KEY WORDS:
handwritten newspapers; XVIII century; court; Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
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