Zeit ist Macht. Wer macht Zeit?
Time is power. Who makes time?
13. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag 2020
Herausgeber Harald Meller, Alfred Reichenberger, Roberto Risch
24
2021
TAGUNGEN DES L ANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE
Tagungen des
Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle
Band 24 | 2021
Zeit ist Macht. Wer macht Zeit?
Time is power. Who makes time?
13. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag
13th Archaeological Conference of Central Germany
as,jldjsvksjrvkrsk
Tagungen des
Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle
Band 24 | 2021
Zeit ist Macht. Wer macht Zeit?
Time is power. Who makes time?
13. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag
13th Archaeological Conference of Central Germany
herausgegeben von
Harald Meller,
Alfred Reichenberger
und Roberto Risch
Halle (Saale)
2021
Die Beiträge dieses Bandes wurden einem Peer-Review-Verfahren unterzogen.
Die Gutachtertätigkeit übernahmen folgende Fachkollegen: Prof. Dr. Oliver Auge, Dr. JanHeinrich Bunnefeld, Dr. Wolfgang David, Prof. Dr. Timothy Darvill, Prof. Dr. Pedro Diaz
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Gauß, PD Dr. Rita Gautschy, Dr. Michael Geschwinde, Dr. Dr. Susanne M. Hoffmann,
Prof. Dr. Hermann Hunger, PD Dr. Marc Kalinowski, Dr. Franziska Knoll, Dipl. Museologe
Sven Koch, Prof. Dr. Claus Priesner, Dr. Knut Rassmann, Prof. Dr. Jörg Rüpke, Prof. Dr. Maria
Shinoto, Prof. Dr. Rudolf Simek, Prof. Dr. Ulrich Sinn, Dr. Vera Tiesler, Mag. Dr. Gerald Unterberger, Dr. Gabriele Weichart, Dr. Sibylle Wolf, Dipl.-Ing. Dr. Georg Zotti
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Inhalt/Contents
Band I
11 Vorwort der Herausgeber/Preface of the editors
13 Harald Meller, Alfred Reichenberger und Roberto Risch
Die Mächtigen und die Zeit – Annäherung an eine komplexe politische Beziehung/
Time and the powerful – an approach to a complex political relationship
1. Astronomische Darstellungen und gebaute Astronomie
Astronomical depictions and built astronomy
31 Susanne Friederich, Jörg Orschiedt und Thomas Weber
Steinzeit-Kalender? Mit Zählmarken versehene Knochen aus Mitteldeutschland
49 Wolfram Schier
Inszenierte Zeit: Architektonische Konzeption, astronomisches Wissen und soziale Praxis
in Kreisgrabenanlagen des 5. Jahrtausends cal BC
63 Norma Henkel
Symbolismus, Mythen und Kosmografie – Die Architektur der mittelneolithischen
Kreisgrabenanlagen am Beispiel von Goseck
79 Joshua Pollard
Cosmological power and celestial referents in Neolithic Wessex
89 Alison Sheridan
Marking time in prehistoric Scotland:
the social and ideological significance of astronomical alignments
107 Frank Prendergast
The alignment of passage tombs in Ireland – horizons, skyscape, and domains of power
125 Primitiva Bueno-Ramírez and Jorge Soler Díaz
Constructing powerful symbols: solar images on Iberian figurines
between the 4th and 3rd millennia BC
149 Harald Meller
Die Himmelsscheibe von Nebra – Astronomie und Zeitbestimmung als Quelle der Macht
165 Flemming Kaul
The eternal voyage of the sun and the perpetual, cyclical advance of time,
seen from a Nordic Bronze Age perspective. Movement is time – time is movement
181 Artemis Karnava
Celestial bodies in the sky and on the earth in the Aegaen Bronze Age
2. Zeit und Macht in frühen Staaten und Hochkulturen
Time and power in early states and advanced civilisations
199 Alexandra von Lieven
Astronomie und Zeit im Alten Ägypten
217 José Lull
Beyond heaven and earth. The worldview of Egyptian priests and stargazers
227 Victoria Altmann-Wendling
Der Mond als Mittel zur Macht – Lunare Konzepte und Königtum im alten Ägypten
243 Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum
Zeit als gesellschaftliche Ressource im frühen Staat
251 Susanne M. Hoffmann
Das Babylonische Kompendium MUL.APIN: Messung von Zeit und Raum
277 Christian Prager
Zeit und Macht: Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft als Herrschaftsmittel
der Maya-Gottkönige
293 Rubén Mendoza
The War of Heaven. A reappraisal of the Aztec Sun Stone in light of Nahua
cosmogenesis and the New Fire Ceremony of 1507 AD
327 Jean-Marc Bonnet-Bidaud
China: Empire of time and celestial mapping
3. Kalender und Zeitmesser in der Antike
Calendar and time-keeping devices in Antiquity
341 Ernst Künzl
Die Sternsagen der Griechen
357 Wolfgang Hameter
Der römische Kalender
365 Eva Winter
Zeit unter den Wolken – Zur antiken Zeitmessung nördlich der Alpen
375 Alfred Reichenberger
»Nach dem Wechsel der Früchte, nicht der Konsuln zählt er das Jahr…« – Bäuerliches Zeitmaß in
der Antike
409 Yanis Bitsakis and Alexander Jones
The Antikythera Mechanism and astronomical knowledge: users and benefits
4. Zeit ohne Uhr – kosmogonische Zeitkonzepte
Time without a clock – cosmogonic concepts of time
423 Hans-Peter Hahn
Zur Kosmogonie der Dogon. Primordiale Zeit und Alltag in Westafrika
437 Corinna Erckenbrecht
Traumzeit – Zeit und (Welt)Raum im Indigenen Australien
5. Aspekte von Zeit und Macht in Mittelalter und Neuzeit
Aspects of time and power in the Middle Ages and the modern era
449 Donat Wehner
Wem die Stunde schlägt. Uhren und die Macht der Zeit im Mittelalter
465 Ulf Dräger
ört doch Wunder, im Jahr 1700 wussten die Leute nicht, wie alt sie waren –
H
Medaillen auf die gregorianische Kalenderreform
473 Constantin Rauer
Essay über die Anti-Zeit
Constructing powerful symbols: solar images on Iberian
figurines between the 4th and 3rd millennia BC
Primitiva Bueno Ramírez and Jorge A. Soler Díaz
Zusammenfassung
Summary
Die Entstehung von kraftvollen Symbolen:
Sonnendarstellungen auf iberischen Figurinen
aus dem 4. und 3. Jt. v. Chr.
Solar images offer a very important inventory from the late
prehistory of Iberia, its most singular expression being the
figurines traditionally known as ›idols‹ in our historiography. Following the research work carried out for the exhibition Ídolos. Miradas milenarias (Mobile Images of Ancestral Bodies: a millennium-long perspective from Iberia to
Europe)2, we have now been able to update the quantification of these pieces, the characterisation of the most notable
groups, and the identification of some of their contexts, and
to define a period encompassing 3900 to 2200 BC as representing the highest point of their production and use. In this
article, we shall focus on proposing ideas about the development of solar symbols in Iberia within the framework of the
social contexts in which these figurines played a central role.
From the discourse associated with the first farmers in the
6th millennium cal BC to the emergence of figurines with
personal traits midway through the 3 rd millennium cal BC,
we can follow an evolution from predominantly female
images in older phases to the more abundant male formulae
later on. The Iberian figurines are unique in Europe for the
compactness of their symbolism, the variety of their material supports, and their diachronic evolution.
Sonnendarstellungen bilden einen äußerst wichtigen Bestand
teil der späten Vorgeschichte der Iberischen Halbinsel. Die
wichtigsten Vertreter dieser Gattung sind Figurinen, die in
der Forschung traditionellerweise als ›Idole‹ bezeichnet
werden. Im Anschluss an die Forschungsarbeiten im Zusammenhang mit der Ausstellung Ídolos. Miradas milenarias
(Bewegliche Darstellungen der Körper unserer Vorfahren:
ein Überblick über ein Jahrtausend von der Iberischen Halbinsel bis Europa)1, konnte dieses Inventar nun aktualisiert,
die wichtigsten Gruppierungen umschrieben und ihre Zusammenhänge teilweise aufgearbeitet werden. Als eine der
wichtigsten aus dieser Arbeit gewonnenen Erkenntnisse
kann nun die Zeitspanne zwischen 3900 und 2200 v. Chr.
als Höhepunkt ihrer Herstellung und Verwendung bezeichnet werden. In diesem Beitrag möchten wir diverse Vorstellungen zur Entwicklung der Sonnensymbolik auf der Iberischen Halbinsel präsentieren und in den sozialen Kontexten
verorten, in denen diese Figurinen eine zentrale Rolle spielten. Ausgehend von der Diskussion rund um die ersten bäuerlichen Gesellschaften im 6. Jt. v. Chr. bis zum Auftreten der
Figurinen mit persönlichen Merkmalen in der Mitte des 3. Jts.
v. Chr. lässt sich eine Entwicklung von mehrheitlich weiblichen Darstellungen in der Frühzeit zu einer eher männlich
dominierten Formel in späteren Phasen nachzeichnen: eine
Abfolge, die innerhalb Europas ihresgleichen sucht bezüglich
ihrer Kompaktheit, der unterschiedlichen verwendeten Trägermaterialien und ihrer zeitlichen Entwicklung.
1 G ezeigt im MARQ, dem Archäologischen
Museum der Provinz Alicante (Januar–Juli
2020) und im MAR, dem Archäologischen
Regionalmuseum Madrid (Juli 2020–Januar
2021). Inzwischen sind die Ausstellungsvorbereitungen im Nationalmuseum Lissabon
beinahe abgeschlossen (März–Oktober 2021).
Die Ausstellung dient als Forschungs- und
Publikationsplattform für verschiedene
Bände durch die Autoren: Ídolos. Miradas
milenarias, ein im Jahre 2020 publizierter
Katalog der Stiftung C.V. MARQ; Idolos.
Miradas Milenarias, ein im Jahre 2020 publizierter Katalog und Führer des Archäologischen Regionalmuseums Madrid; Mobile
Images of Ancestral Bodies: a MillenniumLong Perspective. Zona Arqueológica, publi-
ziert im Jahre 2021 vom Archäologischen
Regionalmuseum Madrid; Idolos. Olhares
milenares ein im Jahre 2021 publizierter
monografischer Katalog zur Ausstellung im
Archäologischen Nationalmuseum Lissabon,
Portugal.
2 Shown at the MARQ Provincial Archaeological Museum of Alicante (January–July 2020)
and the MAR. Regional Archaeological
Museum of Madrid (July 2020–January 2021).
At the time of writing, preparations are being
finalised to present the exhibition at the
National Archaeology Museum of
Lisbon (March–October 2021). This exhibition has served as a research platform for
publishing various volumes coordinated by
the present authors: Ídolos. Miradas mile-
TA G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E • B A N D 24 • 2 0 21
narias, a catalogue published in 2020 by the
C.V. MARQ Foundation; Idolos. Miradas Milenarias, a catalogue guide published in 2020
by the Regional Archaeological Museum of
Madrid; Mobile Images of Ancestral Bodies:
a Millennium-Long Perspective. Zona Arqueológica, published in 2021 by the Regional
Archaeological Museum of Madrid; Idolos.
Olhares milenares. Portugal Estado da Arte a
catalogue and monograph published in 2021
for the Exhibition at the National Archaeology Museum of Lisbon, Portugal.
126
PRIMI T I VA B U E N O R A MÍRE Z A N D J O R G E A . S O L E R DÍ A Z
N
Solar symbols & eye idols
Caves and shelters
0
Megalithic sites
Pottery and loom weights
200 km
Fig. 1 Distribution map of decorated pottery, rock-shelters and megaliths with paintings and engravings of oculi and suns.
Abb. 1 Karte der Fundorte von verzierter Keramik, Abris und Megalithbauten mit gemalten und eingeritzten Darstellungen von Augen- und Sonnensymbolen.
1. The Iberian Peninsula: an exceptional record of solar
representation and human figures with sun-eyes
In late European prehistory, taken as a whole, solar representations have been associated with the first agricultural communities of Mediterranean origin. The so-called ›schematic
art‹ (significantly, paintings in rock shelters) of the south of
the continent, especially its Mediterranean facade, reveals
the influence of solar themes on the construction of mythographies, whose evolution can be followed throughout the
Neolithic, Copper, Bronze, and Iron Ages.
Iberia is a key geographic area in this discussion, as it
contains the highest number in Europe of contexts and
objects decorated with solar images: painted rock-shelters and
caves, menhirs, stelae, megaliths, vessels, and figurines. Two
parameters reinforce their relevance. On the one hand, we
have an increasingly more solid chronology that traces postglacial art themes and techniques to the late Upper Palaeolithic, while on the other hand, the first human representations of Iberian schematic art can now be dated to around the
10th millennium cal BC (Bueno/Balbín 2016). During late Iberian prehistory, the ubiquity of the codes of schematic art
reveals their polyfunctionality: they are found in painted
rock-shelters and caves in mountain chains, in areas close to
water, and on decorated menhirs or dolmens in agricultural
plains or grassland plateaus. In the same places we also find
portable objects, especially decorated pottery and figurines,
whose development between 5660 and 2200 cal BC coincides
with the well-known panorama of these expressions all over
Europe (Insoll 2017; Bueno/Soler 2020a) (Fig. 1).
Dating open air schematic art raises problems we shall not
go into in detail in this article, although projects with this
aim are being promoted in Iberia with good results (Ruiz et
al. 2012; Morgado et al. 2018), including a programme for the
detection of paint and the dating of organic components of
megalith decorations (Carrera/Fábregas 2002; Bueno et al.
2007). This programme is also being applied to megaliths in
the rest of Europe, where paint had not been recognised until
recently (Bueno et al. 2019; Armitage et al. 2020).
The dating of Iberian decorated artefacts is based on contexts and stratigraphies. Figurines and pottery decorated
with sun motifs, whose earliest confirmed appearance dates
from the 6th millennium, became more visible at the beginning of the 4th millennium BC. Images from a previous Neolithic repertoire that had been present in dwellings, activity
areas (mining, food storage), and funeral sites, became
increasingly numerous, appearing on portable pieces representing highly codified human bodies. We are referring to
the figurines, known as ›idols‹ in traditional Iberian historiography (Soler 2020a). Their peak between 3900/3600 and
2200 cal BC is associated with the development of megaliths,
when they were included among the grave goods that accompanied human remains.
The broad distribution, the dynamism and the diachronic
evolution of these figurines in Iberia confirm the strength
of a codification that was comprehensible over wide areas
TA G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E • B A N D 24 • 2 0 21
C O N S T R U C T I N G P O W E R F U L S Y M B O L S : S O L A R I M A G E S O N I B E R I A N F I G U R I N E S B E T W E E N T H E 4TH A N D 3 RD M I L L E N N I A B C
(Bueno 2020a; Lancharro/Bueno 2020). If we compare the
examples of schematic art decorating funerary and everyday
settings in Neolithic Europe with the personality of their
portable versions, the figurines may be read as objects related
to the social organisation and the symbolic roots of each individual territory3.
Until recently, the study of Iberian figurines lacked an
updated comparative approach. Discussion of their developmental trajectory, social and personal value, role in funeral
and everyday rituals, raw materials, and associations was confined to debates focusing on their diffusion in eastern Iberia.
The 19th century theories in the field of symbology represented by L. Siret (for a general overview, see Soler 2020a) conditioned theoretical perspectives on late Iberian prehistory
until a few years ago. These perspectives centred almost exclusively on the religious value of all these manifestations. Even
basic aspects such as size, a key consideration for determining
the use of the figurines, had not been tackled. Other differences in terms of their raw materials, technical treatments,
and contexts are important for assessing multiple aspects of
their meaning, which may have changed over time, even with
respect to the monuments themselves, as suggested by their
different placement on the megaliths (Bueno 2020a, 35).
Although there are clay specimens among the Iberian figurines, these are not typical (Martínez et al. 2020). The most
abundant materials are bone, different types of stone, ivory,
and even gold (García Pérez et al. 2020; Martínez/López
2020). Their specialised production can be easily traced, particularly in territories such as the south of Iberia, where
workshops with a distribution capacity have been found
(Bueno 1992; Bueno 2010; Maicas 2020; Soler 2020b). The
aspect that best defines their symbolism is the syncretism of
solar and human features by means of the so-called ›suneyes‹, a symbol found with greater frequency and ubiquity in
Iberia than anywhere else in Europe (Fig. 2).
The figurines range in size from small (< 10 cm), to medium-sized (10–20 cm) and large (> 20 cm). The small ones are
generally made of bone, clay (triangular, bi-triangular) and
stone (cylindrical). The medium and large sizes display a
greater diversity of shapes (plaques, cylinders, baetyls, long
bones, spatulas) and raw materials (bone, clay, stone, ivory,
and even gold). The small figurines may have been worn as
pendants or have belonged to some larger object in which
they were embedded or supported (clay altars or wooden
bases). In the case of some of the larger plaques, flattened or
cruciform cylinders, etc., the idea that they were separate elements or fixed within larger installations is convincing. As
for the baetyls and cylinders, their bases confirm that they
stood vertically; long bones, decorated spatulas, anthropomorphic idols, and a few phalanxes may also sometimes have
been vertically mounted (Maicas 2020, 295). Cylinders, baetyls, phalanxes, long bones, bone spatulas, some of the
plaques and a few of the anthropomorphic idols are sculptural in concept, while the large majority of the plaques and
N
Figurines, little sculptures, and
plaques on the Iberian Peninsula
Ivory / bone
anthropomorphus
Anthropomorphus
Triangular forms
0
150 km
Spatua Idols
Little sculpturs
Phalanxes
Long Bones
Pebbles
Plaques
Cylinder / Baetyls
Others
Fig. 2 Distribution and typology of figurines on the Iberian Peninsula (refer to the respective settlements).
Abb. 2 Verteilung und typologische Einordnung der Figurinen der Iberischen Halbinsel (die Fundpunkte beziehen sich auf die jeweiligen Siedlungen).
3 The aim is to point out that among all the
graphic versions in different contexts, funer-
ary and habitational, figurines are the objects
most closely related to the social symbolism in
TA G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E • B A N D 24 • 2 0 21
each territory. In short, figurines are the most
identitary symbolic object in each territory.
127
128
PRIMI T I VA B U E N O R A MÍRE Z A N D J O R G E A . S O L E R DÍ A Z
1
Anthropomorphous
9
Pebble
4
3
Anchoriform
2
Cruciform
10
Bitriangular
5
Bitriangular/
cruciform
14
11
Spatula
Baetyls
13
7
Biconical
6
Tritriangular
15
Plaques
8
16
Sculptural plaque
12
17
Wooden
plaque
18
19
20
Long bones
26
27
Bitriangular Bone plaque or
flattened cylinder ebony plaque
28
Symbolic pottery
21
Phalanxes
29
Clay figure
22
23
24
25
Cylinders
30
31
32
Loom weight
Aureate
Ivory/bone
lamellae anthropomorphous
TA G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E • B A N D 24 • 2 0 21
C O N S T R U C T I N G P O W E R F U L S Y M B O L S : S O L A R I M A G E S O N I B E R I A N F I G U R I N E S B E T W E E N T H E 4TH A N D 3 RD M I L L E N N I A B C
cruciform and triangular / bi-triangular pieces have a single
worked face and were presumably intended to be viewed
only from the front (Fig. 3).
Taking all these facts into account, it is clear that the Iberian figurines represented the human body for personal or
collective purposes in highly differentiated contexts, both in
tombs and elsewhere. They played different roles in these
diverse contexts, but in all of them, their presence managed
and materialised social codes that focused on human images.
Some of these codes were interwoven with the sun. Their
application to decorated objects gave singularity to the presumably symbolic contexts of these images, in a way that is
reminiscent of the anthropomorphisation of tools, weapons
and pottery, a type of symbiosis documented throughout
the European Neolithic. Traces of paint, including cinnabar
(Bueno et al. 2016a; Bueno et al. 2019a; Soler 2020b) and
coloured clay applications coexist with what may have been
clothing – for instance, the remains of cloth on a phalanx
from house 21 at Almizaraque (Maicas 2020, Fig. 10) – suggesting an interaction in which the external appearance of
the figurines may have been changed in terms of colour,
clothing, or ornaments. At any rate, the figurines were all
made for close observation, and their use must have been relatively common and widespread, to judge from the numbers
found in megaliths as well as in the villages.
The study of the everyday manufacturing of these small
objects is a rewarding way of approaching the lengthy biographies that trace their changing relationship with the people
who endowed them. The meaning of the figurines lay within
the framework of social relations (status, gender, family, lineage, etc.) and can be traced through the origin of the raw
materials from which they were made, the work systems or
chaînes opératoire required to produce them, the techniques
of production and the way these were passed on, and the persistence of the pieces – taken up more than once to be imbued
with a new value, and finally integrated in funerary sites
with much longer chronologies than the human remains
they housed (Bueno 2020a, 34; Villalobos et al. 2020). Relics,
family images, ancestors, mythologies, dolls, etc. – whatever
their probably polyvalent meanings, they could not have
been unconnected with two unquestionable truths: the quantitatively predominant representation of female figures and
the emphasis on identity of the most codified sets.
2. The first astral images of the Iberian Neolithic.
The sun as an object of worship
Solar representations consisting of circles with rays all
around their perimeter are a recurrent motif of Iberian schematic art. They also appear printed or engraved on the walls
of pottery vessels from the Early Neolithic onwards.
The representational function, sharpness of definition,
and sheer numbers of the solar images found among Iberian
postglacial graphic expressions are undeniable. Their role in
the origin of the mythographies that constitute the ideological basis of the visual narratives, present in various European
iconographical contexts, which have the sun as the main feature, is reflected in two consistent features of the archaeological record: the generalised solar orientation of burial- and
inhabited caves and funerary monuments, and the profusion
of painted, engraved and sculpted images featuring the sun’s
image at their centre.
Numerous studies have highlighted the solar orientation
of megaliths. An analysis of the incidence of beams of sunlight and the position of decoration on the walls or at central
points of megalithic tombs firmly establishes the close relationship between time and sunlight4. Yet tombs were also oriented towards other astral phenomena (Montelirio, Sevilla).
This not only illustrates the empirical knowledge of the
builders, but also their funerary discourse, as the most elaborately decorated area was that which directly received the
sunlight (Burl 1980; Bueno et al. 2015; Bueno et al. 2016a).
The orientation of outdoor decorations has been similarly
assessed (Bradley 2020, 58). The relation between beams of
sunlight and monuments allowed a temporal fixing of oral
narratives (because they are visible in differents moments
at the day).
Fig. 3 (left page) Typology of mobile symbolic and eye figurines and expressions in the Iberian Peninsula. 1 Almizaraque, Cuevas del Almanzora (Almeria); 2 Loma de la Torre, Cantoria (Almeria); 3 Blanquizáres de Lebor, Totana (Murcia); 4 Cueva de la Pileta, Benaoján (Malaga); 5 Loma de la Torre, Cantoria (Almeria); 6 Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz (Évora); 7 Rambla de las Pocicas (Almeria); 8 Los Millares (Tomb 57), Santa Fe de Mondújar (Almeria); 9 El Garcel, Antas (Almeria); 10 El Miradero, Villanueva de los Caballeros (Valladolid); 11 Bédar (Almeria); 12 Lisbon; 13 Perdigões, Reguengos de
Monsaraz (Évora); 14 Granja de Céspedes (Badajoz); 15 Anta do Curral da Antinha, Arraiolos (Évora); 16 Dolmen of Garrovillas (Cáceres); 17 Cueva
Sagrada, Lorca (Murcia); 18 Almizaraque, Cuevas del Almanzora (Almeria); 19 Cova de Bolumini, Alfafara (Alicante); 20 Ereta del Pedregal, Navarrés
(Valencia); 21 Los Millares (Tomb 8), Santa Fe de Mondújar (Almeria); 22 Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz (Évora); 23 Tholos do Barro, Torres Vedras
(Lisbon); 24 Cabezo del Conquero (Huelva); 25 Orden Seminario (Huelva); 26 La Pijotilla (Badajoz); 27 Los Millares, Santa Fe de Mondújar (Almeria);
28 La Encantada, Cuevas del Almanzora (Almeria); 29 La Pijotilla (Badajoz); 30 Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz (Évora); 31 Valencina de la Concepción, Castilleja de Guzmán (Seville) and 32 Llerena (Badajoz).
Abb. 3 (linke Seite) Typologische Einordnung der beweglichen Figurinen mit Symbolen und solchen mit Augen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel. 1 Almizaraque,
Cuevas del Almanzora (Almeria); 2 Loma de la Torre, Cantoria (Almeria); 3 Blanquizáres de Lebor, Totana (Murcia); 4 Cueva de la Pileta, Benaoján (Malaga);
5 Loma de la Torre, Cantoria (Almeria); 6 Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz (Évora); 7 Rambla de las Pocicas (Almería); 8 Los Millares (Grab 57), Santa Fe de
Mondújar (Almeria); 9 El Garcel, Antas (Almeria); 10 El Miradero, Villanueva de los Caballeros (Valladolid); 11 Bédar (Almería); 12 Lissabon; 13 Perdigões,
Reguengos de Monsaraz (Évora); 14 Granja de Céspedes (Badajoz); 15 Anta do Curral da Antinha, Arraiolos (Évora); 16 Megalithgrab von Garrovillas
(Cáceres); 17 Cueva Sagrada, Lorca (Murcia); 18 Almizaraque, Cuevas del Almanzora (Almeria); 19 Cova de Bolumini, Alfafara (Alicante); 20 Ereta del Pedregal, Navarrés (Valencia); 21 Los Millares (Grab 8), Santa Fe de Mondújar (Almeria); 22 Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz (Évora); 23 Tholos do Barro, Torres
Vedras (Lissabon); 24 Cabezo del Conquero (Huelva); 25 Orden Seminario (Huelva); 26 La Pijotilla (Badajoz); 27 Los Millares, Santa Fe de Mondújar (Almeria);
28 La Encantada, Cuevas del Almanzora (Almeria); 29 La Pijotilla (Badajoz); 30 Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz (Évora); 31 Valencina de la Concepción,
Castilleja de Guzmán (Sevilla) und 32 Llerena (Badajoz).
4 At dawn the sun illuminates the main figure
and as the light moves across the monument
it marks the time for the story inscribed on
the walls.
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2
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5
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7
8
9
9
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Fig. 4 Anthropomorphic vessels and vessels with anthropomorphic or symbolic decoration. 1 and 3 Cova de l’Or (Beniarrés, Alicante); 2 Cueva de la Murcielaguina; 4–5 Sima del Conejo and Sima del Carburero (Alhama de Granada, Granada); 6–7 Cueva del Muerto and Cueva de los Murciélagos; 8 ›Venus
de Gavá‹; 9 Torre la Sal (Ribera de Cabanes, Castellón).
Abb. 4 Anthropomorphe Gefäße und Gefäße mit anthropomorphen oder symbolischen Verzierungen. 1 und 3 Cova de l’Or (Beniarrés, Alicante); 2 Cueva de la
Murcielaguina; 4–5 Sima del Conejo und Sima del Carburero (Alhama de Granada, Granada); 6–7 Cueva del Muerto und Cueva de los Murciélagos; 8 ›Venus
de Gavá‹; 9 Torre la Sal (Ribera de Cabanes, Castellón).
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C O N S T R U C T I N G P O W E R F U L S Y M B O L S : S O L A R I M A G E S O N I B E R I A N F I G U R I N E S B E T W E E N T H E 4TH A N D 3 RD M I L L E N N I A B C
Several authors have relativised the Neolithic originality
of some of the symbols associated with the first ritual manifestations of agricultural communities. The hypothesis has
now gained renewed validity, however, due to the increase in
records of these images from the late Upper Palaeolithic and
the Neolithic, and the survival of some of their most characteristic features, such as the pubic triangle (Bueno 2020a, 30;
Hofmann 2020, 116; Paglietti 2020, 344). Other elements
among Upper Palaeolithic themes may have prefigured schematic formulae. These are the large circles found in some
caves such as El Castillo and Tito Bustillo in the north of
Spain (known as discs in the typology of Palaeolithic art),
which have been interpreted as suns. A similar interpretation
has been applied to the discs in Sungir, Russia (D’Errico/Vanhaeren 2015). Their circular shapes with ordered rays may
have had different meanings from similar symbols dating
from the Neolithic, but their elements of symmetry, like the
construction of geometric figures and handicrafts, may be
considered part of the technical and thematic background of
postglacial art.
Archaeological material from Iberia includes the oldest
dated examples of the extensive representation of solar decorations on Neolithic vessels. Although most of them are concentrated in Andalusia and eastern Spain (Fig. 4), suns and
sun-eyes constituted a shared symbolism across the whole
southern half of the Iberian Peninsula from the beginning of
the 6th millennium cal BC onwards (Martínez et al. 2020,
140–142), with some prominent cases also found outside this
area, including Gavá (Barcelona) in the north-east and Casa
Montero (Madrid) in the centre of the Peninsula. This symbolism is related to the expansion of the Cardial Neolithic or
other early Neolithic contexts.
The appearance of vessels with suns and sun-eyes is well
documented in food-storage, funerary, and mining contexts
(Consuegra et al. 2018; Bosch 2020). Their links with other
materials from the same timespan and region allow us to
understand the relationship between these locations and the
uses and meanings of the symbols (Barciela 2020).
In eastern Spain and in Andalusia, the sun is represented
both with and without rays (Carrasco et al. 2006; Martí
2006). The pottery complex from the caves Cova de l’Or
(Beniarrés, Alicante) and Sarsa (Bocairent, Alicante) (Martí
et al. 2018) is unique in the eastern peninsula in evoking the
sun in the sky, without actually depicting it, through representations of incised figures with raised hands (Fig. 4,1).
This pottery decoration finds its best parallel in the cave
paintings of ›prayers‹ in the macro-schematic art of Pla de
Petracos (Castell de Castells, Alicante) and La Sarga (Alcoy,
Alicante). The relationship between Cova de l’Or and Pla de
Petracos has recently been re-interpreted on the basis of the
richness of the decorated ceramics of Cova de l’Or and the
orientation of the caves towards the large painted site of Pla
de Petracos. Cova de l'Or appears to have been a ritual cave,
sanctuary or aggregation site (Hernández 2020) from which
the sunset was observed during the winter solstice, when
the sun disappeared close to the peak of the Sierra del Benicadell which dominates the horizon. Another recent study
suggests a similar scenario: on the evening of 21 December,
the sun sets directly in front of the painted prayer of Pla de
Petracos, which raises the possibility that this sunset was
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experienced in a special way, not only in relation to what the
solstice meant in the agricultural cycle, but also as a remembrance of a whole mythography: the sunsets seen at sea during the journeys of the first agricultural settlers who, bearing knowledge and beliefs, moved from east to west along
the north coast of the Mediterranean (Soler/Ferrer 2020).
In the case of symbolic pottery from the Iberian east,
some Andalusian Neolithic examples (6th millennium cal
BC) from the upper basin of the Guadalquivir River have
also been reinterpreted. Anthropomorphic motifs can be
observed in the decoration, holding or reaching out to touch
the sun. The latter is represented either with rays, as in examples from Sima del Conejo and Sima del Carburero (Alhama
de Granada) (Fig. 4,4–5), or without rays, according to the new
interpretation of a fragment from the mouth of the Cueva de
los Murciélagos (Zuheros, Córdoba) (Carrasco et al. 2015, 18,
Fig. 6). In this case and in another from the Cueva del Muerto
(Carcabuey, Córdoba) (Fig. 4,6–7), the stelliforms are positioned at the same level, suggesting they may in fact represent a face, such as those seen on other anthropomorphic vessels with a neck and ›sun-eyes‹, dating from the beginning of
the 5th and the 4th millennium BC. The appearance of suns
in pairs, located in the upper part of a face and sometimes
associated with eyebrows or noses, materialises the fluid relationship between solar images and human images.
Prominent examples of this are a vase with incised decoration from Torre de la Sal (Ribera de Cabanes, Castellón)
(Fig. 4,9) and the ›Dama de Gavá‹ (Fig. 4,8), a female representation found in the variscite mine of Can Tintoré (Gavá,
Barcelona) (Bosch 2020), which combines the techniques of
embossing (sculptural) and incision after firing (sgraffito)
(Martínez et al. 2020, 142). The radiated eyes that may be suggested on the above-mentioned pottery from Murciélagos
and Carcabuey appear to have an older reference from
another mining context, in this case the flint mine of Casa
Montero (Madrid). In mine shaft no. 1109, a pottery fragment
with a sun-eye was found, which can be dated to between
5350 and 5320 cal BC (Consuegra et al. 2018; Consuegra/Díaz
del Río 2020).
Fig. 4 illustrates some vessels whose anthropomorphic
decoration is characteristic of Iberia. In the Mediterranean,
such decorated vessels are very scarce and of later manufacture (Gasco/Gernigon 2002). Regarding the incisions and
impressions representing suns, C. Züchner (2005) some
time ago proposed a relationship between Cardial and Linear Band ceramics, a connection which might explain some
of the images present on central European ceramics. This
hypothesis encompasses some cases of ›Cardial style‹ suns
imprinted on central European vessels (Houbre 2013).
Nearer to the Atlantic, vessels and objects feature comparable sun-eye images, which have also been seen as evidence
of an Iberian connectivity (Scarre 2020,170). This connectivity is confirmed by evidence of the movement of raw
materials during the 4th and 3rd millennia for ostentation
purposes in the funerary context (ivory, gold, amber, variscite), which explains the spread of solar themes, schematic
anthropomorphs, and even bi-triangular motifs to the British Isles and French Brittany (Bueno et al. 2019).
The continuity of symbolic pottery might stretch chronologically as far as the Bell-Beaker versions. As in the case of
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1
2
3
4
5
6
5 cm
Fig. 5 Pottery vessels with eye or symbolic decoration. 1 Monte de Outeiro, (Aljustrel, Beja), development of decoration; 2 Vase No. 15 from Los Millares
(Santa Fé de Mondújar, Almeria), development of decoration; 3 Las Carolinas (Madrid); 4 La Calderona (Valdemoro, Madrid); 5 Svinø, Sjælland, Denmark; 6 Stone object, Folkton, North Yorkshire.
Abb. 5 Keramikgefäße mit Augen- und anderen symbolischen Darstellungen. 1 Monte de Outeiro, (Aljustrel, Beja), Abrollung der Verzierung; 2 Gefäß Nr. 15
aus Los Millares (Santa Fé de Mondújar, Almeria), Abrollung der Verzierung; 3 Las Carolinas (Madrid); 4 La Calderona (Valdemoro, Madrid); 5 Svinø,
Sjælland, Dänemark; 6 Steinobjekt, Folkton, North Yorkshire.
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the early Neolithic examples, ›sun-eye‹ vessels are the only
types with themes or elements of narratives that include zoomorphs, especially deer, and human figures, bi-triangular
forms being especially prominent (Martín/Cámalich 1982)
(Fig. 5,2). The latter are true anthropomorphic vessels, some
of them quite spectacular, such as the one from Monte de
Outeiro (Alentejo) (Fig. 5,1).
The figurative coexistence of a diversity of human images
and personified suns as human images can be applied to the
whole set of graphic expressions of later Iberian prehistory,
indicating that different narratives being contemporaneous
brought together in these expressions. The same applies to
the variety of figurines, in which images both with and
without sun-eyes occur along with codified versions of
personified suns. This confluence of different versions of
human figures makes a strong argument for underlining the
mythographic value of solar expressions. A long tradition of
narratives featuring the sun, as if it were a human character,
spread all over Iberia from the 6th millennium BC onwards
(Bueno 2010, 40 f.).
In sum, the widespread prominence of human-sun hybrid
figures was a characteristic feature of early Neolithic Iberia.
The sun and its personification in human images not only
presided over and protected caves used as aggregation sites
with various social roles, but also daily activities (including
mining), and funeral sites, adopting positions in oral
accounts of considerable continuity. These contexts confirm
that from the beginning of the 6th millennium BC, all over
the Iberian peninsula, though more markedly – to judge
from the sites so far excavated – in the south and east, suneye images were part of the repertoire of expressions that
characterised the way in which the first agricultural farmers
(whether belonging to the Cardial sphere or not) projected
their way of recognising themselves. Their representations in
rock shelters are equally widespread, revealing shared codes,
whose protagonists were human and solar figures, zoomorphic figures and geometric forms dominated by angles and
lines, along with circular themes.
3. The ›appropriated‹ sun. Schematic art as
a visual reading of societies in transit in the
4th to 3rd millennium BC
As noted above, dating parietal supports is difficult, but
recently obtained documentations of rock shelters and
painted megaliths from Iberia support the 4th to 3rd millennium cal BC as the period of greatest expansion of these
syncretic formulas combining human and solar images.
Although the most indicative sectors of these records were
traditionally located in the south-east, it is the south-west
that currently offers the most substantial evidence of these
images (Soler 2020b). This circumstance must be seen in the
context of the significant increase in interventions in ditched
enclosures in this area, which has multiplied the inventory of
figurines (Bueno 2020a). This sequence of figurines, unique
in Europe, makes it possible to date the symbiosis between
5 Bueno et al. 2003; Bueno et al. 2007; Fábregas
et al. 2020; Scarre 2020.
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the real and the imaginary as a tool for the construction and
perpetuation of oral stories relevant to the daily and funerary
rituals of the megalithic builders.
The various supports on which this process took place
offer a range of data revealing the different ways in which
social aggregation became a vehicle for the dissemination of
these oral records. The profusion of painted rock-shelters in
Iberia adds more precision to the scenarios in which the portable figurines were embedded, associating them with specific people or lineages both in daily life and in death (Bueno
2010, 58). So far, this simultaneity in the appearance of the
same narratives in figurines and in painted rock art has not
been found anywhere else in Europe. Clearly, the figurines
had their roots in ancient symbolic codes, while the outdoor
panels reveal aggregation activities related to dances or other
types of collective performance. Schematic rock art confirms
that the figurines represented condensations and specifications of the narratives of human groups into portable forms
that allowed them to be handled as personal or collective
resources. In other words, the protagonists of these stories
were materialised in portable and personal objects.
One of the most controversial questions surrounding the
figurines is the alleged difference in symbolic expression
between the north and the south of Iberia. This argument
centred around the lack of any known painted rock-shelters
in the north and on the Atlantic coast, a much-debated issue
that has been settled with the documentation of paintings
in rock shelters in the north-west of the Peninsula (Bueno/
Balbín 2013; Bueno et al. 2012). These rock shelters contain
images with raised arms, similar to those seen on Neolithic
pottery (Rodriguez Rellán et al. 2019). Such images also
appear, associated with the sun, in northern megaliths
(Bueno et al. 2021), along with spectacular eye images
(Sanches 2016; Santos et al. 2020). The growing inventory of
painted rock-shelters in the north-west confirms the knowledge of these graphic codes throughout.
Iberia, giving weight to the hypothesis of possible representations in wood that have not survived, a possibility
that has been pointed out in other European contexts5.
The different representations of human figures show a
strong spatial identity, certain formulae being grouped into
territorially well-defined areas. Plaques and bi-triangular
forms are the most frequently recurring portable records at
the painted rock-shelter sites, a fact which becomes all the
more relevant when one takes into account that these typologies are the most frequent among the figurines of the Iberian
south-west (Bueno 2020b, 207). The plaques appear almost
invariably individually on the outdoor panels – or, in some
cases, grouped in pairs.
The idea that the bi-triangular and tri-triangular figures
may represent people, as opposed to gods (as argued in the
traditional literature on the social reading of schematic art
panels in the west and east of the Peninsula (Soler 2017,
Fig. 7,13) becomes all the more tenable when the images show
a variety of characteristics. Rock-shelter panels depict men,
women, and children. In the panel of Las Viñas, Alange
(Badajoz), the noticeable distinctions (Martínez 2002, 73;
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1b
A
B
1a
20 cm
3a
3b
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4b
5 cm
4a
4c
4d
Fig. 6 Anthropomorphic schematic art found in cave: 1 Cueva de los Letreros, Vélez Blanco (Almeria); 2 Abrigo del Gabar, Vélez Blanco (Almeria);
3 Abrigo de la Penya del Vicari, Altea (Alicante); 4 Abrigo de Justo, Yéchar (Murcia).
Abb. 6 Anthropomorphe schematische Kunst aus Höhlen: 1 Cueva de los Letreros, Vélez Blanco (Almeria); 2 Abrigo del Gabar, Vélez Blanco (Almeria);
3 Abrigo de la Penya del Vicari, Altea (Alicante); 4 Abrigo de Justo, Yéchar (Murcia).
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Fig. 2,2) suggest the depiction of different social segments or
groups. Like figurines and figures on the larger stelae, the
scenes in some painted rock-shelters also clearly show that
the protagonists are varied in gender and age, encouraging
readings bearing on family representations6. There are examples of bi-triangular anthropomorphs at work, for example,
the figures referring to agricultural work at Moriscas II, Helechal (Badajoz) (Martínez Perelló 1995). Leaders are identified by certain suggestive details which do not accompany
other figures, such as head ornaments; for example, at Puerto
Palacios de Cádiz (Acosta 1968, Fig. 23,1). It has even been
suggested that a lineage is represented in the Cueva de los
Letreros, Vélez Blanco (Almería), in view of the vertical
arrangement of the figures (Fig. 6,1) and the unions observed
between different anthropomorphs (Martínez 2002, 80–82).
These are social narratives, some of them, like the one
dealing with the relationship with the sun, about empowerment. There are some highly suggestive images on the eastern side of the Iberian Peninsula. At the Penya del Vicari de
Altea (Barciela 2015), there is a vertical arrangement in which
eye images (sun-eyes), aligned stelliforms, and (bi-triangular)
human figures with arms are represented (Barciela 2020, 59).
In the lower half, the anthropomorphic figures (Fig. 6,3b) are
located under stelliforms, aligned either to represent the firmament or of to represent a single moving star. Above
(Fig. 6,3a), two sun-eyes and their corresponding ›facial tattoo‹ lines crown the panel and indicate a special anthropomorphic mode. That this is an image of empowerment is
clearer in the tri-triangular figures observed in the shelter at
Justo de Yéchar, where pairs of ›sun-eyes‹ can be seen on the
shoulders of bi-triangular-bodied anthropomorphs with
heads, arms, and legs (Fernández/Lucas 2016, 13) (Fig. 6,4).
This example also gives us a better understanding of the figurations of El Gabar, Vélez Blanco (Almeria), where the sun is
shown in isolation and not all the bi-triangulars represented
have a pair of linked sun-eyes (Fig. 6,2).
The link with the sun can be observed in other anthropomorphic typologies which the literature never classifies as
›idols‹ but as simple human representations (Acosta 1968).
Items classified as ›anthropomorphic eyes‹ (García Atiénzar
2006, 225) or ›anthropomorphic idols‹ (Barciela 2020) are
found in locations far from the floruit of portable representations, such as the Abrigo de los Oculados, Henarejos (Cuenca)
(Ruiz et al. 2012) (Fig. 7,11) and Shelter 11 of Regato das
Bouças, Mirandela (Sanches et al. 2016) (Fig. 7,9). Mention
should be made of the motif of the face with the sun-eyes,
equipped with eyebrows and tattoo lines, which occurs in
isolation in other, more classical settlements, such as those at
Segura de la Sierra, Collado Guijarral and the Cueva de la
Diosa Madre, in Jaén (González 1967) (Fig. 7,7), where it is represented in a manner that is extremely close to the sun-eyes
representation found on cylinder idols (Fig. 7,8), the symbolic
tableware of Los Millares (Fig. 5,2), pottery specimens from
western Iberia, for example, from Olival da Pêga and Monte
de Outeiro (Fig. 5,1), and the eyed idols on long bones of the
6 Harrison/Heyd 2007; Bueno et al. 2017, 218;
Barciela 2020; Barroso 2020; Bueno 2020b;
Vella Gregory 2020.
Pastora variant, like the one from the Peña Escrita in Tárbena
(Alicante) (Fig. 7,10).
Painted Iberian schematic art confirms that the sun-eyes
were a coded symbol that could represent, without further
accompaniment, gods and ancestors emerging from the
stones (Bueno et al. 2008a), controlling and sharing the natural world. On other occasions, sun-eyes appeared as ›masks‹
worn by human characters, for instance, in the Oculados de
Henarejos, Cuenca (Fig. 7,11) and the Los Órganos and Arroyo
Hellín shelters, both in Segura de la Sierra, Jaén (Fig. 7,1–2).
The latter variant is highly relevant for a possible reinterpretation of the figurines. If the ›sun-eyes‹ are seen as masks, one
can understand why, in three-dimensional pieces (of which
cylinders are a good example), the ›braids‹ of the hairstyles,
represented on the reverse, leave room for a continuation of
the ›tattoos‹, whose lines seem to pass below the hair (cf.
Fig. 10,3). In other words, tattoos are applied to the back of the
head and the ›closures‹ are covered by the hairstyle or by the
upper part of the cloak that some characters seem to wear7.
The last versions of the Iberian figurines, with a cloak and perhaps a hood over the head, is clearer in some versions of the
decorated plaques that also appear with sun-eyes and tattoos.
The oldest way of representing human images was disguise.
Palaeolithic human figures appeared disguised as various animals that were, over and above other meanings, part of their
means of survival. The solar disguise was undoubtedly also
linked to the ideological value of economic resources, since
the sun is the star on which agricultural activities depend.
In the painted shelters, some of the characters depicted are
dressed up as suns in order to join in what appear to be dances
or various communal acts, establishing oral accounts through
public expressions of heritage and lineages.
4. Figurines in Iberia. Men and women dressed up
as the sun
Sharing the same chronology as the schematic art images in
shelters and megaliths and on outdoor rocks, the various
types of portable item representing the dressed human body
pick up the communal stories expressed in the graphic markers of the territories of the first agricultural farmers and
introduce them to the family realm (Bueno et al. 2016a;
Bueno 2020b; Soler 2020b). While they may have evoked
cults or beliefs, the new interpretations tend to bring them
closer to the human sphere. A wide range of functions and
meanings seems plausible. In some cases they may be connected with evocations of ancestors, an interpretation supported by the rock art discussed above8.
A few known examples of anthropomorphs with limbs
exist in clay, but such representations were less common on
bone or lithic supports than on the walls of rock shelters,
where they were expressed in more detail with brushes
impregnated with pigment. The most characteristic forms of
Iberian schematic rock art are not abundant in the figurines
7 In this case it refers to a possible mask made of
organic material that would be tied at the back with
laces or something of that kind. How the mask
would be kept tight to the head is the ›closure‹.
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8 Bueno 1992; Bueno 2010; Soler 2017;
Bueno 2020a, 214; Palaguta 2020.
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1b
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5 cm
5
5 cm
5 cm
2
4
5
6
5 cm
7
8
5 cm
5 cm
9
5 cm
5 cm
10
11a
11b
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record: there are few cruciform representations, and the ›double y‹ or ramiform figures are unknown. The tri-triangular
›idols‹ were a popular variant within the typology of cruciform items (Almagro 1973), but the truly ›cruciform‹ variant
was so scarce that it barely spread at all. The same is true of
the anchor form, so named from the shape of a flat, fragmented bone pendant found in the 1920s in the Cova de la
Barcella (Fig. 7.5), although years later a similar object from
Blanquizáres de Lébor (Fig. 7,6) made clear that the shape was,
in fact, a vertical anthropomorph with its limbs bent upwards
(Bueno/Soler 2020b, 65 Fig. 4–5). Such items, still defined
typologically as ›ancoriforms‹, have also been discovered in
megaliths in southern Iberia (Viera, Málaga and El Pozuelo 2,
Huelva) (Bueno et al. 2013). These forms have been linked to
the schematic figures with legs spread out in an M-shape,
which are interpreted as representing women giving birth.
Small stone plaques are the most recurring images in the
western Iberian megaliths. In their genesis, development,
and shape they are related to the orthostats that support the
megalithic constructions (Bueno 2020b, 212–213). Present
also in residential and ritual contexts, they are found in particular concentrations in funerary monuments, such as Anta
1 do Paço (Évora), where 324 pieces were found, and Anta
Grande de Zambujeiro (Évora), the Anta Grande de Comenda
da Igreja (Montemor-o-Novo), and the Anta de Olival da Pêga
(Reguengos de Monsaraz), all of which contained around one
hundred plaques. The other typologies listed in the traditional literature as ›idols‹ appear in far lower quantities in
various contexts. The approximate number of figurines in
Iberia (about 6000) includes some 4000 decorated plaques
(Lillios 2008), which is enough to claim that they represent
the most frequently occurring type of all the Iberian figurines (Bueno 2020a, 34).
Their preferential distribution in the south-west and their
link to the megaliths of the Alentejo tells us about the identity-conferring nature of these objects. Their geometric engravings may contain a code linked to lineage (Lillios 2008; Lillios
2020) or social affiliation (García/O'Brien 2014), in which case
they could have referred to the origins or family relationships
of those who carried them and deposited them in their burials (Bueno 1992; Bueno 2010; Bueno 2020b, 209).
These anthropomorphic artefacts had a manifest association with polished tools, as shown by deposits located at the
entrance of megalithic monuments or in the passages leading
to their chambers, for instance, in the tombs at Trincones I
(Alcántara) and Anta da Horta (Alter do Chão) (Fig. 8), revealing that they were not only designed to be carried but also to
be deposited on altars or in ritual enclosures. Such contexts
could collect pieces from different sources, which may
explain the high number of pieces in some megaliths. The
movement of these objects can also be deduced from their
reuse (Oliveira 1995; Gonçalves et al. 2003; Lillios 2010), a
phenomenon linked to a social significance that makes megaliths true identity-conferring sanctuaries (Bueno et al. 2008b;
Bueno 2020b, 213).
In the south-west, bi-triangular typologies are sometimes
seen in conjunction with plaques decorated with other types
of figurines (Bueno 2020b, 209). Examples are the case of the
Anta da Horta deposit, where sculptural plaques were associated with a bi-triangular stoneware piece (Oliveira 2010, 362,
Fig. 9) (Fig. 8,8), and the images of tri-triangular anthropomorphic silhouettes included or framed between the geometric motifs of certain plaques, such as those discovered in Mértola, Lapa do Bugio, Anta 1 do Paço de Aragão and Anta 2 da
Mitra (Gonçalves 2006) (Fig. 9,1.3.7). Bi-triangular figures are
likewise traceable in the geometric decorations of the megaliths, whose orthostats reiterate compositions detected on the
plaques. A figure of this type is even represented in the
Antelas dolmen, which has been dated directly (Cruz 1995;
Bueno 2010, 39), and bi-triangulars are integrated in the
geometric registers that characterise the surfaces of the decorated plaques.
The bi-triangular figures allude to the body or the body
and the head. Simply fashioned in clay, the bi-triangular
design has resulted in beautiful gynomorphic pieces, discovered in the south of the Peninsula, such as the Venus of
Benaoján (Málaga) with breasts and a pubic triangle (Fig. 3,4)
and the example uncovered in Ditch V of Marroquíes Bajos
(Jaén), with a face and breasts (Fig. 9,5). The reference to the
body is more evident in the tri-triangular variant, with the
head standing out on a body which is composed of two parts
that tend towards triangularity or rectangularity, in which
the waist is emphasised. The bi-triangular typology includes
the marble figurines associated with the Rundgräber-type
tombs of what has been recognised as the ›Culture of
Almeria‹ (Martínez/López 2020, 267 f.) (Fig. 3,5; 9,6) and the
flattened bone or lithic tri-triangular pieces (Fig. 3,6; 7,3; 9,2;
9,4), referred to as flat idols with lateral notches (Pascual
1998), which, found over a more extensive area (Martínez/
López 2020, 269), are identified in the Portuguese literature
as ›Almeria idols‹ (Valera 2012), possibly because they have
less of a presence in the west (Soler 2020b, 312–315).
Characteristic of the multiple burial caves of eastern Iberia (Soler 2002), in the west, tri-triangular figures are notable
for their representation in the estuary of the River Tagus. The
mouth of the Tagus is at the same latitude as the area that
culminates, in eastern Iberia, in Cabo de la Nao , where bone
and lithic garment and ornament elements with ribbed deco-
Fig. 7 (left page) Anthropomorphic cave paintings with masks: 1 Los Órganos, Santa Elena (Jaén); 2 Arroyo Hellín, Chiclana de Segura (Jaén); 4 Shelter I
Cabeçó d’Or, Relleu (Alicante); 9 Shelter 11 Regato das Bouças, Mirandela (Bragança); 11 Abrigo de los Oculados, Henarejos (Cuenca). Cave painting faces:
7 Cueva de la Diosa Madre, Segura de la Sierra (Jaén); 10 Peña Escrita, Tárbena (Alicante). Portable anthropomorphic art (all at the same scale): 3 Tritriangulars, Cova d’En Pardo, Planes (Alicante), bone; 5–6 Ancoriforms, bone (5) Cova de la Barcella, Torremanzanas (Alicante) and (6) Cueva de los
Blanquizáres de Lébor, Totana (Murcia); 8 Stone cylinder with a face, Moncarapacho, Olhão (Faro).
Abb. 7 (linke Seite) Anthropomorphe Höhlenmalereien mit Maskendarstellungen: 1 Los Órganos, Santa Elena (Jaén); 2 Arroyo Hellín, Chiclana de Segura
(Jaén); 4 Felsdach I Cabeçó d’Or, Relleu (Alicante); 9 Felsdach 11 Regato das Bouças, Mirandela (Bragança); 11 Abrigo de los Oculados, Henarejos (Cuenca).
Höhlenmalereien mit Gesichtsdarstellungen: 7 Cueva de la Diosa Madre, Segura de la Sierra (Jaén); 10 Peña Escrita, Tárbena (Alicante). Bewegliche anthropomorphe Kunst (alle im selben Maßstab): 3 Dreifache Dreiecksfigurinen, Cova d’En Pardo, Planes (Alicante), Knochen; 5–6 Ankerförmige Figurinen, Knochen
(5) Cova de la Barcella, Torremanzanas (Alicante) und (6) Cueva de los Blanquizáres de Lébor, Totana (Murcia); 8 Zylindrische Steinfigur mit Gesicht, Moncarapacho, Olhão (Faro).
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3
2
5 cm
1
10 cm
4
7
10 cm
5
6
8
9
1m
Fig. 8 1–8 Dolmen of Trincones, Alcántara, Cáceres. 1–2 sculptural plaques; 3 general view; 4 deposit of polished artefacts. Anta da Horta, Alter do Chão,
Alto Alentejo. 5–6 sculptural plaques; 7 general view; 8 deposit of polished artefacts. 9 Dolmen of Montelirio. Graphic reading of the engravings and
paintings.
Abb. 8 1–8 Megalithgrab von Trincones, Alcántara, Cáceres. 1–2 plastisch verzierten Platten; 3 Gesamtansicht; 4 Depot von polierten Artefakten. Anta da
Horta, Alter do Chão, Alto Alentejo. 5–6 plastisch verzierten Platten; 7 Gesamtansicht; 8 Depot von polierten Artefakten. 9 Megalithgrab von Montelirio.
Grafische Umsetzung der Ritzzeichnungen und Malereien.
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1
5
3
4
7
8
6
9
5 cm
Fig. 9 Relationship between plaques with anthropomorphic representations and anthropomorphs made up of triangles. Lithic plaques with anthropomorphic decoration: 1 Lapa do Bugio, Azóia (Leiria); 3 Mértola (Beja); 7 Anta 1 do Paço de Aragão, Montemor-o-Novo (Évora). Lithic plaques with prominent triangular heads: 8 Marvão (Portalegre); 9 Anta 1 dos Cavaleiros, Ponte de Sor (Portalegre). Tri-triangulars, on bone plaque: 2 Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz (Évora); on stone: 4 El Pozuelo Megalithic Site. 5 Bi-triangular in clay with face and breasts, Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén). 6 Bi-triangular in stone with raised
arms, Loma de la Torre, Cantoria (Almeria).
Abb. 9 Vergleich zwischen Platten mit anthropomorphen Darstellungen und anthropomorphen Dreiecksfiguren. Steinplatten mit anthropomorphen Verzierungen: 1 Lapa do Bugio, Azóia (Leiria); 3 Mértola (Beja); 7 Anta 1 do Paço de Aragão, Montemor-o-Novo (Évora). Steinplatten mit markanten Dreiecksköpfen: 8 Marvão (Portalegre); 9 Anta 1 dos Cavaleiros, Ponte de Sor (Portalegre). Dreifache Dreiecksfigurinen aus Knochen: 2 Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz
(Évora); aus Stein: 4 El Pozuelo Megalithfundstelle. 5 Doppelte Dreiecksfigurine aus Ton mit Gesicht und Brüsten, Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén). 6 Doppelte Dreiecksfigurine aus Stein mit erhobenen Armen, Loma de la Torre, Cantoria (Almeria).
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ration are common. Although there are not many dated sites
with such finds, a possible chronology between c. 3300 BC, at
the earliest, and the first centuries of the 3rd millennium BC
seems confirmed in both the west and the east (Soler 2020b,
304 f.). This is the time frame in which the spacious burial
cave of En Pardo (Planes, Alicante) was in use, which houses
tri-triangular bone pieces (Fig. 7,3), possibly representing different sexes (Soler/Barciela 2018,198) and in which the founding deposit with similar pieces, carefully arranged under a
bed of ceramic fragments, was placed at the base of Ditch 12
of Perdigões (Valera 2012) (Fig. 9,2). Perdigões is a ditched
enclosure with one of the best preserved wooden-pole circles
in Europe, encompassing an extraordinary ritual area with
entrances oriented towards the solstices and equinoxes. The
site as a whole has yielded the most extensive evidence of
human figurines in Iberia. This applies, specifically, to the
tri-triangulars, the earliest of which date from the end of the
Neolithic, inaugurating the fruitful development of figurines that characterises the Chalcolithic in this extensive ceremonial area. Five tri-triangular bone figurines were found
in the foundation deposits of its ditches (Valera 2020). Significantly, one more figurine of the same typology was found at
the base of the sedimentation of a large artificial cave or
hypogeum which was contemporary with the enclosure,
thus confirming the different social roles of these figurines
(Valera 2020, 237).
When it comes to identifying the six bone figures of Perdigões (Fig. 9,2), we believe that they probably represented
human beings rather than deities, people who gained importance and appreciation for being the bearers of a story that
translated into the foundation of what became a large ceremonial space. Other possible stories linked to similar figurines are suggested by the representation of several figures
arranged in the row on the Mértola plaque (Alentejo), and the
relationship of individuals with the sky or the sun at the
Penya del Vicari de Altea (Fig. 6,3b), as discussed above.
The de-fragmentation of motifs evident in the Penya del
Vicari panel at Altea (Alicante), where ›sun-eyes‹ and facial
tattoos are superimposed on anthropomorphs, one of them
being of particular importance (Barciela 2020), suggests a
narrative about an individual’s empowerment on the basis
of his symbiosis with a solar image (Fig. 6,3). Assuming a
similar code, the same meaning can be deduced from the
Mértola plaque from western Iberia, whose decoration
shows a face with sun-eyes and facial tattoo lines, while
other individuals are arranged below, in this case with
apparently completely equal and aligned in a strictly tri-triangular format (Fig. 9,3).
We are certainly dealing with a complex symbolism associated with the representation of the sun, a highly successful
formula that persisted in the megalithic circles of the southwest. The spectacular cylindrical or frustoconical stone constructions in the south-west and the superb decorations that
characterise the long bones of Almizaraque exemplify the
technical achievement of these productions, as well as the
wide impact of these codes throughout the Iberian Peninsula. This symbolism corresponds to the codification of the
expression of a communal rite that established oral narratives, one relevant aspect being the aggregation of individuals around human beings disguised as the sun by wearing
masks, as shown by parietal art (cf. Fig. 7). These masks could
refer to performances by characters bearing tattoos, paints or
scarifications, similar to those thought to have been worn by
the women buried in Montelirio (Bueno et al. 2016a).
5. ›Sun-eyes‹ as elements of social manipulation
The presented figurations justified leadership in identity-based and territorialised Chalcolithic societies with varying traditions, surplus production, and no lack of competition and violence. Most plaques do not have sun-eyes; when
they do appear, they point to the portable object with a singular feature that, expressed on different supports and forms,
reaches a geography beyond the Iberian south-west. Open
eyes of leaders, of social models, of ancestors ... which are
apparently empowered by the sun but base their strength
and prestige on the claim of a kinship line.
This lineage is expressed in the selective and successive
burials in megaliths and caves and the regional specificity of
the different figurative motives. As a three-dimensional support, the bi-triangular (Fig. 3,4) figure acquired a biconical
volume (Fig. 3,7–8) in the so-called ›tolva‹ or ›gola‹ idols,
sometimes made from the phalanxes of large mammals
(Fig. 3,21–22), types which appear in significant numbers and
without any apparent decoration in the necropolis of Los Millares (Leisner/Leisner 1943). Few phalanxes display the ocular motif (Fig. 10,9), while it always appears on the long bones
(Fig. 3,18–19; 10,1–2), a form similar to the bi-triangular
because it is wide at the epiphyses and narrow on the diaphyseal shaft. The bi-triangular shape is strikingly expressed in
lithic pieces from the middle Guadiana Basin with a decora-
Fig. 10 (right page) Figurines with facial expressions. 1–2 Long bones from the cova de la Pastora, Alcoy (Alicante), with simple (1) or compound (2) decorative scheme (Soler 2017, Fig. 7.37: 1 and 5); 3, 4, 8 Eyebrow expressions on pottery and stone: stone cylinder, Valencina de la Concepción (Seville) (8), pottery
vase (3) and baetyl from the area of Lisbon (4); 5–7 compound eye symbols (two pairs of eyes): 5 golden plate, Valencina de la Concepción, Castilleja de
Guzmán (Seville); 6 rib, Terrera Ventura (Tabernas, Valencia); 7 shaft, Ereta del Pedregal, Navarrés, Valencia; 9–12 Simple eye symbols (one pair of eyes):
9 phalanx, Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz, Évora; 10 bi-triangular, La Pijotilla, Badajoz; bone plaques: 11 Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz, Évora;
12 Los Millares, Santa Fe de Mondújar (Almeria). Anthropomorphic figurines in bone (13–14, 16), stone (15) and ivory (17): Cerro de la Cabeza, Valencina de
la Concepción Seville (13–14); La Pijotilla (Badajoz) (15); Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén) (16) and Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz (Évora) (17).
Abb. 10 (rechte Seite) Figurinen mit Gesichtsdarstellungen. 1–2 Langknochen aus der Cova de la Pastora, Alcoy (Alicante). Mit einfachem (1) oder zusammengesetztem (2) Verzierungsschema (Soler, 2017, Abb. 7.37: 1 und 5); 3, 4, 8 Augenbrauendarstellungen auf Keramik und Stein: Steinzylinder aus Valencina de
la Concepción (Seville) (8), Keramikgefäß (3) und Baetylus (4) aus der Gegend um Lissabon; 5–7 zusammengesetzte Augensymbole (zwei Augenpaare): 5 Goldblech, Valencina de la Concepción, Castilleja de Guzmán (Sevilla); 6 Rippe, Terrera Ventura (Tabernas, Valencia); 7 Schaft, Ereta del Pedregal, Navarrés, Valencia; 9–12 Einfache Augensymbole (ein Augenpaar): 9 Phalanx, Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz, Évora; 10 doppelte Dreiecksfigurine, La Pijotilla, Badajoz; Knochenplatten: 11 Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz, Évora; 12 Los Millares, Santa Fe de Mondújar (Almeria). Anthropomorphe Knochenfigurinen
(13–14, 16), Stein (15) und Elfenbein (17): Cerro de la Cabeza, Valencina de la Concepción Sevilla (13–14); La Pijotilla (Badajoz) (15); Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén)
(16) und Perdigões, Reguengos de Monsaraz (Évora) (17).
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SIMPLE
COMPOUND
a
a
b
3
b
c
a2
c
b2
c2
1
2
b Face c Limbs/
a Eyebrown/
Head ornament
Sex/Symbol
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6
5
13
14
7
15
16
5 cm
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11
12
17
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tion similar to that of the cylindrical idols characteristic of
the south-west (Hurtado 2008, 4–6) (Fig. 3,26).
Characteristic of the eastern area, the long bones refer to a
figurative horizon in the east with a first presence subsequent
to that of the tri-triangular pieces, although there is nothing
to rule out their coexistence, given that there are contexts
within the distribution of the latter that could date from the
middle of the 3rd millennium BC (Martínez/López 2020,
269). Everything points to the eye motifs on long bones as a
fact that characterises the first half of the 3rd millennium BC
(Soler 2017, 334).
Some of these elongated bone pieces also appear as part of
deposits. In the case of Almizaraque, a workshop area has
been proposed (Maicas 2007, 241–246). The excavation is too
old for definitive statements to be made, but it may have been
a deposit containing pieces of the two decorative variants,
one variegated – Almizaraque – and the other with simpler
decoration – Pastora – in two sets (Soler 2017, 326 f.). The
same could also have been the case with the stone cylinders
documented in a couple of pits at the site of Orden Seminario
in Huelva (Vera et al. 2010). In any case, it is clear that eye
motifs occur on long bones grouped in funerary contexts on
both sides of the Iberian Peninsula, other examples are the
14-piece set from El Fontanal de Onil (Soler 2017, 338), located
by an amateur in a rock shelter in Alicante, and the set of
11 pieces, mostly grouped next to the entrance of Tomb 3 of
Pijotilla (Badajoz), a false dome construction inside which
phalanxes and anthropomorphic figures were found (Hurtado et al. 2000).
It is thought that the highest concentration of long bones
(25 units) known from the east of the Peninsula, uncovered
in the funerary chamber of the Cova de la Pastora de Alcoy,
Alicante (Soler 2017, 336), could have been a single deposit.
The similarity in motifs and style make it feasible that the
pieces were deposited simultaneously in this context,
although a battery of human bone datings reveals a funerary use over several centuries, starting in the middle of the
4th millennium and lasting until after the middle of the
3rd millennium BC.
The gesture of a deposit of coded anthropomorphic
images (Fig. 10,1–2) could be interpreted as the basis of a
social empowerment narrative, by which whoever made the
deposit, centuries after the original burials, demonstrated
knowledge of the deceased by using their images and
claimed descent from them. The images contain sun-eyes as
well as unique codes identified at the bottom of the decorative friezes that allude to one or more equal individuals
supporting the oral memory of the kinship (Soler 2017,
Fig. 8,38). The same idea is also clearly expressed in the two
pairs of sun-eyes on the golden plate of Valencina de la Concepción, Castilleja de Guzman (Seville) (Fig. 10,5), the specimen on the pole of La Ereta del Pedregal, Navarrés (Valencia) and the example engraved on the rib from Terrera
Ventura, Tabernas (Almeria) (Fig. 10,6–8).
The figurines thus constituted the basis of one or several
narratives that invariably benefitted emerging leaderships.
As eyes on bone plaques only appear in the forts of Los Millares (Fig. 10,12), it has been suggested that these pieces
might have justified the transmission of a status in restricted-access areas where salt was processed or specialised
objects, such as flint arrowheads and metal objects, were
handled and made (Martínez/López 2020, 276). However,
other authors have seen in the multiplicity of motifs, their
wide circulation across Iberia, and their discovery in a
diversity of every-day, funerary and ritual contexts an
expression of the fluidity of the Chalcolithic social relations
and the lack of centralisation and control over the ceremonial and ideological instruments of these communities
(Risch 2018).
The succession of sun-eyes offers collective history readings that might link successive or different lineages. The long
bones present complex sun-eye devices, comparable to those
seen on sumptuous objects, especially the golden plates
discovered in the megalithic graves of Valencina de la Con
cepción, Seville (Murillo 2016) and in some other major
south-western megaliths (Anta Grande de Zambujeiro, Pijo
tilla). Inasmuch as some of these sumptuous objects may be
associated with sacrificial knives and are found in places
with evidence of considerable ritual display, one may convincingly connect a notable increase in funerary exhibitions
with ideological structures for controlling social conflicts
that may have generated changes in communal and individual organisations. The ancestral past as an argument for
power transmission became one of the most ubiquitous tools
in the early metallurgical cultures in Europe (Bueno et al.
2005a, 639; Soler 2017).
A study of the decoration and symbolic items of the tomb
at Montelirio (cf. Fig. 8) in the megalithic complex of Castilleja de Guzmán-Valencina de la Concepción (Seville) gives
substance to some of these hypotheses, thanks to their good
state of preservation. On the walls, the eye images are
arranged next to each other in pairs, casting doubt on the
widespread idea that they only reflect female images, since
these associations repeat those seen in the shelter paintings
discussed above. The sun-eyes are framed by geometric decorations that extend to the base of the orthostats, reiterating
the clothing seen on the oldest images on the megalithic supports, reasonably identifiable with that worn by the figures
on decorated plaques and other portable figurine images
(Bueno et al. 2007; Bueno 2010; Bueno 2020b).
A clay stele – painted white, black, and red, and with suneyes – occupies a central spot, which the sunlight would
have reached, since the monument is oriented towards the
east. This stele repeats well-documented stone forms in
south-western megaliths (Bueno et al. 2005a). At its feet
were found various offerings on a cinnabar red ›tablecloth‹,
including objects from foreign sources (Murillo et al. 2015).
The buried women, more than 20 in number, wore mantles
down to their feet with horizontally and vertically arranged
bead embroidery, like those of the figurines. Did they die
from cinnabar poisoning because they wore tattoos made of
this substance? Although the causation of these cinnabar poisonings may have been more complex, there is no doubt that
the Montelirio monument, built and occupied during the first
half of the 3rd millennium BC (Bayliss et al. 2016), offers a
picture of the level of complexity of funeral rituals inherited
from the first builders of megaliths (Bueno et al. 2005b;
Bueno et al. 2016b; Bueno et al. 2019)
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6. Anthropomorphic idols and ditched enclosures as
aggregation sites
The relatively new discovery of figurines related to Iberian
ditched enclosures and the great richness and variety of their
support types and contexts give rise to new reflections on the
panorama of Iberian and European figurines. Most of the
pieces known as ›anthropomorphic idols‹ appear in these
contexts (Fig. 10,13–17). These are vertical figurines, their legs
ending in points, their faces with empty-socket eyestattoos,
their hair gathered behind in a braid, their arms crossed at
waist level. Most are clearly male, although there are also
female figures (Fig. 10,16). Made of rich materials, particularly ivory and sometimes gold, and dating back to the 3rd
millennium BC, they reflect a true floruit of portable anthropomorphic figures: phalanxes, baetyls and plaques are
found in the same contexts (Valera 2020, 237), some of them
with facial representations indicated only by eyebrows
(Fig. 10,4–5).
These anthropomorphic idols are unique in both the
European and Iberian records, although their codification is
clearly rooted in all known Iberian typologies. The difference is that these forms are clearly personalised. They have
been documented in large south-western ditched enclosures: Pijotilla (Badajoz), Perdigões (Évora), Marroquíes
Altos (Jaén), El Malagón (Granada) and Valencina (Seville).
Some of them represent concrete Mediterranean reminiscences, for instance, the female example from El Malagón
(Arribas 1977), and one of those found at La Pijotilla (Bueno/
Soler 2020b, 141,4). They both recall Cycladic forms found
in Sardinia in advanced, Late Neolithic contexts (Paglietti
2020, Fig. 10,2). A certain Mediterranean character is common to the whole set, although they are also Iberian in their
codification, supporting the hypothesis that connectivities
were materialised in the images of leaders, ancestors, and
lineages. Although most figurines appear in collective
funerary contexts, their association with specific buried
persons is confirmed in Perdigôes by the association of a
cremated bone with the lower part of the legs of one of these
figurines (Valera 2020, 232), a co-occurrence also documented in Mediterranean contexts of the Late Chalcolithic
and the Bronze Age (Sotirakopoulou 2020, 337).
If identity groupings in tombs tend to be single or binary,
in ditched enclosures the variety of typologies and raw materials is overwhelming, increasing as more and more areas are
excavated at these sites. The La Pijotilla site in Badajoz was
the first to reveal this wealth of figurines (Hurtado 2008),
while the excavations at Perdigões (Alentejo) contributed to
establishing not only the variety and contemporaneity of the
different typologies, but also their antiquity, proved by the
dating of the foundational deposit of the site to the 4th millennium cal BC (Valera 2020).
The huge significance of these finds entails the need to
redouble our efforts to generate convincing hypotheses about
the social role of these items9. As we have pointed out, their
variety is greater than that found anywhere in central Europe
9 Bueno 2020a; García Pérez et al. 2020;
Maicas 2020; Martínez et al. 2020; Martínez/
López 2020; Soler 2020b; Valera 2020.
TA G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E • B A N D 24 • 2 0 21
or in the Mediterranean region, where the origins of Iberian
figurines have so often been posited.
If we turn to the long trajectory of solar and anthropomorphic representations, starting from the basis that the painted,
engraved, and sculpted symbols are one element, among others, of the materiality of human expressions, it is plausible to
relate this richness in the number and variety of the figurines
with the background forged in the expressions of early Iberian farmers. This background reflects the high connectivity
of Iberia, its favourable climate and important wealth of
resources: good agricultural lands, cattle operations, flint,
gold, copper, and silver. None of these factors was decisive in
itself, but taken as a whole, they contributed to the maintenance of surpluses that made it possible to exchange objects
and raw materials that were amortised in funerary exhibitions as social compensation systems (Risch 2018).
Within this context of wide connectivity, Iberian symbologies, embodied in exotic products celebrating the floruit of
megalithism, had an impact on the Atlantic facade, central
Europe, and the Mediterranean, contributing to the development
of individualised human images, dressed in long, geo
metrically decorated mantles associated with solar represen
tations (Bueno 2010; Bueno 2020a). The case of the stelae in
the Alps is an excellent example (Bocksberger et al. 1976; Mezzena 1981). Assuming that these characteristics in turn represent mixtures with other symbolic elements of diverse origins,
Iberia’s role is crucial for establishing the chronology of symbols related to the representation of power based on a symbiosis with the sun. Collective, communal, and individualised
power was justified on the basis of the ancestral past, linking
the image of exceptional persons and groups with the sun as a
star that sees everything and rules the cycles of life, the main
character in the mythologies of the first farmers. Oral narratives, perpetuated in collective performances and their reflections in schematic art, were assumed by lineages, families, or
individuals, perhaps in a political process of appropriation of collective models to support the social position of a few (Bueno et
al. 2005a, 639; Barroso 2020). Undoubtedly, these ideological
premises were the basis for the development of the social tools
that constituted the establishment of power in later cultures.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank our colleagues Harald Meller, Alfred
Reichenberger, and Roberto Risch for inviting us to participate in this volume. We would especially like to thank Roberto Risch for all the support he has given us with the English translation and his excellent advice for improving the
text. The renewal of knowledge on the study of Iberian figurines has resulted in the publication of scientific volumes in
which almost 70 researchers have participated. The images
included in this text come mostly from the participating
museums, which have been generous enough to allow us to
use them. Part of the research for this work has been carried
out under Research Project PGC2018-099405-B-I00.
143
144
PRIMI T I VA B U E N O R A MÍRE Z A N D J O R G E A . S O L E R DÍ A Z
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Source of figures
1 Map basis: LDA; mapping adapted from authors: J. Filipp, Bad
Bibra; map based on SRTM, Shuttle Radar Topography Mission
(NASA, Jet Propulsion Laboratory,
California Institute of Technology) and GEBCO, General Bathymetric Chart of the Oceans
(Lancharro/Bueno 2020, Fig. 2)
2 Map basis: LDA; mapping adapted from authors: J. Filipp, Bad
Bibra; map based on SRTM, Shuttle Radar Topography Mission
(NASA, Jet Propulsion Laboratory,
California Institute of Technology) and GEBCO, 1 General
Bathymetric Chart of the Oceans
(Lancharro/Bueno 2020, Fig. 1)
3 Items kept at the Llerena private
collection (No. 32); ERA Arqueologia, Cruz Quebrada (6, 13, 22,
30); the Museum of Almeria (3,
27); the National Archaeological
Museum, Madrid (1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 9,
11, 14, 16, 18, 21, 28); the Museum
of Alicante (19,20); the Museum
of Huelva (24, 25);the Museum of
Badajoz (26); the Museum of
Malaga (4); the National Archaeology Museum, Lisbon (12, 15, 23);
the Museum of Lorca (17); the
Museum of Seville (31) and the
Museum of Valladolid (10). Reproduced in the catalogues of the Ídolos. Miradas milenarias exhibition
(Bueno/Soler 2020a; Bueno/Soler
2020b)
4 1, 3 Martí/Hernández 1988, Fig. 1;
27, 1; 2 Carrasco et al. 2006,
Fig. 3,13; 4–5 Carrasco et al. 2015,
Fig. 6, 1; 6,3; 6–7 Gavilán/Vera
1993, Fig. 5; 8 Soler 2017, Fig. 7.5 E,
drawing by R. Álvarez;
9 Sanfeliu/Flors 2009, Fig. 10
5 1 Leisner/Leisner 1956, Pl. 128;1);
2 Martín/Cámalich 1982, Fig. 4);
3 Garrido/Muñoz 2000, Fig. 2;
4 Sanguino/Oñate 2011, Fig. 4);
5 photograph by P. Pentz; 6 Scarre
2020, Fig. 4). Images 1–4 and 6
published in Bueno/Soler 2020a
and Bueno/Soler 2020b. Vessels
now kept at the Geological
Museum, Lisbon (1); the National
Archaeological Museum, Madrid
(reproduction of the original) (2);
the Regional Archaeological
Museum, Alcalá de Henares
(3–4); the National Museum Denmark (photograph supplied by
P. Pentz) (5); the British Museum,
London (6)
6 1 main panel, copy and photograph Martínez/Blanco 2014, 160;
2 copy by H. Breuil, 1935 (Barciela
2020, Fig. 2); 3 panel 2, copy and
photograph (Barciela 2015,
68–69); 4 copy and photograph
(Lucas/Fernandez 2021, 32)
7 1 copy González 1967, Pl. 4, digital
image by C. Moreno processed
using the DStretch program (Martínez/López 2020, Fig. 5); 2 copy
Soria et al. 2001, Fig. 21; 4 Soler et
TA G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E • B A N D 24 • 2 0 21
al. 2018, Fig. 18; 7. González 1967,
Pl. 8), photograph by M. Soria;
9 Sanches et al. 2016, photograph
by M. Sanchez; 10 Soler/Barciela
2018, Fig. 15); 11 copy (Ruiz et al.
2012, Fig. 3), image by F. J. Ruiz.
Published images in Bueno/Soler
2020a and Bueno/Soler 2020b of
pieces kept at the Archaeological
Museum of Alcoy (4), the Archaeological Museum of Alicante
-MARQ (5), the Museum of Almeria (6), and the National Archaeology Museum, Lisbon (8)
8 1–2, 3–4 photos P. Bueno and
R. Balbín; 5–6, 7–8 photos Jorge
de Oliveira; 9 Bueno et al. 2016a
9 1, 3, 7 Gonçalves 2006 Fig.6,10.14.15;
8, 9, 2 Valera 2012, Fig. 1; 4 Linares 2020; 5, 6 Images published in
Bueno/Soler 2020a and Bueno/
Soler 2020b and supplied by the
National Archaeology Museum,
Lisbon (3, 8, 9), the National
Archaeological Museum, Madrid
(6) and J. P. Bellón (5)
10 Pieces kept in Prehistory Museum
of Valencia (1, 2, 7), the national
Archaeology Musum of Lisbon
(3–4), the Archaeological
Museum of Seville (5, 8, 13, 14),
The Museum of Almería (6), ERA
Arqueología, Cruz Quebrada (9,
11, 17) , private collection (12, 16)
and the Archeological Museum of
Badajoz (10, 15)
147
148
PRIMI T I VA B U E N O R A MÍRE Z A N D J O R G E A . S O L E R DÍ A Z
Addresses
Prof. Dr. Primitiva Bueno-Ramírez
Universidad de Alcalá
C / Colegios nº 2
28801 Alcala de Henares
Spain
[email protected]
Prof. Dr. Jorge A. Soler Díaz
Museo Arqueológico de Alicante
Placa Dr. Gómez Ulla, S / N
03013 Alicante
Spain
[email protected]
TA G U N G E N D E S L A N D E S M U S E U M S F Ü R V O R G E S C H I C H T E H A L L E • B A N D 24 • 2 0 21
Bislang erschienene Bände in der Reihe
»Tagungen des Landesmuseums für
Vorgeschichte Halle«
Die Reihe der Tagungsbände des Landesmuseums wurde
2008 ins Leben gerufen. Anlass dazu war die Konferenz
»Luthers Lebenswelten«, die im Jahr 2007 in Halle (Saale)
ausgerichtet wurde. Bereits der zweite Tagungsband widmete sich mit dem Thema »Schlachtfeldarchäologie« dem
Mitteldeutschen Archäologentag, der seit 2008 jährlich
vom Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt veranstaltet und zeitnah publiziert wird. Dem
großen Anteil internationaler Autorinnen und Autoren
entsprechend, erscheinen viele Beiträge dieser Reihe in englischer Sprache mit deutscher Zusammenfassung.
Mit dem zuletzt erschienenen Tagungsband konnten die
Vorträge der Internationalen Konferenz »Von den Hunnen
zu den Türken – Reiterkrieger in Europa und Zentralasien«
in zahlreichen Artikeln renommierter Forscher verschiedenster Fachdisziplinen vorgelegt werden.
Band 18
Band 19
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Band 23
Band 1/2008 Harald Meller/Stefan Rhein/Hans-Georg
Stephan (Hrsg.),
Luthers Lebenswelten.
Tagung vom 25. bis 27. September 2007
in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-939414-22-3, € 39,00 € 9,00
Band 2/2009 Harald Meller (Hrsg.),
Schlachtfeldarchäologie. Battlefield Archaeology.
1. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
09. bis 11. Oktober 2008 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-939414-41-4, € 35,00
Band 3/2010 Harald Meller/Kurt W. Alt (Hrsg.),
A nthropologie, Isotopie und DNA –
biografische Annäherung an namenlose
vorgeschichtliche Skelette?
2. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
08. bis 10. Oktober 2009 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-939414-53-7, € 29,00 € 9,00
Band 4/2010 Harald Meller/Regine Maraszek (Hrsg.),
Masken der Vorzeit in Europa I.
Internationale Tagung vom 20. bis 22. November
2009 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-939414-54-4, € 32,00 € 9,00
Band 5/2011 Harald Meller/François Bertemes (Hrsg.),
Der Griff nach den Sternen. Wie Europas Eliten
zu Macht und Reichtum kamen.
Internationales Symposium in Halle (Saale)
16.–21. Februar 2005.
ISBN 978-3-939414-28-5, € 128,00 € 29,00
Band 6/2011 Hans-Rudolf Bork/Harald Meller/
Renate Gerlach (Hrsg.),
Umweltarchäologie – Naturkatastrophen und
Umweltwandel im archäologischen Befund.
3. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
07. bis 09. Oktober 2010 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-939414-64-3, € 32,00 € 16,00
Band 7/2012 Harald Meller/Regine Maraszek (Hrsg.),
Masken der Vorzeit in Europa II.
Internationale Tagung vom 19. bis 21. November
2010 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-939414-90-2, € 32,00 € 16,00
4. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
14. bis 16. Oktober 2011 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-00-2, € 69,00 € 34,00
Band 10/2013 Harald Meller/Christian-Heinrich Wunderlich/Franziska Knoll (Hrsg.),
Rot – die Archäologie bekennt Farbe.
5. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
04. bis 06. Oktober 2012 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-01-9, € 49,00 € 24,00
Band 11/2014 Harald Meller/Roberto Risch/
Ernst Pernicka (Hrsg.),
Metalle der Macht – Frühes Gold und Silber.
Metals of power – Early gold and silber.
6. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
17. bis 19. Oktober 2013 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-13-2, € 119,00
Band 12/2015 Harald Meller/Helge Wolfgang Arz/
Reinhard Jung/Roberto Risch (Hrsg.),
2 200 BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den
Zerfall der Alten Welt? 2200 BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?
7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
23. bis 26. Oktober 2014 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-29-3, € 109,00
Band 13/2016 Judith M. Grünberg/Bernhard Gramsch/
Lars Larsson/Jörg Orschiedt/Harald Meller (Hrsg.),
Mesolithic burials – Rites, symbols and social
organisation of early postglacial communities.
Mesolithische Bestattungen – Riten, Symbole und soziale Organisation früher postglazialer Gemeinschaften
International Conference Halle (Saale), 18th–21st
September 2013.
ISBN 978-3-944507-43-9, € 81,00
Band 14/2016 Harald Meller/Hans Peter Hahn/
Reinhard Jung/Roberto Risch (Hrsg.),
A rm und Reich – Zur Ressourcenverteilung in
prähistorischen Gesellschaften. Rich and Poor –
Competing for resources in prehistoric societies.
8. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
22. bis 24. Oktober 2015 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-45-3, € 89,00
Band 8/2012 François Bertemes/Harald Meller (Hrsg.),
Neolithische Kreisgabenanlagen in Europa.
Neolithic Circular Enclosures in Europe.
Internationale Arbeitstagung 7. bis 9. Mai 2004 in
Goseck (Sachsen-Anhalt).
ISBN 978-3-939414-33-9, € 59,00 € 29,00
Band 15/2016 Harald Meller/Alfred Reichenberger/
Christian-Heinrich Wunderlich (Hrsg.),
A lchemie und Wissenschaft des 16. Jahrhunderts.
Fallstudien aus Wittenberg und vergleichbare
Befunde.
Internationale Tagung vom 3. bis 4. Juli 2015 in
Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-48-4, € 49,00
Band 9/2013 Harald Meller/François Bertemes/
Hans-Rudolf Bork/Roberto Risch (Hrsg.),
1600 – Kultureller Umbruch im Schatten des
Thera-Ausbruchs? 1600 – Cultural change in the shadow of the Thera-Eruption?
Band 16/2017 Harald Meller/Susanne Friederich (Hrsg.),
Salzmünde – Regel oder Ausnahme?
Salzmünde – rule or exception?
Internationale Tagung vom 18. bis 20. Oktober 2012
in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-11-8, € 75,00
Band 17/2017 Harald Meller/Falko Daim/Johannes Krause/
Roberto Risch (Hrsg.),
Migration und Integration von der Urgeschichte bis
zum Mittelalter. Migration and Integration from
Prehistory to the Middle Ages.
9. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
20. bis 22. Oktober 2016 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-61-3, € 49,00
Band 18/2018 Harald Meller/Detlef Groneborn/
Roberto Risch (Hrsg.),
Überschuss ohne Staat. Politische Formen in der
Vorgeschichte. Surplus without the State. Political
Forms in Prehistory.
10. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
19. bis 21. Oktober 2017 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-83-5, € 69,00
Band 19/2019 Harald Meller/François Bertemes (Hrsg.),
Der Aufbruch zu neuen Horizonten. Neue
Sichtweisen zur europäischen Frühbronzezeit.
Abschlusstagung der Forschergruppe FOR550
vom 26. bis 29. November 2010 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-948618-03-2, € 59,00
Band 20/2019 Harald Meller/Susanne Friederich/
Mario Küßner/Harald Stäuble/Roberto Risch (Hrsg.),
Siedlungsarchäologie des Endneolithikums und
der frühen Bronzezeit. Late Neolithic and Early
Bronze Age Settlement Archaeology.
11. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 18. bis
20. Oktober 2018 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-94-1, € 149,00
Band 21/2019 Harald Meller/Susanne Kimmig-Völner/
Alfred Reichenberger (Hrsg.),
R inge der Macht. Rings of Power
Internationale Tagung vom 09. bis 10. November
2018 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-944507-97-2, € 79,00
Band 22/2020 Harald Meller/Roberto Risch/Kurt W. Alt/
Francois Bertemes/Rafael Micó (Hrsg.),
R ituelle Gewalt – Rituale der Gewalt.
Ritual Violence – Rituals of Violence.
12. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom
10. bis 12. Oktober 2019 in Halle (Saale).
ISBN 978-3-948618-06-3, € 109,00
Band 23/2021 Falko Daim/Harald Meller/
Walter Pohl (Hrsg.),
Von den Hunnen zu den Türken – Reiterkrieger in
Europa und Zentralasien. From the Huns to the Turks –
Mounted Warriors in Europe and Central Asia
Internationale Konferenz am Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum – Leibniz Forschungsinstitut
für Archäologie in Kooperation mit dem Institut für
Mittelalterforschung der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und dem Landesmuseum
für Vorgeschichte Halle Mainz, 25. –26. April 2018
ISBN 978-3-948618-24-7, € 49,00
Erhältlich im Buchhandel oder direkt beim
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