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Gay Male Nomenclatures:
Bounding the Information Ecology of Desire and
Performance in Technologies and Applications
Daniel Martínez-Ávila*, Fabio Assis Pinho**,
Francisco Arrais Nascimento*** and Richard P. Smiraglia****
* Universidad de León – Artistic and Documentary Heritage, León – Spain, <
[email protected]>
** Universidade Federal de Pernambuco – Department of Information Science,
Recife-PE, Brazil, <
[email protected]>
*** Universidade Estadual Paulista – UNESP – Graduate Program in Information Science,
Marília-SP, Brazil, <
[email protected]>
**** Institute for Knowledge Organization and Structure, Inc., 19111 Indian Springs Rd.,
Lake Oswego, OR 97035 USA, <
[email protected]>
Daniel Martínez-Ávila is associate professor in the area of library and information science, Universidad de León, Spain, and also teaches at the Graduate School of Information Science at São Paulo State University (UNESP), Brazil. He is a member of the
Brazilian ISKO Chapter since 2016. Previously, he was a member of the Spanish ISKO
chapter (currently Spain+Portugal) since 2008. He is the current editor of the Advances
in Knowledge Organization series and previously he worked with Richard Smiraglia as
editorial assistant of the journal Knowledge Organization.
Fabio Assis Pinho holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Library and Information Science (2002)
from the Federal University of São Carlos, a Master's Degree (2006), and a PhD (2010)
in Information Science from São Paulo State University. He is an Associate Professor in
the Department of Information Science, working in the Undergraduate courses in Library Science, in Information Management, and the Graduate Program in Information
Science at the Federal University of Pernambuco. He is a Researcher in Productivity at
CNPq.
Francisco Arrais Nascimento is a postdoctoral fellow at Universidade Estadual Paulista
(UNESP). He holds a PhD in Information Science from UNESP, a master’s degree in
information science from Universidade Federal de Pernambuco (UFPE) and a bachelor's
degree in Administration from Universidade Federal do Ceará (UFC). His has experience in Information Science and Knowledge Organization in the areas of sexuality, document analysis, and subject representation.
Richard. P. Smiraglia is Senior Fellow and Executive Director of the Institute for Knowledge Organization and Structure, Inc. He is author of
more than 300 publications in information science and knowledge organization. He holds a PhD from the University of Chicago. From 20042020 he served as Editor-in-Chief of Knowledge Organization. He was 2018-2019 KNAW Visiting Professor at DANS (Data Archiving and
Networked Services), The Hague, The Netherlands, where he remains Honorary Fellow.
Martínez-Ávila, Daniel, Fabio Assis Pinho, Francisco Arrais Nascimento and Richard P. Smiraglia. 2023. “Gay Male Nomenclatures: Bounding
the Information Ecology of Desire and Performance in Technologies and Applications”. Knowledge Organization 50 (6): 407-417. 42 references. DOI:10.5771/0943-7444-2023-6-407.
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D. Martínez-Ávila, F. Assis Pinho, F. Nascimento, R. P. Smiraglia. Gay Male Nomenclatures
Abstract: Information technology has brought many advantages for communications and new possibilities for knowledge organization, but
also many ethical challenges and risks for groups at the social margins such as the LGBTIQ+ communities. Self-identifying nomenclature from
social media websites such as Grindr, XVideos, TikTok, and Scruf were gathered; keywords and phrases were extracted and arrayed by frequency
distribution and compared across sites. There are obvious site-specific emphases: in XVideos the terms are more sexual, in Scruf they are more
identity oriented. The aggregated data show different practices of representation of gay males reflecting their sexual and affective interests, likes,
and desires. These findings reflect the act of defining and organizing the knowledge about the identity of the group based on what is desirable
both in themselves and in others pertaining to the same. The resulting terms can be grouped into three classes: sexual desires/orientation desire,
physical characteristics, and sexual roles or performances. In addition to gender self-denomination terms, there are terms that can represent a
person’s sexuality, including the description of the romantic or sexual attraction they feel. The snapshots of representation in different social
applications studied here show a classification used and shared by the gay male community at present.
Received: 25 July 2023; Revised: 12 October 2023; Accepted 16 October 2023.
Keywords: knowledge representation; information ecology; LGBTIQ+ communities; gay male community
1.0 Introduction
Information technology has brought many advantages for
communications and new possibilities for knowledge organization, but also many ethical challenges and risks for
groups at the social margins such as the LGBTIQ+ communities. While subdued and oppressed subjects could have
seen in social platforms and applications the possibility to
express themselves and interact under an apparently safe
layer of anonymity, the truth is that the dynamics of the Infosphere (Floridi 2009) have led these interactions to new
dangers, exposures, performative practices, and strategies of
survival for those users whose knowledge is being self-represented and self-organized.
This is a preliminary report of work by a Domain Analysis Clinic (DAC)1 formed by the Institute for Knowledge
Organization and Structure, Inc. in 2021 to examine gay nomenclatures. The charge to the group (Martínez-Ávila and
Smiraglia 2020) was: “In a new scenario of social relationships anchored in the new economy of desire and performance (Pelúcio 2017), sexual-affective interactions use technologies and applications to mediate relationships and represent identities. These technologies and applications also
offer new characteristics and opportunities for a social organization of knowledge that determines the possibilities of
locating and retrieving information.”
The gay community, however, does not always perceive
the technologies and the interactions of the rest of the users
of the system as a safe space, and thus codes, metaphors, euphemisms, orthophemisms, and other figures of speech are
employed to represent themselves. In the resulting nomenclature, we see the reflection of a very specific information
ecology. Participants create a special language for internal
communication, largely as a result of self-preservation instinct. Some tenets of the nomenclature also reflect the
emotional toll of ostracism and a sense of being unsafe in
the larger surrounding society. While we might consider the
resulting self-classifying nomenclature unsatisfying for tax-
onomy or information retrieval, it is a crucial social tool for
the survival and strengthening of the community.
Preliminary studies (Nascimento et al. 2020a; 2020b;
Nascimento 2021) have suggested that self-naming and selfclassification in the domain of male gayness and alternative
sexualities emerge as a form of resistance against the hegemonic norm that was historically constructed upon prejudices, stereotypes, and power relations.
We consider sexuality as a socially engendered category
that is subsumed to a historically constructed dominant system of control that permeates all spheres of society. While
heterosexuality is considered the norm, social conventions
such as language and categorization inevitably also use this
system of normality as a reference when naming and organizing their own identities in formal domains (we should not
forget that ‘to subvert’ in academic contexts often implies
the transformation of a given previous state or category in
which the Other rarely has participated in the process of definition that has been taken from a privileged position, while
the mere rules of academia and science are also part of a normative system that transcends the possibilities of subverting
the position in which those privileged subjects establish the
order of the system of categories).
In this sense, we believe that in spaces in which those who
are subordinated are not trying to fit into that system of
norms, but rather are playing performative roles of advancement without trying to subvert the norm itself (that is, to
co-exist with it in parallel in alternative spaces of interest,
such as when in the social interactions of online applications of affection and desire the selected profile allows filtering and focusing on a certain sexual characteristic), the
lead is being taken by those subjects who, in the task of selfrepresentation, are at the same time reflecting themselves
(going beyond the mere act of defining their individual
identity) as well as what they want based on the representations of others that belong to the same group (defining a
collective identity through the creation of new terminology
and categories of desire in the process).
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In this sense, the language shared (sanctioned and accepted) by the group goes beyond the “power to name” (Olson 2002) that indexers and classificationists exert over others and reaches a power to empower knowledge organization through self-naming and the use of new terms that can
serve as a code of communication, identification, and protection (thus involving ethical issues too) between community members that do not belong to the dominant norm
(Campbell et al. 2017).
The research question of the present study is: how representative of the ethical concerns and conscious representations of gay males in the academic discourse is the self-representing knowledge organization of this group in the domain of social interaction applications? Our aim is to present in an academic manner some snapshots of the fluid
constructions of self-representation of gay males and alternative practices of sexuality in different uses of information
technology and to discuss the ethical implications of those
representations. As a complement to Smiraglia et al. (2023),
the objective of this paper is to create an outline of the classification for the domain at a specific moment in time that
can be used to study the changes and characteristics of the
vocabulary.
2.0 Methodology
Our research can be characterized as documentary, in some
ways analogous to cartography, supported by bibliographical
research. Cartographic representations, i.e., mappings of
terms, are revealed as affections are manifested, creating a territory (domain) and, consequently, a mappable psychosocial
landscape (Rolnik 1989; Guattari and Rolnik 1996). In this
vein, self-identification nomenclature was retrieved from selected social media sites. We also characterize this study as domain analysis in the vein of Keilty and Smiraglia (2016),
which, as Hjørland (2017, 455) put it, “is a study of male homosexual communication on an Internet contact site, which
provides an argument for considering this a domain. It is
clearly an example of a domain that is an alternative to an academic discipline.” In addition, this research is the result of a
Domain Analysis Clinic (Smiraglia 2022).
To begin, we decided to investigate Grindr, Pornhub,
ThisVid, XVideos, TikTok, and Scruf due to the relevance
that these sites and apps for sexual-affective interaction have
in the context of social interactions. After a first contact with
the territory to analyze the domain, ThisVid and Pornhub
were removed from the study due to lack of relevant data.
409
Grindr users create profiles with information about themselves such as age, height, weight, body type and basic interests. Users can also upload photos and videos to help introduce themselves to other users. Grindr was launched in
2009 and has become one of the most popular dating apps
for gay men. It is used all over the world and is known for its
simple and user-friendly interface as well as its active user
community. Grindr also offers paid features such as premium memberships, which provide users with additional
features such as the ability to see who has visited their profiles and advanced search access filters to make searches for
affective-sexual partners more efficient. The common
thread is that on Grindr users create their own names, similar to a folksonomy.
Scruff is a dating and personal app aimed at gay, bisexual,
and transgender men, similar to Grindr. The app uses geolocation to help users find other men nearby who share similar interests. Similar to Grindr, Scruff users create profiles
with basic information about themselves, such as age,
height, weight, body type, and interests. Users can also upload photos and videos to help introduce themselves to
other users. Scruff was released in 2010 and has become a
popular alternative to Grindr. It is used all over the world
and is known for its user-friendly interface and its additional
features.
TikTok is a short video social network where users create,
share, and watch videos up to 60 seconds long. The platform was launched in 2016 in China and, in 2018, it expanded worldwide. Users can create fun videos, dance, sing,
lip sync, create tutorials, and other types of content. TikTok
offers a variety of tools to help users create creative and interesting videos. Users can follow other users, like and comment on videos, and share them on other social networks.
TikTok has become one of the most popular social media
platforms in the world and users can self-nominate and present their interests.
XVideos is a site with adult content that is not suitable
for minors or people who do not wish to view this type of
content. XVideos is a website that hosts amateur and professional pornographic videos that users can watch for free.
The site is accessed by millions of users around the world
and is known for its vast collection of videos, many of which
are uploaded by users themselves. The site contains material
that is explicit and that might be potentially offensive to
some users, so it is important that people use the site with
care. Users can title the videos and use keywords so that they
can be retrieved. These keywords reveal self-denomination
and common interests.
2.1 Characterization of the sites
2.2 Justification for choosing these platforms
Grindr is a dating and personal app for gay, bisexual, and
transgender men. The application uses geolocation to help
users find other men nearby who have similar interests.
Although these platforms have different objectives and audiences, what brings them together in this research is the
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fact that they all allow users to use self-descriptions of their
interests to share content or find people with common interests. In addition, because we have four sources of data
from three diverse social media types (dating, social media,
and pornography) we have essentially a form of data triangulation.
We determined to gather from each site sets of categories
or labels used for identifyingcontent uploaded by members.
We wanted to make a distinction between “hookup” vocabulary and fetish vocabulary. Each team member “joined”
one site under an assumed identity; we purposely did not
interact with anyone present. During data-gathering we
used a technique called “pearl-searching” (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/9781118463093.ch11), in
other words, starting with terms in the profiles and clicking
on them to see what data other linked profiles might reveal.
Team members worked independently, and the data environments of the sites differed considerably, but in general,
we limited our search to a single log-in on a specified date,
working from profiles of members who were online at that
moment. After creating a screen capture of the identifying
data on a specific profile, we clicked through to linked pro-
files of members online capturing data as we went. The
data-gathering session ended when all profiles available at
that specific time had been captured.
Data were gathered from the sites in mid-June 2022 using screen captures, which later were converted from jpg to
pdf, and then OCRd for data-mining.
3.0 Results
As a form of preliminary analysis, all the data were entered
into the Provalis ProSuite software. The WordStat module
was used to sort keywords and phrases by frequency distribution, and these can be compared, to some extent, across
the sites. Phrases were easily captured from XVideos and
Scruf. We can see obvious site-specific emphases. In XVideos, the terms are more sexual; in Scruf, they are more identity-oriented (see Table 1).
Similarly, we were able to compare the most frequently
occurring terms across the sites (see Table 2).
Here we array the most frequently occurring terms
across all the data in one sort (frequencies are not shown)
(see Table 3).
XVideos
Scruf
Gay Man
Gender Identity
Transgender Person
Master Seeking
Transgender Woman
Transmasculine
Transgender Man
Transvestite Gay Man
Transgender Person
Transgender
Person Transgender Woman
Gay Man Relationship
Transmasculine
Transsexual
Transsexual Man
Transsexual Woman
Transsexual Couple
Man Transgender Person
Transgender Woman
Female Gender
Identity Q Search
Trans Man
Big Cock
Trans Experience
English Roleplay
Single Hispanic
Transvestite Man
Person Trans
Cum In Mouth
Man Trans
Latino Body
Male Trans
Slim Height
Lesbian Couple
Big Ass
Lesbian Woman
Table 1: Frequently Occurring Phrases
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Grindr
Scruff
Xvideos
TikTok
Top
Trans
Gay
Gay
Discreet
Gender
Amateurs
Bear
Bottom
Man
Man
Now
Transgender
Brazil
Daddy
Female
Latin
Fetish
Male
Oral
Woman
Transsexual
Transsexual
Versatile
Muscle
Bareback
Person
Quickie
Cis
Twinks
Cisgender
Bissexual
Daddy
Friends
Pretty
Host
Single
Secrecy
Tattoos
Submissive
Casual
Table 2: Frequently Occurring Terms
We also can compare the most frequently occurring terms
and phrases with those in the lower tier. Table 4 shows this
comparison for each of the sites (TikTok had too few terms
for this comparison) even due to the very nature of the app
that proposes superficial entertainment and quick interaction between the content producer and its consumers.
The second-tier terms provide context. We can see that
the most frequently occurring key gender identity terms are
moderated by behavioral terms (e.g., casual, versatile), subjects' physical traits and/or characteristics (e.g., hairy,
walker, submissive, etc.) and specific contexts, such as place
names. It is this second level of terms that begins to suggest
the extent of the domain of nomenclatures (their outer limits), even as the most frequently occurring terms represent
the edges of the domain's intent (the core vocabulary of selfidentification).
Based on the epistemic characteristics of the terms, they
can be grouped into three classes, namely: a) sexual desires/orientation desire (including types, gentile and local),
b) physical characteristics, etc., and c) sexual roles or performances. (See Table 5).
According to Butler (2003), there are three contingent
dimensions in significant corporeity: anatomical sex, gender identity, and gender performance. Here, it is important
to stress, as Green and Polito (2006) did, that when Fry
(1982) studied the variables sexual orientation, sexual practice, and behavioral aspects (established gender codes) he
found that their separation is culturally constructed, show-
ing that, depending on the behavior (Gender Role), stereotyping, and gender performance of the subject, a man can
be gay but not have his image (masculinity) linked to gayness, and when linked, it is done not to cause embarrassment, as it does not violate social norms of behavior and he
is able to transit discreetly in all environments without sullying its masculinity or what it performs as a gender role. We
could observe some influence on the reasons, characteristics, and consequences of this kind of knowledge organization using the example of the self-representation of gay
males in social applications of interaction. For example:
technologies and applications to mediate relationships and
represent identities; social organization of knowledge;
codes, metaphors, orthophemisms, and other figures of
speech; self-classificationist practice; self-naming and selfclassification; and, resistance against the hegemonic norm.
Some of the terms that are considered orthophemic and
frequent in the LGBTIQ+ community can be found on the
Homosaurus Vocabulary Site (2022). However, many still do
not appear in this reference for the community, especially
the dysphemic terms. When digging in the virtual world, a
spectrum is created, a figure, a performance that is anchored
in desire. Thus, according to Tatiana de la Tierra (2008, 95)
“To name, to categorize and classify, to label and brand, to
make a linguistic determination, to signal, to define, to say,
"this is the word, these are the words that will represent you"
– this is a powerful thing” because the one who names manifests an action of power on what is named,
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Gay Man
Bareback
Bear
Big Ass
Big Cock
Bisexual
Bottom
Cis
Cisgender
Daddy
Daddy
Discreet
Female Gender Identity Q Search
Fetish
Friends
Gay
Gay Man Relationship
Gender
Gender Identity
Latino Body
Lesbian Couple
Lesbian Woman
Male Trans
Man Trans
Man Transgender Person Transgender Woman
Person Transgender Woman Transmasculine
Transsexual
Quickie
Secrecy
Single Hispanic
Slim Height
Submissive
Tattoos
Top
Trans Experience
Trans Man
Transgender
Transgender Person Transgender Woman
Transmasculine
Transsexual
Transsexual Couple
Transsexual Man
Transsexual Woman
Transvestite Gay Man
Transvestite Man
Twinks
Versatile
Woman
Table 3: Frequently Occurring Terms Across Sites
which consequently sheds light on the place occupied by
every subject in the social hierarchy, that is, a society governed by a markedly binary and oppositional social division
(Male x Female) in which, as Butler (1990) echoed, while invoking Monique Wittig, the woman only exists as a term
that stabilizes and consolidates the binary relationship and
opposition to the man, and that relationship is heterosexuality. The act of naming is a statement of who has power and
who is submitted to it. Therefore, naming becomes a political and ideological act (Olson 2002; Butler 1990).
In this sense, the act of naming is configured as one of
the central issues when dealing with the relationship between language and reality, since, without it, existence is
compromised and doomed to oblivion. The name is the
foundation for identity to emerge, it is what differentiates
things and beings in the world. Bodies, as identities, are constructed from discourses, which are articulated around
names (Nascimento et al. 2018). According to Silva (2000),
identity and difference share an important characteristic:
they both are the result of acts of linguistic creation. Therefore, a discursively constructed body cannot be detached
from the linguistic acts that name and constitute it. Identity
and difference happen simultaneously, being a product of
the same process, because when identifying (naming) something, the identification process begins. Such a process is anchored in denial, as saying that someone is something or
identifying oneself with a name means denying and hiding
several other aspects that do not appear immediately. This
denial and what is hidden in the name is not explicit in the
name itself, but what appears explicitly in the name is the
predicate or the complement that accompanies it (Moreira
2010).
In this vein, Silva (2000) argues that identity, such as difference, is a social relationship. This means that its discursive-linguistic definition is subject to forces that conform to
the power relation. Simone de Beauvoir (1949) by problematizing the position of women in society, rooted the genesis
of the movement in which several authors question the cultural construction of women as Other (Thornham 2001),
that is, from what is not a man (Jacobs 2017). Butler (1990),
along the lines of Austin (1975), is clear when stating that
the performative one is the discursive practice that enacts or
produces what it names, that is, the performativity of gender concerns the active character of the relationship between the subject and society, insofar the latter is organized
within norms and laws that work through discourse (Tiburi
2013).
With this understanding, we stress that there are hegemonic discourses that regulate, standardize, establish
norms, and produce “truths” and thus prevail and are perpetuated. Thus, discourses are legitimized as practices and
gender representations are naturalized as sexual identities
(Jacobs 2017). Chauncey (1994) showed in his historical
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Grindr Top
Top
Discreet
Bottom
Now
Daddy
28
27
26
15
14
Fetish
14
Oral
Transsexual
Versatile
Bareback
Quickie
Twinks
Bissexual
Friends
Host
13
13
13
12
12
12
11
10
10
Secrecy
10
Submissive
10
Grindr 2d
Tier
Casual
Dominant
Outdoor
No Drugs
Spanking
Versatile Bottom
Big Dick
Boys
Closet
Cruising
Muscle
Bear
Car
Dirty
Femininity
Friends With
Benefits
Kink
Kisses
Ass
Condom
Couple
Edging
Leather
Piss
Poppers
Raw
Relationship
Uncut
Scruff Top
Scruff 2d Tier
Xvideos Top
Xvideos 2d Tier
9
9
9
8
8
Trans
Man
Transgender
Female
Male
15
Bear
11 Blacklivesmatter
10
Cooking
9
Experience
9
Guy
2
2
2
2
2
Gay
Amateurs
Worldwide
Usa
Man
1010
472
328
311
292
Creampie
Instagram
Germany
Kingdom
Costa Rica
9
9
9
9
9
8
Gender Identity
7
Hairy
2
Trafficfactory
267
Netherlands
9
7
7
7
7
7
6
6
6
6
Transsexual
Muscle
Cisgender
Daddy
Pretty
Single
Tattoos
7
6
5
3
3
3
3
Hiking
Hispanic
Itap
Latino
Masculine
Old
Popular
Pronouns
Questioning
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
Porn
Privacy
World
Profile
Brazil
Latin
225
225
225
200
185
166
Nigeria
Portugal
Russia
Spain
Gmail
Catholic
Fucking
Slut
Deepthroat
9
9
9
9
8
8
8
8
7
6
Submissive
2
Gaping
7
6
6
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
Transmasculine
2
Group
Solo
7
7
7
7
7
7
Table 4: Upper and Second Tier Contexts Across All Sites
Sexual Desires / Orientation Desire
Barbie
Black Man
Creampie
Cum
Fetish (In General)
Furries
Military
Older Man
Outdoor
Pantyhose
Quickie
Twinks
Secrecy
Physical Characteristics
Sexual Roles Or Performances
Bear
Beard
Fat
Muscle
Nipples
Uncut
Anal Play
Bareback
Bottom
Crossdresser
Cumdump
Femboys
Frottage
Oral
Submissive
Top
Table 5: Three classes represent the terms from the applications
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Sexual Desires / Orientation Desire
Physical Characteristics
Barbie
Black Man
Creampie
Cum
Fetish (In General)
Furries
Military
Older Man
Outdoor
Pantyhose
Quickie
Twinks
Secrecy
Sexual Roles Or Performances
Anal Play
Bareback
Bottom
Crossdresser
Cumdump
Femboys
Frottage
Oral
Submissive
Top
Bear
Beard
Fat
Muscle
Nipples
Uncut
Table 5: Three classes represent the terms from the applications
analysis that before the dichotomy heterosexual-homosexual was eventually imposed during the first half of the 20th
century, the sexual identity of gay individuals was shaped in
a performative way not by the sex of the partners but by
their gender choices. This fluid, complex, and historical process was also affected by the threats and political factors of
its time. In this context, who speaks (the subject) and where
they speak are central issues, which protect the interests behind what is said. Moreira (2010) points out that in the act
of naming, the social positions of the person who names
and the person who is named must be obeyed, and these positions reveal who has the power and authority to name and
who, or what is subordinated to that power.
Tiburi (2013) recalls that when people began to talk
about gender in the 1960s, the term was used to refer to the
social and cultural “role” that was available to sex as if to explain it. Such a superficial, hypo-sufficient, and even implausible understanding of the concept has been questioned
and deconstructed by authors such Beauvoir (1949), Kristeva (1969), Rubin (1984), Irigaray (1985), Cixous (2000),
and Butler (1990), who undertook an understanding beyond the social and cultural role, pointing out that the systems in which society is immersed and by which its understandings about sex and gender are based are superficial and
not very dialectical.
It is not within the scope of this study to understand that
gender and sexuality are modalities of the same social process. Such an understanding leads to error. However, both
gender and sexuality can be understood as categories of production of difference (França 2019). We also understood
that gender and sex present distinct social constructions
that are related, having their understanding often allocated
as synonyms, which does not conform to an understanding
of verisimilitude.
Therefore, the sex/gender system is a writing system
(Preciado 2014). From the perspective of Teresa de Lauretis
(1987), the sex-gender system is, in short, both a sociocultural construction and a semiotic apparatus, a system of representation that attributes meaning (identity, value, prestige, kinship position, status within the hierarchy, etc.) to
individuals within the society. According to Deleuze and
Parnet (1977), “we are made of lines”, and such an allegory
makes the reader visualize the socially composed fabric in
the construction, representation, and identification of subjects. When turning to identities, Woodward (2005) emphasizes that identities acquire meaning through the language
and the symbolic systems by which they are represented.
Thus, in view of what has been presented, it is necessary to
rethink the human cognitive and semantic processes (i.e.,
language) that make humans essentially social beings.
4.0 Discussion
The aggregated data show different representation practices
of gay men reflecting their sexual and affective interests,
tastes, and desires. These findings reflect the act of defining
and organizing knowledge about group identity based on
what is desirable both for oneself and for others belonging
to the same group (a normative practice in its own way).
Since the control device of social life is constituted and internalized by the subject, it establishes a power that is exercised over oneself within the power that is exercised over
others (Deleuze 1986), what we understand as a “double
key” since whatever imprisons with the device is also imprisoned by it, having its existence limited and conditioned
(Nascimento 2021, 110).
Nevertheless, the resulting terms can be grouped into
three classes: sexual desires/orientation desire (including
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D. Martínez-Ávila, F. Assis Pinho, F. Arrais Nascimento, R. P. Smiraglia. Gay Male Nomenclatures
types, gentiles, and local), physical characteristics, and sexual
roles or performances. In addition to terms related to gender
self-denomination, there are also terms that can represent a
person's sexuality, including the description of the romantic
or sexual attraction they feel, in addition to the practices and
predilections of the subjects. Although each person is unique
and can be identified differently, the fact that they are presenting these categories in a social space that prevails means
that they are being validated by the group through the members who self-identify with them (either because they are repeated in their descriptions or match the terms they want/desire). In this regard, it should be remembered that, according
to Medeiros (2008), initial studies on identity addressed precisely the crisis faced by minority groups, such as blacks, Jews,
and religious minorities, until they were generalized to think
about the whole of modern society.
Identity is thought through a back-and-forth metaphorical conversation between psychosociological and cultural
foundations, seeking to understand “who am I?”, but always
bearing in mind that I constitute myself as such because I relate socially, that is, the other is fundamental in my identity
formation. As a warning, cases of infiltrated fanaticism and
people using these services and apps to identify people to
harm them in real life (resulting in murders and other hate
crimes) warn community members to create their own
speech, remembering they are not 100% safe (as a reflection
of society, on the other hand), but letting this self-protective
mechanism affect the terminology and categories they use.
Although this is undoubtedly an ethical challenge of the infosphere with consequences for the organization of
knowledge presented here, we believe that it in no way invalidates the veracity of the representation studied here.
We also note that the data triangulation was effective to
the extent that the diverse sites yielded an essential core nomenclature. In other words, the community of self-expression is consistent within operational bounds across the sites.
5.0 Conclusion
The snapshots of representation in different social applications studied here—indeed, the cartography—show a classification used and shared by the gay male community at present. However, classifications and language in times of clandestinity, resistance, and self-preservation are not static, and
queer topics are always fluid and ever-shifting (Browne and
Nash 2010). In this sense, the language and values represented in this system are already evolving and will be adopting new forms as a means of protection and self-preservation in a society that marginalizes the people who create
them. This is an ethical issue, and the understanding and acceptance of this representation can help to prevent the
stigma of people who do not fit traditional gender and sexuality norms, which can affect their mental health and well-
415
being and cause hate crimes too. In short, the study and acceptance of this kind of knowledge organization is an ethical
statement in itself and can promote healthier relationships
and interactions in the infosphere, in addition to a much
ethically acceptable production and organization of
knowledge in information units.
Note
1. The Domain Analysis Clinic is the unique empirical
method of the Institute for Knowledge Organization
and Structure, Inc. (https://knoworg,org). Essential elements are a team of domain experts, compilation and
meta-analysis of an exhaustive corpus bibliography, and
generation of core taxonomies, ontologies, etc. for the
design of knowledge organization systems. The methodology is described in Smiraglia 2022; examples of clinic
research are Smiraglia and Szostak 2020; Smiraglia, Milonas, Zherebchevsky and Pajarillo 2021.
Acknowledgment
The team wishes to thank K.R. Roberto, who worked with
us during 2021-2022, for expert advice and assistance.
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