An Onomastic Survey of the Indigenous Population of North-western Asia Minor

This pdf of your paper in Onomatologos: Studies in Greek Personal Names presented to Elaine Matthews belongs to the publishers Oxbow Books and it is their copyright. As author you are licenced to make up to 50 offprints from it, but beyond that you may not publish it on the World Wide Web until three years from publication (July 2013), unless the site is a limited access intranet (password protected). If you have queries about this please contact the editorial department at Oxbow Books ([email protected]). ONOMATOLOGOS Studies in Greek Personal Names presented to Elaine Matthews edited by R. W. V. Catling and F. Marchand with the assistance of M. Sasanow OnOmATOlOgOs studies in greek Personal names presented to Elaine matthews Elaine Matthews OnOmATOlOgOs studies in greek Personal names presented to Elaine matthews edited by R. W. V. Catling and F. marchand with the assistance of m. sasanow τίς πόθεν εἰς ἀνδρῶν; πόθι τοι πόλις ἠδὲ τοκῆες; who are you and where from? where are your city and your parents? (Homer, Odyssey i 170 and passim) This book has been published with the help of generous inancial subventions from the following bodies and institutions: The Faculty of Classics, University of Oxford st Hilda’s College, Oxford The Craven Committee (Derby Fund), Faculty of Classics, Oxford The Jowett Copyright Trust, Balliol College, Oxford The society for the Promotion of Roman studies, london All souls College, Oxford The Aurelius Trust The British school at Athens ἵδρυται Πέτρῳ θησαυρὸς ἐπ’ ἀστυφελίκτῳ ἔνθα συνείλικται πουλυετεὶ καμάτῳ οὐνόμαθ’ Ἑλλήνων ἀπ’ Ἄβας εἰς Ὠφελίωνα πάντων καὶ πασῶν, παντοπαδῶν τε τόπων. ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἐκτελέσαι τόσον ἔργον ἂν αὐτὸς ὁ Πέτρος ἔσθενε μοῦνος ἐών· σὺν δὲ δύ’ ἐρχομένω ἠνυσάτην, ἀγαθὴν δὲ συνέργατιν εὗρε πόνοιο Τελχίνων τέχνας εὖ μὲν ἐπισταμένην βιβλίον αἷσι τὸ νῦν συντάττειν ἔστιν ἀμοχθί εὖ δὲ φιλοφροσύνην, εὖ δὲ δόσιν Χαρίτων, ἧς ἀτὲρ οὐ τόσος ηὐξήθη θησαυρὸς ἂν ὥστε οὐνομάτων πλήθει καὐτὸς ἔχειν ὄνομα. χαῖρε, φίλη, μνῆμ’ ἐκτελέσασ’ ὀνομάκλυτον ὄντως, ἡμετέρας δὲ δέχου τάσδ’ ὀλίγας χάριτας. Robert Parker Published by Oxbow Books, Oxford © Oxbow Books and the individual authors, 2010 IsBn 978-1-84217-982-6 This book is available direct from Oxbow Books Phone: 01865-241249; Fax: 01865-794449 and The David Brown Book Company PO Box 511, Oakville, CT 06779, UsA Phone: 860-945-9329; Fax: 860-945-9468 or from our website www.oxbowbooks.com Cover image: Cornelian ringstone, 3rd century BC. Private Collection. A woman writing on a diptych; possibly a poetess, wearing a chiton with himation, with one foot resting on a box (possibly for scrolls). © Beazley Archive, Oxford University (Photo: C. Wagner) Printed in great Britain by short Run Press, Exeter COnTEnTs Foreword Editorial notes general Abbreviations About the Contributors 1. xi xiv xv xxvii Elaine matthews: an appreciation Alan Bowman (Oxford) 1 AEgEAn IslAnDs 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. simonides of Eretria (redivivus?) Ewen Bowie (Oxford) Phaistos sybritas. An unpublished inscription from the Idaean Cave and personal names deriving from ethnics Angelos Chaniotis (Oxford) l’apport des mémoriaux de Claros à l’onomastique de Chios Jean-Louis Ferrary (Paris) Carian names and Crete (with an Appendix by n. V. sekunda) Richard Hitchman (Oxford) ménédème de Pyrrha, proxène de Delphes: contribution épigraphique à l’histoire d’un philosophe et de sa cité Denis Knoepler (Neuchâtel and Paris) 6 15 22 45 65 CYPRUs 7. lykophron’s Alexandra and the Cypriote name Praxandros Simon Hornblower (London) 84 CYREnAICA 8. 9. 10. sur quelques noms nouveaux de Cyrénaïque Catherine Dobias-Lalou (Dijon) A catalogue of oficials of an association (?) in a newly discovered inscription from Ptolemais in Cyrenaica Adam Łajtar (Warsaw) A new inscription from Ptolemais in libya Joyce Reynolds (Cambridge) 92 102 119 viii COnTEnTs ATHEns 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. some people in third-century Athenian decrees Sean G. Byrne (Melbourne) Revising Athenian Propertied Families: progress and problems John Davies (Liverpool) LGPN and the epigraphy and history of Attica S. D. Lambert (Cardiff) A new edition of IG II2 2391. Exiles from Ionia? Angelos P. Matthaiou (Athens) Foreign names, inter-marriage and citizenship in Hellenistic Athens Graham Oliver (Liverpool) sarapion, son of sarapion, of melite – an inadvertent chronographer Michael Osborne (Melbourne) 122 132 143 153 158 168 PElOPOnnEsE 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. la famiglia di Damonikos di messene D. Baldassarra (Venice) ‘Becoming Roman’: à propos de deux générations parentes de néo-citoyens romains à sparte et à Athènes J.-S. Balzat (Athens and Oxford) and A. J. S. Spawforth (Newcastle) sparta’s friends at Ephesos. The onomastic evidence R. W. V. Catling (Oxford) new personal names from Argos Charalambos B. Kritzas (Athens) Corinthians in exile 146–44 BC B. Millis (Athens and Leicester) IG V (1) 229 revisited Heikki Solin (Helsinki) The Peloponnesian oficials responsible for the second-century BC bronze coinage of the Achaian koinon J. A. W. Warren (London) 174 183 195 238 244 258 263 mAgnA gRAECIA AnD sICIlY 24. 25. 26. nomi femminili nella sicilia di lingua ed epoca greca Federica Cordano (Milan) Onomastics and the administration of Italia / víteliú? Michael H. Crawford (London) lamina bronzea iscritta da leontinoi: note onomastiche Maria Letizia Lazzarini (Rome) 272 276 280 COnTEnTs 27. soprannomi nella sicilia ellenistica: osservazioni e aggiunte Giacomo Manganaro (Catania) ix 285 DAlmATIA 28. greek personal names in latin Dalmatia John Wilkes (Oxford) 290 CEnTRAl gREECE 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. Τυννίχα. Per Elaine: un ‘piccolo’ contributo C. Antonetti, D. Baldassarra, E. Cavalli and F. Crema (Venice) Remarques sur l’onomastique des cités de la Tripolis de Perrhébie Jean-Claude Decourt (Lyon) Zum Problem thessalischer Phratrien Christian Habicht (Princeton) The Philippeis of IG VII 2433 Fabienne Marchand (Oxford) Kaineus N. V. Sekunda (Gdańsk) 312 320 327 332 344 mACEDOnIA 34. Échantillons onomastiques de l’arrière-pays macédonien au IIIe siècle av. J.-C. M. B. Hatzopoulos (Athens) 356 BlACK sEA AnD THRACE 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. sur quelques noms d’Apollonia du Pont Alexandru Avram (Le Mans) Teutaros, the scythian teacher of Herakles David Braund (Exeter) la préhistoire du nom de saint sébastien: onomastiques en contact Dan Dana (Rouen) Des anthroponymes en -οῦς Laurent Dubois (Paris) new lead plaques with greek inscriptions from East Crimea (Bosporos) Sergey Saprykin and Nikolai Fedoseev (Moscow) 368 381 390 398 422 AsIA mInOR 40. Asalatos at Kyme in Aiolis R. H. J. Ashton (London) and N. V. Sekunda (Gdańsk) 436 x 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. COnTEnTs Adrastos at Aphrodisias R. van Bremen (London) names in -ιανός in Asia minor. A preliminary study Thomas Corsten (Oxford and Vienna) CIG 2017: a phantom Thracian name and a false Corcyraean provenance Charles V. Crowther (Oxford) Trading Families? Alan W. Johnston (London) The Coinage of leukai Philip Kinns (Newbury) An onomastic survey of the indigenous population of north-western Asia minor Pınar Özlem-Aytaçlar (Izmir) A new inscription from the Cayster valley and the question of supernomina in Hellenistic and Roman lydia Marijana Ricl (Belgrade) griechische Personennamen in lykien. Einige Fallstudien Christof Schuler (Munich) 440 456 464 470 479 506 530 552 nEAR EAsT 49. 50. Bishops and their sees at the sixth session of the Council of Chalkedon: the near Eastern provinces Fergus Millar (Oxford) An unnoticed macedonian name from Dura Europos Argyro B. Tataki (Athens) 568 578 gEnERAl sTUDIEs 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. Onomastics and law. Dike and -dike names Ilias N. Arnaoutoglou (Athens) Four intriguing names Jaime Curbera (Berlin) Onomastic research then and now: an example from the greek novel Nikoletta Kanavou (Athens) The Roman calendar and its diffusion in the greco-Roman East: The evidence of the personal name Kalandion Pantelis M. Nigdelis (Thessaloniki) ΗΡΟΠΥΘΟΣ. Une pousse printanière pour Elaine matthews? Jacques Oulhen (Rennes) Index 1: Index of Personal names Index 2: general Index 582 601 606 617 628 647 669 FOREWORD This volume of ifty-four papers is offered to Elaine Matthews by friends and colleagues, not just in Britain but in many other countries, in recognition of the great contribution she has made to the Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. The LGPN, conceived by Peter Fraser and described by one eminent Greek scholar as Britain’s most signiicant contribution to Classical scholarship since the publication of liddell and scott’s Greek-English Lexicon, has had as its primary aim the documentation on a geographical basis of the personal names attested between the earliest use of the greek alphabet (c. 750 BC) and the early seventh century AD throughout the Hellenic and hellenized world, wherever the greek language and script was used. marshalling the vast quantity of data (slightly more than 300,000 entries in the six published volumes), imposing a controlled standardized format, and generating from this material a magniicent work of reference has been a formidable achievement for which she deserves much of the credit. Its appearance has done a great deal to transform and revitalize the study of greek onomastics, providing the raw material for linguists and philologists, students of greek and latin literature, epigraphists, papyrologists, numismatists and prosopographers, as well as social historians with broader interests in the geographical and chronological distribution of personal names. Some of the irst fruits of such work have appeared in two volumes of papers, originally delivered at conferences hosted by LGPN in 1998 and 2003, edited for publication by Elaine (the irst jointly with Simon Hornblower), and frequently cited in this volume. Without wishing to duplicate the appreciation of Elaine matthews by Alan Bowman, the editors would nevertheless like to add a few words of their own to emphasize the vital role she has played in bringing Peter Fraser’s great vision to fruition. like all those who have worked for LGPN over the past 35 years or so, we have witnessed at close quarters Elaine’s irm hand and clarity of thought in the resolution of the many and varied problems of method and procedure that crop up in the various stages of work on any of the six volumes so far published. We have admired not just her grasp of the wide range of technological issues and mastery of the project’s ever-changing computing requirements, but also her recognition of LGPN’s future potential and determination to ensure that it remains a research tool of permanent utility. We have appreciated her success in securing the funding needed to keep the project going, in coping with the various changes of funding regime and in adapting to the ickle conditions and demands made by the funding bodies. Elaine has also earned the gratitude and praise of the younger members of staff in her role as mentor, ensuring that LGPN served as an educative, character-forming experience by constantly raising standards and channelling enthusiasm in the right direction. These managerial responsibilities have naturally restricted her involvement in the compilation and detailed editorial work on the onomastic material, especially since the publication of LGPN IIIB in 2000. But without her commitment to these vital issues there would probably have been no book, at least in the form with which we have become familiar. xii FOREWORD moreover, it should not obscure the considerable academic contribution she has made to all the published volumes, whether in her dogged work on the intricacies of Delphian prosopography and chronology or in tackling the problems presented by non-greek names in Thrace and regions bordering the northern Black sea. And in those areas where she has been less well acquainted with the primary material, she has always been quick to recognize the nature of the problems and how they can best be resolved within the precise but narrow format of LGPN. more than anyone, Elaine’s has been the guiding hand that has brought the vast body of separate entries into a form that can be presented concisely and elegantly on the printed page and has converted the original concept into concrete shape, in the form of the six handsome volumes that have appeared to date. The irst element in the title of this book, Onomatologos, is a term used in later antiquity to describe eminent lexicographers such as Hesychius and Pollux as ‘collectors of words’, but in its most literal sense it seemed to us appropriate to Elaine as a ‘collector of names’, even if it relects just one of the many roles she has performed. The wide recognition of and admiration for the part Elaine has played became apparent in the enthusiastic and warm response to the invitations to contribute to this volume, which were extended to many of those who had been involved in some way with LGPN. The number of such people, as well as the range of their disciplines and nationalities, relect well the collaborative and international nature of such an undertaking. As the Acknowledgements in successive volumes of LGPN reveal, all have been greatly enriched by the willing collaboration of scholars with a wide range of specialist knowledge and their generosity in making available unpublished texts and works in progress or in press. The original remit to contributors was the broad one of greek onomastics and prosopography and the scope of the papers offered relects well the wide range of LGPN itself, extending to all points of the compass far beyond the greek heartlands bordering the Aegean sea. Besides their honoriic purpose, it is hoped that the contributions to this volume will further advance this ield of study, revealing some of the potential that has been unlocked by the steady building of a more solid ediice to stand in place of the ‘ruine dangereuse’ to which the great nineteenth-century work of W. Pape and g. Benseler had been reduced, at least as an onomastic tool, by the accumulation of so much new evidence, mainly from inscriptions and papyri, over the course of the century separating publication of the authoritative third edition of their work and volume I of LGPN. It remains to record our thanks to the many scholars who have contributed to this volume for their response to our invitation and for their subsequent friendly cooperation and patience, especially to those who produced papers as early as 2007 and have waited so long to see them published. Alan Bowman, a long-time friend and Oxford colleague of Elaine’s, kindly took on the task of writing the appreciation of her. When this book was irst conceived in May 2007, it was discussed with Peter Fraser among a number of people and he agreed to write a tribute to Elaine; we further hoped he might ind a suitable onomastic topic on which to write as well. sadly, Peter’s health had already begun noticeably to decline and it soon became clear that he would not be able to perform this act of homage to his close comrade in his great enterprise and companion on many of his most recent trips to his beloved greece, a country whose natural joys and simple pleasures Elaine also came to appreciate. In spite of his deteriorating health, Peter, with Elaine’s encouragement and discreet support, continued coming to work in the new Classics Centre until shortly before his death on september 15th that year. There he was surrounded by the works of the scholars who had inspired much of his own academic life, several of whom igure FOREWORD xiii large in this book; Wilhelm Dittenberger, Friedrich Bechtel, Friedrich Hiller von gaertringen, Adolf Wilhelm and Louis Robert, not to mention the hugely inluential igure of Olivier Masson. Their framed images, expressing a mixture of benevolence and severity, have for many years looked down on the labours of LGPN staff and continue to occupy a place of honour. In preparing this book we have beneitted greatly from the facilities available in the Ioannou Centre for Classical and Byzantine studies in Oxford. In particular we acknowledge the help and advice of our colleagues, Thomas Corsten and Édouard Chiricat, and the skills maggy sasanow (Centre for the Study of Ancient Documents) brought to the preparation of the maps and igures. Thanks are also due to Katherine Clarke (st Hilda’s College, Oxford) and, for their help in the choice of an appropriate cover illustration, to sir John Boardman, Donna Kurtz and Claudia Wagner (Beazley Archive, Oxford). A further mark of the respect in which Elaine matthews is held in the scholarly community in Britain was shown by the generous inancial support received for publication of this Festschrift. It is our great pleasure to thank the following bodies and institutions for the grants they have made: the Faculty of Classics, University of Oxford; st Hilda’s College, Oxford; the Craven Committee, Faculty of Classics, Oxford; the Jowett Copyright Trust, Balliol College, Oxford; the society for the Promotion of Roman studies, london; All souls College, Oxford; the Aurelius Trust; the British school at Athens. Finally we thank David Brown for agreeing to publish this book and the staff of Oxbow Books, especially Tara Evans, Julie gardiner, Val lamb and Clare litt, for their friendly help and eficiency in bringing it to publication. Oxford, February 2010 EDITORIAl nOTEs For the sake of convenience we have applied many of the editorial conventions followed in the Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. Thus for the most part we use the same abbreviations and forms of citation for the epigraphical, papyrological and numismatic corpora, though in a number of cases these have been expanded for the sake of clarity; abbreviations of this source material, as well as the standard handbooks and works of reference are set out in the general Abbreviations, pp. xv–xxvi. Abbreviations for ancient authors and their works are normally those found listed in liddell–scott–Jones, A Greek–English Lexicon (9th edn. with supplement, Oxford, 1968) and the Diccionario Griego – Español vol. I (madrid, 1980). Citations of standard works of reference (e.g. RE and LIMC) vary somewhat from one article to another, and we have tried to respect individual author’s preferences rather than impose unnecessarily stringent standardization. In the English-language papers, we have generally followed a non-rigorous hellenizing system of transliterating greek into English, though a number of familiar place-names and personal names are rendered in their latinized or anglicized forms. In the transliteration of the Cyrillic alphabet, we have adopted the phonetic system used, for example, in the Bodleian library’s online catalogue (OlIs). most, but not all of the ancient cities referred to in the papers are located on the maps which preface each of the regional sections of this book. While every effort has been made to mark their positions accurately, they are intended as an aid to general orientation rather than as an infallible guide to the historical geography of the ancient world. An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY OF THE InDIgEnOUs POPUlATIOn OF nORTH-WEsTERn AsIA mInOR Pınar Özlem-Aytaçlar1 In this paper the indigenous population of northwestern Asia Minor is examined on the basis of the onomastic evidence, derived mostly from inscriptions. It is seen that the largest group of indigenous names in the region is Thracian, followed by those of Phrygian origin. Classiication of the inscriptions containing indigenous names by geographical distribution within the regions of Bithynia and Mysia and by period, indicates that in Hellenistic Bithynia Thracian names are evenly distributed throughout the region whereas in the Imperial period, they are concentrated in areas close to the cities. In Mysia, indigenous names most often occur along the Bithynian border, evidence for the westerly extent of the spread of the Thraco-Bithynian population. There is more information in the Imperial period about indigenous peoples in the region, living both in the cities and in the countryside and on their socio-economic conditions, since the epigraphic evidence, especially in Bithynia, is predominantly of this date. Information, especially in the pre-Roman period, about the northwestern part of Asia minor, covering the regions of Troas, mysia, Bithynia and Pontos, is rather limited due to the lack of research conducted through archaeological excavation. since the evidence derived from the ancient written sources is also rather limited, the epigraphic record is therefore all the more important in shedding light on the history of the region. The inscriptions found in the majority of the Bithynian and mysian cities have been brought together as corpora, thus facilitating analysis of the inscriptions as a whole. In this article, the indigenous population of northwestern Asia minor will be examined largely on the basis of the onomastic evidence, derived mostly from inscriptions. This study might be regarded as the continuation of the two studies by T. Corsten in which he examined the socio-economic status of the Thraco-Bithynian population during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, taking the Thracian names found on inscriptions in Bithynia as a starting point.2 In this paper, it has also been our aim to introduce new evidence to what is already This paper was prepared during my stay of two months in Oxford, with the inancial support of the British Academy. I would like to thank Thomas Corsten for his kind invitation as well for his help and contributions to the text. I would also like to express my thanks to Richard Catling for improving the English of the paper and for his kind help during my stay in Oxford. 2 CORsTEn 2006; 2007. 1 An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 507 known about the indigenous population of mysia, based on the personal names in the inscriptions.3 In northwestern Asia minor, apart from the names of greek and latin origin, there are three main groups that are indicative of an ethnic origin: Thracian, Phrygian and Celtic. Celtic names are represented by a very few examples in both mysia and Bithynia.4 The largest group of indigenous names in the region is Thracian, followed by those of Phrygian origin. There are two reasons why Thracian and Phrygian names are so widespread in Bithynia. The irst is that the indigenous population of Bithynia was ethnically of Thracian origin.5 The second is that the southern part of Bithynia and a part of northern mysia were included in what was called Phrygia Hellespontike during a certain period in antiquity.6 In this article, the geographical distribution of Thracian names, both within and outside Bithynia will be investigated, and, based on its results, the borders of the area where this population of Thracian origin lived will be demarcated and the socio-economic conditions of the indigenous population will be analyzed. During this process, one must bear in mind that, on account of the dates of the inscriptions (predominantly of the Roman Imperial period), the population at the centre of this study had already been subject to the inluence of Greek culture for a long time and thus could only advertise its own culture through the use of personal names intermittently (sometimes perhaps not at all). likewise it must be remembered that this population has had to be studied in the context of the norms of another dominant culture.7 Ancient sources and linguistic data point to an ethnic relationship between the Bithynians and Thracians. In other words, it is generally agreed that at some as yet uncertain date, people of Thracian origin crossed over to the eastern shore of the Bosporos and settled in the northwestern part of Asia minor. Taken with the barbarian pottery that appears after the 3 since mITCHEll 1976 collected and examined the non-greek names in mysia, much new epigraphic evidence has been published from its cities. 4 A Zmertomaros of nikaia occurs in an inscription from Delos dating to the 2nd cent. BC (ID 1705). Bitorix the argyrotamias of Prousias (ad mare) is attested on a coin of this city (BMC Pontus [Kios], 132 no. 27. Cf. also mITCHEll 1976, 123; mAssOn 1982, 132–3 and mACRO 2007, 173f.) In a Hellenistic list of the cult personnel of Apollo from miletoupolis (IKyz II 7), there are three Celtic names (Ateporis, Arteinos and Akannos) among the Thracians and greeks. For these names see mAssOn 1986, 1–2. From miletoupolis, another galatian, Katomaros, occurs in a funerary inscription (IKyz II 82). Two examples of Celtic names occur at Pergamon. One is a Pergamene painter, gaudotos, whose name appears in an inscription from Delphi (140 BC – Syll3 682, [3], 12; cf. ROBERT, Hellenica XIII, 262–4) and the other, -rsimaros, occurs in a list of names (i BC, AM 35 (1910) 430 no. 16). 5 In many ancient sources, Bithynians are referred to as ‘Asian Thracians’ or ‘Bithynian Thracians’. see CORsTEn 2007, 121–2. 6 The Thracian names found in Bithynia and mysia cannot be explained merely by the settlement of Thracian mercenaries in the service of the Hellenistic kings. Thracian mercenaries were widespread in very different parts of Asia minor but the quantity of Thracian names found in northwestern Asia minor is of a different order. 7 From the Hellenistic period onwards, almost all the inscriptions found in the region containing personal names of Thracian origin, also contain greek (or sometimes latin) names. In Bithynia, on the 70 inscriptions where at least two family members can be identiied, at least one name is Greek, whereas there are only ive or six where all the family members have Thracian names. On the mysian examples, not one inscription has been found where all the family members have Thracian names. It may be assumed that, in a few cases, inter-marriage between different ethnic groups resulted in names of different ethnic origins occurring in the same family. However, in a culture where the child continues to carry the male bloodline, it would not be far wrong to suppose that even a single Thracian name in a family is enough for us to presume that the family in question was part of the indigenous population. Thus, it should be remembered that epigraphic evidence can never be an adequate source for the demographic structure of the region and that texts not containing Thracian names might well have related to people of Thracian origin. A good example of this is a late Hellenistic votive to a Thracian rider-god by someone whose name and patronymic are greek (IPrusa 46). On these grounds one may suspect that the population of Thracian origin was more numerous than the inscriptions lead us to believe. 508 PInAR ÖZlEm-AYTAçlAR fall of Troy, it is thought that a wave of immigration from the Balkans occurred at the end of the second or beginning of the irst millennium BC. It should be recalled that in Homer, the Thracians are referred to as a people living on the other side of the Hellespont and, while the mysians and Phrygians, who are assumed to have immigrated to Asia minor after the Trojan War, are both mentioned, it is striking that Bithynia / Bithynians are left out. However, the date for the composition of the ‘Trojan catalogue’ is still a subject of inconclusive debate. As will be discussed below, names of Phrygian origin are only encountered in southern Bithynia, in the area along the Phrygian border. This observation may suggest that the Thracian / Bithynian migration began after that of the Phrygians and that the populations previously settled in the region may have been forced to move southwards.8 This great movement, which resulted in the disappearance of all traces of the indigenous population of the region and of those people of Phrygian origin, must have been largely completed before the late seventh century when greek settlers took partial control of the straits.9 Herodotos’ (vii 75) and Xenophon’s (An. iii 4. 2) statements show that at least by the ifth century the region was settled by Bithynians of Thracian origin. The lack of extensive excavations on sites of the irst half of the irst millennium BC in this region means that there is no archaeological evidence that could be used to substantiate this hypothetical reconstruction. However, since these peoples lived in simple village settlements and had a pastoral life-style, at least during the period in question, it is quite possible that, just as in the case of the Cimmerians, archaeological traces of this early phase of the Thraco-Bithynian occupation may be very hard to ind. Why this migration and iniltration movement was restricted to the modern Istanbul-Izmit-Bursa region10 and did not extend further west and south is most plausibly explainied by these being areas occupied irst by the Phrygian and subsequently by the Lydian kingdoms.11 According to the ancient written sources a new ethnic group began to iniltrate the region in the mid-eighth century BC, or in the late seventh century as the archaeological record 8 It has been observed that the immigration of people from southeastern Europe into Asia minor occurred in waves with long intervals in between. The Phrygians perhaps made up the irst major wave, a people who are found throughout almost the whole area between the Halys and Hellespont. The mysians, who came to divide the Phrygians into two groups (RAmsAY 1900, 21), perhaps comprised the second wave. Considering that Bithynia was once occupied by the mysians (str. xii 4. 8) and that the Bithynians used to be called mysians (str. xii 3. 3), the mysian immigration should have preceded the Bithynian. The Bithynians, who, unlike the Phrygians and mysians, maintained their Thracian characteristics even into the Imperial period, must have formed the last wave of migration. For the origin of the mysians and their migration into Asia minor see DEBORD 2001, 135–8. 9 One might expect the historical sources to refer to any large-scale migration that took place after the foundation of the greek colonies and to its effects on the greek cities, but none such exists. 10 It is remarkable that Thracian and Thraco-Bithynian names occur very rarely in the Troad and in Pontos. some people of Thracian origin are mentioned in a Hellenistic enfranchisement list from Ilion (IIlion 64: Αὐιλούπολις, Μήνακον, Σεύθης). The name Βίθυς occurs in an inscription from Parion, dating to the 2nd cent. AD (IParion 5) and in another from samothrace for a citizen of Abydos (IG XII (8) 183, 14). In a Koan inscription we ind Δίννις of Alexandreia Troas (iii BC, ICos ED 21, 3). Even fewer occur in Pontos. The only examples known to me are the three following: Ἀπφοῦς (Amastris, mAREK 1993, 158 no. 2), Βᾶς (sinope, v/iv BC, ISinope 12) and the female Σουσούνις (Amaseia, Studia Pontica III 113). 11 Archaeological research carried out at Dorylaion in the southeast and at Daskyleion in the west indicate early Phrygian inluences on the fringes of Bithynia (BAKIR 2003, 7. I would like to thank T. sivas for sharing this information regarding Dorylaion). As its name and the archaeological evidence show, Daskyleion was under the control of the lydian kingdom. The story that miletos sought permission from gyges before founding Abydos (str. xiii 1. 22) is evidence for the power of lydia over the Troad and mysia. An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 509 suggests.12 This new group comprised the people of greek origin who arrived to found colonial settlements. On account of the lack of archaeological evidence relating to these earlier periods and the limited information available in the ancient sources, very little is known about the initial phase of colonization in Bithynia (Kalchedon, Kios, Astakos, Herakleia Pontike) or about the development of their chorai and the relations between the colonists and the indigenous population. However, evidence from other regions where greek colonization occurred allows certain assumptions to be made. It has been observed that the majority of greek colonies in the Propontis and in the Black sea region for a long time did not control large hinterland territories, and that this had not anyway been their original aim. The priority was to possess a sheltered port on the trading routes.13 For this reason, when greek colonies were founded, sheltered peninsulas backing onto mountainous terrain were preferred to areas with extensive agricultural lands.14 Therefore, apart from the inevitable encounters in the immediate area of the newly founded settlement, relations with the indigenous people in the hinterland were limited. Xenophon’s accounts (An. vi 4. 1–2) reveal that this situation was still largely unchanged at the beginning of the fourth century and that on the Black sea shore from Kalchedon to the east, no trace of greeks could be found. With a few rare exceptions, the archaeological evidence shows that where the colonies were founded, there was almost always a pre-existing indigenous population and that these people formed a component in the population of the new settlement from its very beginning. 15 One should, anyway, not expect to ind a population of pure Greek descent in such a short time-span in the more than one hundred colonies established in the Propontis and Black sea region.16 In other words, the colonists did not displace the indigenous people unless forced to do so. Instead they normally assimilated the local population after a period of cohabitation. In many cases women did not join the colonizing expeditions so that the male colonists married local women wherever they settled.17 But the founders generally managed to survive as the city elites over the long duration. In some colonies, such as Herakleia Pontike, where the material culture relected in the archaeological evidence cannot be directly associated with their metropolis 12 There is no archaeological evidence for the early history of any of the cities in Bithynia, though there is evidence from other Propontic cities (Parion, Byzantion and Kyzikos: BOARDmAn 1999, 245–6; PAsInlI 2007, 166). 13 It has been suggested that many of the colonies that were to become apoikiai later on, started as emporia (PETROPOUlOs 2005, 121–5; for the example of Apollonia see DE BOER 2002, 137–8). 14 In addition to Berezan, st Kiriak and Orgame, offshore island settlements at Apollonia Pontike and Istros, have yielded inds from the early phase. Many other colonies were established in peninsula locations. In the northeastern and northern Black sea region, land situated at river mouths or on little islands, and unsuited to agriculture were favoured as colonial sites. 15 The existence of an indigenous population (the mariandynoi) in the area where Herakleia Pontike was founded is mentioned by several ancient writers (str. xii 3. 4; A.R. ii, 760). mesembria and Odessos on the west Black sea coast took their names from their Thracian predecessors and at both sites (BOARDmAn 1999, 247; DE BOER 2002, 137) there are traces of earlier settlements preceding the colonial foundations. At Byzantion, Early Iron Age barbarian pottery has been found (çElIK 2007, 220). At sinope, beneath the greek settlement strata, pottery of the irst half of the 1st millennium BC has been found, with close parallels among inds from the northern Black sea region (DOOnAn 2007, 615–16). At Daskyleion an indigenous settlement existed prior to the foundation of the colony (BAKIR 2003, 11). 16 At Berezan, founded in the mid-7th cent. BC, the majority of the population is thought to have been indigenous until the last quarter of the 6th cent. BC (sOlOVYOV 2007, 539). 17 In the colonization of Cyrene, one man from each family on Thera was chosen by lot to join the expedition (BOARDmAn 1999, 152–4). 510 PInAR ÖZlEm-AYTAçlAR megara, epigraphic data show that the Dorian elites persevered until the Hellenistic period. greek colonies were normally not aggressive in character. The aim was not to conquer land and control territory by force. The colonists tried to avoid friction with the indigenous populations and made efforts to forge good relations with them.18 As the case of the irst colonization of Abdera shows, conlicts with the local population could result in the total loss of the colony. Hence, they developed a somewhat mercenary relationship with the local princes and elites (Th. ii 97), who were given incentives not to endanger the colony’s existence by prestigious gifts of greek workmanship and encouraged to emulate greek habits.19 As a result, the local elites developed close relations with centres of greek culture and were gradually drawn under its inluence. One should therefore expect to ind an indigenous component in the population of the Greek colonial foundations. Although, when they had the power to do so, these colonies sometimes did use force to expand their territories, for most of the time systematic attacks were not conducted against the local people.20 People living in the vicinity of the colony were assimilated in the course of time. However, since the colonies did not have extensive hinterlands, the inland regions were not subjected to Greek cultural inluences until much later, though the local elites over time developed an increasingly close dependence on the products of greek culture. Even after this irst wave of colonization, it seems likely that people of Greek origin continued to arrive in the colonial cities. However, there is nothing that would indicate a massive low of greek immigration that might have disturbed the balance in the ethnicity of the population of the region. In any case, all of northwest Asia minor became subject to the Achaemenid empire after the mid-sixth century BC, and in the late fourth century, after the foundation of the Bithynian kingdom, it acquired its own political identity. This factor is another reason for presuming that in inland regions, outside greek colonial territories, the majority of people bearing greek names were actually indigenous. Until the late fourth century BC, Bithynians lived in small settlements under the control of local dynasts, without any mechanism for political union.21 Having been subject irst to the Lydian and subsequently the Achaemenid empires, it would perhaps have been dificult for one of these dynasts to establish a political union. These dynasts are known to have exerted pressure on the Greek colonies within their own sphere of inluence and to have resisted successfully the attempts of these colonies to expand.22 Zipoites, successor to one of the leading families In most colonies in the Black Sea region, the irst city-walls date approximately 100–150 years later than the original foundation. For the peaceful relations established with the scythians in the northern Black sea see BOARDmAn 1999, 256–9. For scythian support for the expansion of the chora of nymphaion see gOROnCHAROVsKI 2007, 587–9 and for peaceful relations with the local Babadagh culture during the expansion of the chora of Istros see AVRAm 2007, 496. 19 TsETsKHlADZE 1998 points out that the Thracian and scythian royal and elite tombs were built by greek artisans. The same may be assumed for similar structures in Bithynia (for the tumulus of Tersiye see FIRATlI 1960). 20 Diodoros (xii 82. 2) mentions expeditions and raids into Bithynia by Byzantion and Kalchedon with the help of European Thracians in 416 BC. But only eight years after this event, when the Kalchedonians were alarmed by the impending assault of Alkibiades, their relations with the Thracians of Bithynia were good enough to entrust them with their precious goods (X., HG i 13. 2). 21 sCHOlTEn 2007, 18. 22 sCHOlTEn 2007, 18. In 435 BC the population of Astakos had been depleted by Bithynian attacks and had to be reinforced by new settlers from Athens. 18 An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 511 of Bithynia (Doidalses-Botiras-Bas), became ‘king’ by exploiting the political vacuum that followed the fall of the Persian empire and the disputes between the successors of Alexander the great. The surrounding greek cities (Kalchedon, Kios, Astakos, Herakleia Pontike) were among the irst targets of the new king. What needs to be recognized here is that while standing up to the greek cities and Alexander’s successors, Zipoites was not motivated by anti-greek, ‘patriotic’ feelings, but was ambitious to achieve political autonomy and to expand his territory along the lines pursued by the other successor kings in this period. Although his own name, the names of his father and grandfather are all of Thracian origin, Zipoites saw nothing wrong in naming his son nikomedes.23 so in spite of his military confrontations with the greeks, he was also beginning to emulate greek culture.24 As l. Hannestad has extensively demonstrated, starting from nikomedes, all the Bithynian kings followed a ‘philhellenic’ policy. Dedications and donations to the Panhellenic sanctuaries, the foundation of new cities, minting coins in the style of the other greco-macedonian kings, adopting the royal cults found in other greek cities and instituting the associated competitive festivals, are all signs of ‘philhellenic’ policies.25 Without doubt, the desire of the Bithynian kings to prove that they belonged to the greco-macedonian world and thus to have their own kingdom recognized, played a very important role in this policy.26 In short, throughout the history of the Bithynian kingdom relations always existed with the Greek city-states, whether in conlicts or alliances. In governing the kingdom, the Bithynian kings deliberately used an entirely greek administrative system and promoted the further hellenization of the indigenous population, already begun in the period of the irst Greek colonies, with the elites at the forefront. l. Hannestad has argued that these policies transformed Bithynia, which had consisted previously of inland villages with different populations and a handful of greek colonies along the coast, into a country based on the greek model, and further suggests that the cities of the region became melting pots where the indigenous populations and the greco-macedonians were brought together.27 In galatia, a region much more isolated from greek culture, the earliest inscriptions, with a few exceptions, date to the Imperial period. The habit of recording the names of the dead on tombstones or of inscribing dedications to their gods only took hold after the end of the Hellenistic period.28 By contrast, this epigraphic habit started in Bithynia centuries earlier than in Galatia, having being exposed to the inluence of Greek culture at a much earlier date. However, here too, it was not the tradition of the indigenous people themselves but can be associated 23 It has been suggested that the king may have chosen this name when he inherited the throne (HAnnEsTAD 1996, 74). In addition, sCHOlTEn 2007, 24 points out that, if menas’ funerary stele really is linked to the battle of Kouroupedion, nikomedes was not the only Bithynian to have a greek name at that time. Two bits of evidence point to a similar tendency at a later period: an honorary decree from Crete names one of the three Bithynian ambassadors Dionysios of Nikomedeia, while the most signiicant intellectual of the period was of Thracian origin but had a Greek name (Demosthenes the Bithynian). 24 The fact that he was the irst ‘city-founder’ in the dynasty (Zipoition) could be interpreted in the same way. 25 HAnnEsTAD 1996, 74–85. Cf. FERnOUX 2004, 36 f. 26 For his discussion of the theoretical model of Peer Polity Interaction see sCHOlTEn 2007, 17–21. 27 HAnnEsTAD 1996, 89. 28 RAmsAY 1900, 151. INGalatia 14. 512 PInAR ÖZlEm-AYTAçlAR with the practices of the hellenized population.29 As a result, we are unable to investigate those populations who, by the preservation of their cultural structures, left no written documents. Epigraphical evidence can therefore only throw light on those people who had succumbed to the inluences of this new culture. The onomastic survey, the subject of this study, further vindicates this link between the inscriptions and hellenized indigenous populations.30 In Bithynia, inscriptions containing Thracian names occur over a wide time span, ranging from the third century BC to the third century AD. For example, while two of the three inscriptions found in the small settlement in Karamatlı to the north of Nikomedeia are of Hellenistic date, the third is of the third century AD, revealing that, even in such a small centre, people of Thracian origin existed for at least ive centuries. At the same time it proves that in spite of the strong degree of local hellenization, some traditions, including the use of traditional names, did not totally disappear. A good example is the sevindikli inscription, from the same region and also of Imperial date, recording a dedication to Thracian gods. Also in the Imperial period, in the vicinity of Kilciler in southern Bithynia, there is a sanctuary of Zeus Okkonenos, a cult also encountered in Thrace.31 Therefore religious aspects of Thracian culture should be assumed to have survived at least into the Roman period. Inscriptions containing Thracian names provide an interesting picture when classiied according to their geographical and chronological distribution within Bithynia. In the Hellenistic period Thracian names are mainly attested in settlements in the periphery of cities and are correspondingly scarce in the cities, leading to the conclusion that Thracian elite families in the administrative class of Bithynia probably did not reside in cities but chose to live in the countryside where they owned large estates. Accordingly, the Thraco-Bithynian elites, whose wealth is manifested in the craftmanship and subject-matter of their funerary stelai, did not feel the need to settle in the newly-founded cities but continued their lives in the countryside. 32 By contrast, in the Imperial period just as many inscriptions with Thracian names are found in cities as in the countryside. However, by now the Romans have taken the places of the former Bithynian elite estate-holders, who have become indistinguishable from Thraco-Bithynians of the middle or lower class.33 Nevertheless, more evidence is needed to allow irm conclusions to be drawn for the Hellenistic period, as inscriptions of this date from the Bithynian cities are very scarce. In contrast to the mysian cities, the ancient cities of Bithynia are overlain by large modern cities, preventing investigation of the pre-Roman occupation levels.34 Thus, when the inscriptions that can be dated The poem written in epic metre on the funerary stele of the warrior Mokazis (ii BC), is a signiicant example of the effects of hellenization. An epigram with a Homeric formula from Klaudiopolis, of Imperial date, contains a Thracian name, lilla (IKlaudiupolis 78). 30 see above note 7. 31 near narzanlar (INikaia 1118) and Nasular (INikaia 1119) in Bithynia. The cult of Zeus Okkoenos or Okkolenos is also known in various parts of Thrace: cf. DETsCHEW 340. Ὀκαηνῶν κώμη, referred to in an honorary inscription from Taraklı should probably also be linked to this cult: see INikaia 1201. 32 CORsTEn 2007, 126–31. 33 CORsTEn 2006, 85–9. 34 Kyzikos, a highly developed Roman city, has the advantage of not being overlain by a large modern settlement. nearly half the inscriptions discovered there are Hellenistic, with the result that the earlier periods are represented almost as well as the rich Roman period. miletoupolis is somewhat similar, whereas in nikomedeia and nikaia, the two largest Bithynian cities, the situation is exactly the opposite. The inscriptions in isolation give the impression that these large cities had no pre-Roman history. 29 An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 513 and provenanced in the published corpora are analysed, the following picture emerges. There are 165 datable inscriptions pre-dating the Byzantine era from nikaia and its surroundings, whose exact indspots are known. Out of these, all, except a few of the irst century BC, belong to the Imperial period. This ratio does not differ much for the inscriptions found to the east of the city. Of 200 inscriptions, only one can be deinitely dated to the late Hellenistic period.35 Another, possibly late Hellenistic, is the tombstone of the son of Bisoporis.36 Out of nine undated inscriptions found in the region, four contain Thracian names, while the remainder comprise greek names. To the south of nikaia, only two of the 35 inscriptions are Hellenistic. One of them is a funerary stele on which Thracian and Phrygian names are found together,37 whereas on the other greek and indigenous names occur.38 Of the 170 inscriptions from Prousa (ad Olympum) whose date and provenance is known, only four are Hellenistic. Two of these (one from Prousa itself, the other from the area of modern İnegöl) contain Thracian names.39 One of the two which contains greek names was found in Prousa, the other in the countryside. Two of the four inscriptions dated to the irst century BC contain Thracian names, one of them being from the city itself.40 Three inscriptions of late Hellenistic–early Imperial date include a dedication to the Thracian rider-god, probably from Prousa.41 The other two contain greek names, one being from Prousa. The 105 closely dated inscriptions of pre-Byzantine times from Prousias (ad Hypium) all date to the Imperial period.42 likewise, 30 datable inscriptions unearthed in the centre of Klaudiopolis all belong to the Imperial period. Among the 130 inscriptions brought from the countryside close to the city, not one can be dated with conidence to the Hellenistic period. In Apameia itself there are no Hellenistic inscriptions other than a single fragment dated to the late Hellenistic–early Imperial period, whereas in Pylai six of the 30 inscriptions are Hellenistic, one bearing a Thracian name.43 nikomedeia and Kios present a different picture. The majority of inscriptions found in nikomedeia date to the Imperial period. Only six are certainly Hellenistic. Three of them are stelai with Thracian names found in places nearby such as Karamatlı and Kutluca.44 The other three are from nikomedeia itself and contain only greek names. In Kios ten of the 100 inscriptions are Hellenistic and in only one of them, unearthed in Cihanköy, do Thracian names appear.45 The other nine from the centre of the city have purely greek names. INikaia 1321; cf. IPrusa 535. This is a funerary monument of Stockwerkstelen type, found in the vicinity of Bilecik. Besides greek names, it also contains indigenous names such as lelas (otherwise unattested), nana and Papias. 36 INikaia 1381. 37 INikaia 1588. 38 INikaia 1593. 39 IPrusa 1 and 152 (Deydinler). 40 IPrusa 139; 80 (Hamzabey). 41 IPrusa 46. 42 An inscription of the 2nd cent. BC referring to a Dintiporis from Prousias (though it is not clear whether he was from Prousias ad Hypium or Prousias ad mare) was discovered at Aptera in Crete and is evidence for a Thracian presence in one of these two cities in the Hellenistic period: see HAUssOUllIER 1879, no. 2 (IC II 18 no. 4B). Cf. sCHOlTEn 2007, 24 with n. 39 and DEBORD 1998, 146. 43 IApameia 117. 44 TAM IV (1) 146, 123 (Karamatlı), 126 (Kutluca). 45 INikaia 751; cf. IKios, 98. 35 514 PInAR ÖZlEm-AYTAçlAR Excluding the examples from nikomedeia and Kios,46 the evidential basis for the contention that people of Thracian origin did not live in cities in the Hellenistic period is clearly inadequate. Conversely, as the Hellenistic inscriptions with greek names found in the countryside indicate, it is not possible to make a clear distinction between Thracians living in the countryside and greeks resident in the cities. Closer examination reveals an almost equal geographical distribution of the inscriptions with greek and Thracian names. In the context of the preceding discussion, it should not be assumed that greeks alone lived in the cities founded or re-founded by a royal dynasty, in order to fulil the requirements of establishing a greco-macedonian administrative system. It should at least be expected to ind members of the Thracian elites active in the civic administration of these cities. Two factors make it impossible to prove this expectation, without eliminating it as the most logical hypothesis. First, as already noted, is the circumstance that the material of the Hellenistic period in Bithynia is beyond our reach for the time being. The second is that during the rapid process of hellenization of the local population, people started to abandon those local features and habits which would have allowed them to be recognized. Of course, hellenization must have been much stronger and effective in the cities than in the countryside and it perhaps became fashionable among Thracian elites to use greek names as early as the Hellenistic period. Perhaps one of the reasons why most of the evidence for the population of Thracian origin in this period is found in the countryside is that this is where their local culture still thrived. nevertheless, although scarce, there is evidence that people bearing Thracian names did live in the cities in the Hellenistic period.47 In mysia, inscriptions with Thracian and Thraco-Bithynian names occur more frequently along the Bithynian border, as well as in the cities themselves (Map 1).48 The amount of evidence for the presence of a Thracian element in the urban centres in mysia marks a strong contrast with Bithynia in the Hellenistic period. However, as noted above, this may be explained by the fact that mysia is much better represented by inscriptions of this period than Bithynia and, by comparison, provides much more evidence for the position of the Thracian population in the period concerned. It is likely that all the Hellenistic inscriptions bearing Thracian names should be associated with the Thracian elites. In Bithynia, most of them are found on Stockwerkstelen, monumental stelai whose relief decoration is arranged in multiple, often superimposed, panels. These stelai are eloquent testimony to the economic standing of those who had them made, in a period when the provincial workshops, which produced cheaper products, were not yet very 46 It should not be forgotten that Kios survived as a greek city until its sack by Philip V in 202 BC and only came under the control of the Bithynian kingdom after this date. so it is not in the same situation as the other Bithynian cities. Thus, on its 4th cent. coins, all the magistrates’ names are greek: see DEBORD 1998, 146 n. 73. However, the number of Hellenistic inscriptions is very small in comparison with those of Imperial date in both Kios and nikomedeia, so reliable generalizations are not possible. 47 To the inscriptions found in the cities and the inscription from Aptera mentioned above (note 42), we may add the funerary epigram of Diazelmis, a soldier from Apameia, found at Terenuthi in Egypt, of the 2nd/1st cent. BC. Further evidence that the Thracians were not conined to large rural estates in Bithynia in the Hellenistic period, may be found in the stele of mokazis who declares that the city of Tarsos (in Bithynia) was his home: see RUmsCHEID–HElD 1994, 103 f. 48 One must bear in mind that epigraphical research in mysia has so far been concentrated in this part of the region. An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 515 516 PInAR ÖZlEm-AYTAçlAR numerous.49 It is to be expected that the wealth and prosperity of these elite families was based on landed property. The depictions on the funerary stelai combined with the perpetual military confrontations in the history of the region also refer to their warrior characteristics. moreover, on several examples from Bithynia, Thracians are represented as holding oficial posts. It can be understood from the expression orophylax50 that members of the Thracian elites resident in the countryside had oficial duties in the cities. In the same vein, a Hellenistic Stockwerkstele found at Hayriye/Yenişehir, in the vicinity of Nikaia, records a Thracian named Σουσαρίων acting as the grammateus of the dioiketes.51 Apart from these two examples, evidence for the social position of the Thracians is limited by the scarcity of the primary source material.52 some additional information is provided by inscriptions from mysia. Thracian names appear in two of the Hellenistic inscriptions from miletoupolis. One is an honorary inscription dated to the third century BC that comprises the cult personnel of Apollo.53 This list comprises greek names for the most part, but Thracian names such as Bastakilas, Diliporis, Dindiporis and mokaporis as well as a few Celtic names54 also occur, valuable evidence that even at this early date, members of the indigenous population could participate in a variety of oficial bodies in the Greek cities. Also from Miletoupolis is a funerary epigram of the second century BC of an athlete called Doidalses who was honoured by the katoikia.55 The most striking example of a Thracian of a higher social class in mysia is found in a royal letter which refers to a royal functionary named Bithys.56 It is natural to expect that the adoption of the greek language, standard in education in antiquity, and of other Greek cultural norms happened irst and on an increasing scale among the Thracian elites. The Thracian names seen on three ephebic lists, one from Pergamon,57 the other two from Kyzikos,58 provide the epigraphic conirmation of this tendency. A man called Dadion, possibly a Thraco-Phrygian name, dedicated a stele sculpted in relief to Apollo, found at Çiftlikköy near Apameia, while the sculptor of the stele is named as sadalas, showing that Thracians had adopted and absorbed essential aspects of greek iconography, craftsmanship, 12 of the 16 Hellenistic funerary stelai with Thracian names in Bithynia are of this type. Stockwerkstelen are widely used in the region. Those from miletoupolis in particular exhibit parallel features, both in style and subject-matter, to the examples on which Thracian names appear. FERnOUX 2004, 93–6 emphasizes the conventional iconography of the stelai which should be studied within the broader context of greek culture. He believes that the schools of Attica, Pergamon and Priene/magnesia can be distinguished. Even though artists may have come from different schools, the stelai were obviously all made in regional workshops. As explained above, if the usage of funerary stelai with inscriptions and igural representations was something new for the Thracian elites, they were ordered from neighbouring Greek workshops and do not relect a distinctively Thracian taste, though certain variations were introduced to satisfy the wishes of the family of the deceased. The funerary inscriptions of Thracians on the ‘door’ stelai (Türsteine) from the border with Phrygia or on the columns from Klaudiopolis, even if late, show that there can be no talk of a ‘Thraco-Bithynian style’; without exception, the style of the local workshops was adopted. 50 TAM IV (1) 146 (Karamatlı). For ὀροφύλακες, the wardens charged with protecting the mountains see Amyzon 101–9. 51 INikaia 1588. 52 To these examples of Thracians holding public ofice might be added the three Bithynian ambassadors, two with Thracian names, mentioned above (note 42). 53 IKyz II 7. 54 see above note 4. 55 IKyz II 23. 56 mAlAY 1987, 7–15. 57 AM 32 (1907) 454 no. 385b (i BC). 58 AM 42 (1917) 189 no. 1 B, 105 (i BC); DETHIER–mORDTmAnn 1864, 77, pl. 7 (Imp.). 49 An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 517 artistic style and aesthetics.59 Analysis of the geographical distribution of these inscriptions in the Hellenistic period yields the following picture. In Bithynia inscriptions with Thracian names seem in general to be evenly distributed without any localized concentrations (Map 1). In mysia, on the other hand, they are found more often along the Bithynian border and in the cities themselves, a pattern which also sheds light on the westerly extent of the spread of the Thraco-Bithynian population. Comparable analysis of the body of material of Imperial date yields a more striking pattern. In Bithynia, Thracian names are clearly concentrated in areas close to the cities (Map 1). These clusters are most prominent to the northwest of Nikomedeia, around İnegöl, to the south of Bilecik and a rather more extensive group to the east of Nikaia, around Gölpazarı. By contrast, at Klaudiopolis, besides the examples from the city, Thracian names are attested in nearby settlements to the west and east of the city. The wealth of epigraphic evidence from the Imperial period offers the opportunity to recognize the existence of people with Thracian names in the cities, while the presence, in some of the lists of names, of Thracian names alongside greek and latin names is compelling proof for the coexistence of these ethnic groups.60 In the Hellenistic period, with a few exceptions, the epigraphic material is limited to funerary memorials, while in the Imperial period, Thracian names are found in lists of personal names, dedications, honoriic inscriptions and tombstones. In this period, people of Thracian origin are encountered making dedications to Zeus Preietos,61 the Thraco-Phrygian Zeus sabazios62 and to gods who are referred to as ‘Thracian gods’.63 The elaborate funerary stelai of highquality workmanship which comprise the majority of the Hellenistic examples are replaced by a larger number of simpler memorials in the Imperial period.64 Presumably the provincial workshops that produced these cheaper works became more widespread.65 From some of the inscriptions of the Imperial period it is evident that people of Thracian origin participated in public life as holders of civic ofices. In a dedication to Zeus Kaouatrenos, found in the vicinity of Klaudiopolis, the Thracian names Prousias and Diles appear among the agonothetai and gymnasiarchoi.66 Again, in Klaudiopolis, a sousos, son of sousos appears in a list of phylarchoi.67 In another list of phylarchoi from Prousias (ad Hypium), a certain Claudius 59 sadalas is not the only example. King nikomedes, who had wanted to acquire the statue of Knidian Aphrodite for his new city (Plin., HN xxxvi 21), commissioned Doidalses, one of the local artists, to fashion the ‘Bathing Aphrodite’, who should probably be identiied with Daidalos the Bithynian, who made the cult statue for the temple of Zeus stratios (BIEBER 1961, 82–3). Apart from the fact that a Bithynian could be numbered among the master sculptors of his age, it is highly signiicant that Nikomedes had tried to obtain the Knidian Aphrodite for his city and was ambitious to embellish it with greek works of art. The philosopher Demosthenes mentioned above (see note 23) was a Bithynian, but had a greek name and interests deeply embedded in greek culture. 60 For example TAM IV (1) 8; INikaia 81. The same pattern of coexistence is apparent in some of the lists of names found in the countryside (TAM IV (1) 7 [Koçoğlu]). Two inscriptions of Imperial date from İhsaniye inform us that a group of villages had joined together to celebrate a festival for a goddess. In them greek, latin and Thracian names occur side by side: see TAM IV (1) 16 and 17; cf. ROBERT 1943, 189 f. 61 TAM IV (1) 75 (İshakçılar). 62 TAM IV (1) 60 (İshakçılar). 63 TAM IV (1) 60 (İshakçılar). 64 Only one of the 39 tombstones of Imperial date from Bithynia is a Stockwerkstele (IPrusa 1040); seven are decorated with igures in relief; 27 have either no decoration or very simple depictions. 65 However, it is also signiicant that some of the Thracian elites had truly monumental grave markers, which could reach a height of seven metres. INikaia 1232, 1235 (Akçakaya), 1434 (Hüyükköy). 66 IKlaudiupolis 61. For the probable galatian origin of the cult see DEBORD 1998, 152 n.136. 67 mAREK 2002, 33 ll. 18–19. 518 PInAR ÖZlEm-AYTAçlAR Bobas is recorded.68 Also signiicant are a grave monument from the vicinity of Nikaia which mentions Apphous the gerousiastes69 and an honoriic inscription for the paideutes sousas from Prousa (ad Olympum).70 The evidence clearly shows that people of Thracian origin could be active in the civic and religious institutions of the cities and that they adjusted to the life of the city. The presence of Thracian names in a list of prytaneis from Kyzikos71 and an inscription found at Baraklı/Asartepe near Hadrianoi recording a dedication to Dionysos during the priesthood of Zeilas, son of Papias,72 provide further conirmation of this phenomenon. As a result, the personal names which can be associated with people of Thracian origin indicate that this sector of the community was completely assimilated into the life of the city in the Roman period, a process which had its origins in the Hellenistic period. grave monuments of Imperial date found in the countryside around the cities provide strong indicators that among the Thracian elites there was a number whose wealth was in no way diminished. It is interesting that in spite of the strong hellenizing tendencies, the usage of Thracian names continues for centuries. Perhaps this element in the population wanted to ensure that the names of their ancestors continued at least in one of the family members. A broad generalization could be made on this basis that in Hellenistic Bithynia, especially in the countryside, families are attested in which either all of their members or a majority of them had Thracian names,73 whereas in the Roman period, the situation is reversed, with greek names predominating in those families which continued to use Thracian names. On the other hand, no chronological variation can be detected in the ethnic identity of the names borne by fathers and sons respectively, as recorded in the majority of inscriptions. In both the Hellenistic and Roman periods no meaningful difference can be observed in the frequency of the pairing of greek and Thracian names, whether between father and son or vice versa. moreover, with one exception,74 all the evidence from the mysian cities, such as Kyzikos and Pergamon, relates to fathers with Thracian names whose children or grandchildren have greek and/or latin names. The situation is different at miletoupolis, but all the texts from there with Thracian names are Hellenistic. Hence, if it is not coincidence that as time went on the younger generation tended to have greek names, it is tempting to think that having a Thracian or Phrygian name in the greek cities of mysia increasingly became a social impediment and that for this reason people preferred to give their children greek names.75 The Thracian presence in the region manifests itself not only in the names of individuals but also in place-names. Alpagut Köy, located on the border between Mysia and Bithynia, was a settlement with a Thracian component. Thanks to an inscription found there, dated to the second century BC, the katoikiai of the Ὀρνεηνοί and Δανδαηνοί were identiied.76 The term IPrusias 6. INikaia 1578. 70 IPrusa 1009. 71 mORDTmAnn 1881, 43–7 no. 2. 72 IHadrian 12. 73 TAM IV (1) 126 (Kutluca), IPrusa 152 (Deydinler), INikaia 1588 (Yenişehir), RUmsCHEID–HElD 1994, 89–106 (Adliyeköy), TAM IV (1), 123 and 146 (Karamatlı), PEsCHlOW ET Al. 2002, nos. 104, 105 and 111 (nW Bithynia). 74 A funerary inscription of the 1st cent. BC from Kyzikos with the name Paparion, which cannot be regarded with certainty as being Thracian. (CREmER 1991, 160 no. Kst 48). 75 see below note 86. 76 IKyz II 20. 68 69 An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 519 strategos in this text is an indication that this might originally have been a military settlement. A tombstone found in the same region, dated some 350 years later, probably mentions the Δανδαηνοί once again.77 Ὀκαηνῶν κώμη in southern Bithynia, mentioned above, may also relect a Thracian origin.78 A funerary stele found at Köroğlu Devrend in the vicinity of Klaudiopolis mentions a place called Δαδοκώμη which is possibly Thraco-Phrygian in origin.79 An inscription from Panormos in northern mysia records a dedication to Zeus by a community named Θρακιακώμη.80 Finally, we may consider the names of Phrygian and Thraco-Phrygian origin in the region. In Bithynia, inscriptions with Phrygian and Thraco-Phrygian names are mainly encountered in the region around Gölpazarı and Yenipazar in a large, widely distributed group. This region, in the south of Bithynia, is interesting because it is where not only Thracian names are found most often but also where Phrygian names are best attested in Bithynia. Apart from here and the urban centres, Phrygian names are otherwise not found in Bithynia (Map 2). A plausible explanation for the occurrence of Phrygian and Thraco-Phrygian names in southern Bithynia alone may be provided by its location within ancient Hellespontine Phrygia. S. Şahin has discussed the extent to which Hellespontine Phrygia encroached upon Bithynia, taking account of the Phrygian features in the region.81 The merging of Thracian and Phrygian elements in the area around Gölpazarı is apparent in inscriptions from the second century BC onwards.82 The majority of Phrygian names encountered here appear either on simple tombstones or in dedications to local gods such as Zeus Bronton and Zeus Dimenenos. An exceptional example among them is a monumental grave memorial from Bacıköy83 with an inscription referring to the nomikos Papias and his architect son, very similar to grave monuments in Akçakaya that contain Thracian names. While Phrygian names are only found on the Bithynian border with Hellespontine Phrygia, they are rather more frequent in mysia. nevertheless, just as with the Thracian names, it is noteworthy that Phrygian names are more numerous in eastern mysia, close to the Bithynian border. Phrygian texts found at Daskyleion, the satrapal capital of Phrygia Hellespontike, and archaeological data provide strong evidence that mysia, unlike Bithynia, had close relations with Phrygian culture.84 Phrygian personal names are often found in cities such as Kyzikos, miletoupolis and Hadrianoi and in the region to the south of miletoupolis, which also yield evidence for a Thracian presence. Thus the merging of Phrygian and Thracian elements which has already been encountered in southern Bithynia may also be traced in eastern mysia. Another interesting feature is the relatively early date of almost all the inscriptions from mysia with Phrygian names. With a very few exceptions, they predate the Imperial period, when the population had almost exclusively greek names. As the ephebic lists, the list of the cult personnel of Apollo and the athlete with a Thracian name honoured by the community have 77 sCHWERTHEIm 1985, no. 7. see above note 31. 79 IKlaudiupolis 115. 80 mEnDEl 1914, 41 no. 837. This inscription was discovered in Mahmutköy, close to Bandırma and is dated to the 1st cent. BC/1st cent. AD. Interestingly no other inscription with Thracian elements was found there. 81 Şahin 1986, 129 f. 82 For an example see INikaia 1588. This region provides onomastic data which correspond to what strabo (xii 8. 10) says about the mixed population living around mount Olympos. 83 INikaia 1231. 84 BAKIR 2003, 7, 11, 13; gUsmAnI–POlAT 1999, 59–64. 78 520 PInAR ÖZlEm-AYTAçlAR An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 521 already shown, the indigenous peoples of Mysia were exposed to Greek cultural inluences at a relatively early date and successfully integrated themselves into this culture, especially in urban contexts. As the ancient sources inform us, for the people living within this greek cultural milieu, it became an embarrassment to have Phrygian names on account of their association with the traditional, simple and ignorant as opposed to the sophisticated and modern.85 Thracian and Thraco-Bithynian Names in Bithynia86 Ἄννι87 (f)/ Karakadılar. i/ii AD. TAM IV (1) 301. Ἄνξα (f)/ Adliye Köy. ii BC. RUmsCHEID–HElD 1994, 89–106; cf. mERKElBACH–BlümEl 1995, 67; SGO II, 09/06/18. see also Μοκάζις (2), Γηρίας, Ζαράζις and Ζαρδοήλας (3). Ἀπφοῦς88 (m)/ (1) Yarımca (Körfez). Imp? TAM IV (1) 110; (2) Bolatlı-Hamidiye. ii AD. INikaia 1411; (3) Gökçesu. ii/iii AD. INikaia 1578; (4) Tongurlar. ii AD. INikaia 1405; (5) (f ?) Nikaia. i/ii AD? IGB III 1521, 3; cf. BE 1980, no. 513; (6) Bursa. i BC. IPrusa 139; (7) Findspot unknown. ii/iii AD. IPrusa 1016; (8) Paşaköy. Imp. IKlaudiupolis 152; (9) çivril. Imp. IKlaudiupolis 102. see also Φίλλης. Ἀφοῦς (m)/ (1) Ahmetler. Imp. INikaia 1504; (2) Baltalı. Imp. IKlaudiupolis 99. Ἀφφοῦς (m)/ Akçaşehir. Hell.-Imp. INikaia 1356. For the same person (Ἀφφοῦς Λιλλεος) in another inscription from Akçaşehir see INikaia 1401. see also Λίλλις. Βᾶς (m)/ Unknown provenance. i AD. IPrusa 1040. Βιόβρις (m)/ Gözaçanlar. ii AD. INikaia 1341. Βιόηρις (m)/ Cihanköy. iii/ii BC. INikaia 751; cf. IKios 98. Βισόπορις (m)/ Söğütçük. i BC. INikaia 1381. Βωβᾶς89 (m)/ (1) Köroğlu Devrend. Imp. IKlaudiupolis 115. see also Λιλλία; (2) Prousias (ad Hypium). Imp. IPrusias 6 I, 21. Athenaios (xiii 578), quotes machon in reference to an Athenian hetaira with a Phrygian name: “But concerning the name of mania, which we have just mentioned, the same machon says this: some one perhaps of those who hear this now, may fairly wonder how it came to pass that an Athenian woman had a name, or even a nickname, such as mania. For ’tis disgraceful for a woman thus to bear a Phrygian name; she being, too...” (Translated by C. D. Yonge [1854]). 86 some names, listed as Thracian by Detschew, are not included in this list. some of these are Lallnamen like Aphe, Aphia, Aphphe, Apphos etc., nana (with the masc. nanas), nonnos, names like Babas, Papas, Papeis (but Papias is included in the list of Thraco-Phrygian names of the region: see below note 106), Tata, Tateis and lala (see below note 97). Boubas (ZgUsTA, KP 682 [but Bobas is included]), Zenis (ROBERT 1966, 80–1) and Papylos (ZgUsTA, KP § 1202) are regarded as greek and so not included. Tittha and Ti(t)thynes (DURIDAnOV 1981, 38), apparently indigenous names peculiar to Bithynia, are not included since their Thracian origin is not obvious. Names like Seios and Kornas are not included, because of the dificulty in isolating the Latin examples. Kindos and maras (DURIDAnOV 1981, 33) are also among the names which are not listed. For the names Bassos, Beitalis, Dedes, Dinai(o)s and Thamyris (see DURIDAnOV 1979, 441–5; 1981, 31–42.), we follow the comments of mIHAIlOV (1981, 106–8) and omit them. 87 The female Ἄννι (or Ἄννει) occurs only in the Thracian cities located on the Black sea coast, Odessos (IGB I2 150, 166, 171, 183), Anchialos (IGB I2 377) and Agathopolis (IGB I2 475). Cf. ROBERT 1943, 198–9. 88 The names Apphia, Apphion, Aphia, Apphos etc. are indigenous names of Asia minor and occur frequently in every region. Among these names, however, a group with the ending -ous (Aphous, Apphous and Aphphous) occur nowhere else in Asia minor but in Bithynia: see ZgUsTA, KP § 66–26; 66–35 and 66–48. For some examples from Paphlagonia and Pontos, which neighbour Bithynia, see mAREK 1993, 41 (Aphous), 42 and 48 (Apphous) (Kaisareia/Hadrianopolis), 115 (Apphous) (Amastris). These names are listed by DETsCHEW 20 with the examples from Bithynia. Outside Bithynia, attestations of this group of names are found in neighbouring regions, at Byzantion and salymbria: see LGPN IV s.vv. Ἀπφοῦς, Ἀφφοῦς. so it seems reasonable to consider them as Thraco-Bithynian. 89 DETsCHEW 97; ZgUsTA, KP § 198 and p. 682; ROBERT, Noms indigènes 30 ff. Cf. also DURIDAnOV 1981, 38–9. 85 522 PInAR ÖZlEm-AYTAçlAR Γάσζα90 (f)/ Kurtköy. Hell? INikaia 1367. Γηρίας (m)/ see Ἄνξα. see also Μοκάζις (2), Ζαράζις and Ζαρδοήλας (3). Γιγλίγηκος (m)/ Karamanlı. ii BC? TAM IV (1) 123. see also Μοκάζει and Μοκάσιος (1). Δέουας91 (m)/ Klaudiopolis. Imp. IKlaudiupolis 23. Δηγού (f)/ Deydinler. ii BC. IPrusa 152; cf. CREmER 1992, 126 no. ns12. see also Μοκάζις (8), Ὀαστόζεις, Σαδάλας (3) and Σωπερού. Διάζελμις (m)/ of Apameia. Terenuthi-Egypt. ii/i BC. BERnAnD, Inscr. métr. 10, 15; cf. IApameia T 42. Διλίπορις (m)/ (1) Kutluca. ii/i BC. TAM IV (1) 126; cf. CREmER 1992, 123 no. ns I. see also Διντήση, Ζαρδοήλας (2), Μοκάζις (3) and Ποῦσα; (2) İhsaniye. 122/3 AD. TAM IV (1) 16. see also Σοῦσος (2); (3) İhsaniye. 132/3 AD. TAM IV (1) 17. see also Σουσίων; (4) İznik. Imp. INikaia 81. see also Ζιαίλας, Ῥαικοσός, Σαλλοῦς (2) and Δάδης (3); (5) Akçakaya. ii/iii AD. INikaia 1232; cf. SGO II, 09/05/17; (6) nasuhlar. ii AD. INikaia 1416; (7) Başköy. i/ii AD. INikaia 1154; (8) Kios. Hell.-Imp. IKios 72; (9) Dedeyöne. ii/iii AD? IPrusa 73; (10) Paladari. Hell.-Imp. IApameia 48; (11) Prousias (ad Hypium) (or Kios?). Aptera-Crete. ii BC. IPrusias T 9.4; cf. IKios T 29. see also Διντίπορις (1–2). Διλης (Λιλης?)92 (m)/ Before 212 AD. IKlaudiupolis 61, 15. see also Προυσίας (3). Δίλλης (m)/ of Nikaia. Serdica (Soia). Imp. IGB IV 1955. Δίντας93 (m)/ (1) Boduroğluhan. Hell.-Imp. IKlaudiupolis 124; (2) of nikomedeia. Athens-Kerameikos. i AD. IG II2 10006=FRA 5851; cf. ROBERT 1943, 200. Διντήση (f)/ see Διλίπορις (1). see also Ζαρδοήλας (2), Μοκάζις (3) and Ποῦσα. Διντίζιλα (f)/ (1) nW Bithynia. ii BC. PEsCHlOW ET Al. 2002, 436–7 no. 105. see also Πρείοττος and Σαδάλας (1); (2) Hamzabey. ii/i BC. IPrusa 80; cf. CREmER 1992, 128 no. nsA 5. Διντίπορις (m)/ (1–2) see Διλίπορις (11). Δοιδάλσης (m)/ (1) sapanca. Imp. TAM IV (1) 182; (2) Sculptor. (Daidalos?) iii BC. Plin., HN xxxvi 35. Ζαράζις (m)/ see Ἄνξα. see also Γηρίας, Ζαρδοήλας (3) and Μοκάζις (2). Ζαρδοήλας (m)/ (1) İshakçılar. 98/99 AD. TAM IV (1) 60. see also Μοκάζις (3); (2) see Διλίπορις (1). see also Διντήση, Μοκάζις (3) and Ποῦσα; (3) see Ἄνξα. see also Γηρίας, Ζαράζις and Μοκάζις (2). Ζη[ ]οβρωδιος94 (m) (?)/ Bursa. f. ii BC. IPrusa 1 a, 4. Ζιάγριος (m)/ Karamatlı. Hell. TAM IV (1) 146. see also Μοκάσιος (2). Ζιαήλας (m)/ Kayabaş. Hell.-Imp. INikaia 1308. see also Πηρόβρης (1). Ζιαίλας (m)/ see Διλίπορις (4). see also Ῥαικοσός, Σαλλοῦς (2) and Δάδης (3). Ζιαιλίς (f)/ Between Köroğlu Devrend and Bolu. Hell.-Imp. IKlaudiupolis 160. see also Σεύθης (3). Ζιβανείλας (m)/ nW Bithynia. ii BC. PEsCHlOW ET Al. 2002, 433–6 no. 104. see also Ψειλόζειος. Ζιέλας (m) (?)/ Sevindikli. Imp. TAM IV (1) 84, 1. Κάμολος95 (m)/ Karamürsel. ii AD. TAM IV (1) 108; cf. CREmER 1992, 142 no. P12. This female name, also occurs as Γάζα, is listed as Thracian by DETsCHEW 97: see INikaia 1367 with commentary. 91 This name is considered Thracian by ZgUsTA KP § 270. similar examples can be found in DETsCHEW 121. 92 DETsCHEW 136; cf. DURIDAnOV 1979, 43. 93 For the name see DETsCHEW 136 s.v. Δινδας, Διντας and 125 s.v. Δενδου-. 94 T. Corsten suggests a Thracian origin for this name, otherwise unattested, and cites as examples, Ζημωκαρτης, Ζηνας, Ζηνομινγος (DETsCHEW 183–4): see IPrusa p. 9. 95 On this name which should be classiied as ‘Thraco-Bithynian’, see BE 1974, no. 575. For a Kamoles from Kyzikos, see our list for Mysia, and for another from Sarıyar on the border between Galatia and Bithynia see INGalatia 157 with commentary. 90 An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 523 Κάνας96 (m)/ Çavuşköy. ii AD. IPrusa 56; cf. Şahin 1978. III, 13. see also Μο(υ)κάπορις (5). Κοσιβίθυς (m)/ Basar in Bursa. i/ii AD. IPrusa 27. see also Μηνάκων (2). Λίλλα (f)/ Bolu. Imp. IKlaudiupolis 78. Λιλλία (f)/ see Βωβᾶς (1). Λίλλις97 (m)/ See Ἀφφοῦς. Μάμας (m) / (1) nikomedeia. Hell.-Imp. TAM IV (1) 8. see also Μο(υ)κάπορις (1); (2) Yenişehir. ii BC. INikaia 1588; cf. CREmER 1992, 128 no. nsA 3. see also, Ὀήλας, Σουσαρίων and Μανία. Μηνάκων98 (m)/ (1) Cihanköy. Hell.-Imp. INikaia 755; cf. IKios 97; (2) see Κοσιβίθυς. Μοκάζει99 (f)/ See Γιγλίγηκος. see also Μοκάσιος (1). Μοκάζις (m)/ (1) Akpınar. Imp. TAM IV (1) 69; (2) see Διλίπορις (1). see also Διντήση, Ζαρδοήλας (2) and Ποῦσα; (3) see Ἄνξα. see also Γηρίας, Ζαράζις and Ζαρδοήλας (3); (4) see Ζαρδοήλας (1); (5) nikomedeia. Imp. TAM IV (1) 144; (6–7) nW Bithynia. ii AD. PEsCHlOW ET Al. 2002, no. 111; (8) see Δηγού. see also Ὀαστόζεις, Σαδάλας (3) and Σωπερού; (9) Seçköy. Hell? IKios 111. Μουκα-/ Hisarlık. ii/iii AD. INikaia 1395. Μούκαζος (m)/ (1) Akpınar. ii/iii AD. TAM IV (1) 62; (2) Kıyırlı. Imp? TAM IV (1) 218; (3) (Μούζακος Μουκαντίου Νικομεδεὺς Βιθυνίας) nikomedeia. ii AD. FGrHist 257 F 37; cf. ROBERT 1943, 199– 200. Μουκάντιος (m)/ see Μούκαζος (3). Μο(υ)κάπορις (m)/ (1) see Μάμας (1); (2) Cumaköy. After 212 AD. TAM IV (1) 256; (3–4) Karamatlı. iii AD?, TAM IV (1) 363; (5) see Κάνας; (6) Yenişehir (exact indspot is unknown). ii BC. INikaia 195a; cf. CREmER 1992, 124 no. ns 4; (7) of Bithynia. Thessaly (magnesia). Hell. ARVAnITOPOUlOs 1949–59, 160 no. 293. Μοκάσιος (m)/ (1) see Γιγλίγηκος. see also Μοκάζει. (2) see Ζιάγριος. Μουκιανός100 (m)/ (1) ii AD. CREmER 1992, 139 no. P4; (2) Kalchedon. After 212 AD. IKalch 68; (3) nikomedeia. Imp. SEG XXVIII 1040; (4–5) Yazırköy. ii AD. TAM IV (1) 48; (6) Deli mahmudlar. ii/iii AD. TAM IV (1) 74; (7) gebze. 202 AD. TAM IV (1) 26 and 79; (8) Hocaköy. 214 AD. TAM IV (1) 67. Μούκις (m)/ of nikomedeia. Athenian acropolis. Imp. IG II2 10011. see also Παπίας (2). Ὀαστόζεις (m)/ see Δηγού. see also Μοκάζις (8), Σαδάλας (3) and Σωπερού. Ὀήλας (m)/ see Μάμας (2). see also Σουσαρίων and Μανία. Παπαρίων (m) (?)/ Bursa. ii AD. IPrusa 150. Πηρόβρης (m)/ (1) see Ζιαήλας; (2) Yukarı Kınık. Imp. INikaia 1289; (3) Kalchedon – Esençiftliği. ii/iii AD? SEG XXXVII 1036, 20. Ποῦσα (f) (?)/ See Διλίπορις (1). see also Διντήση, Ζαρδοήλας (2) and Μοκάζις (3). Πρείοττος (m)/ see Διντίζιλα (1). see also Σαδάλας (1). Προυσίας (m)/ (1) nikaia. i BC/i AD. INikaia 126; (2) Klaudiopolis. i BC/i AD. IKlaudiupolis 122; (3) see Διλης; (4) Prousias (ad Hypium). 219–221 AD. IPrusias 12 II, 40. In this inscription there is also a female name Lala, classiied as Thracian by DETsCHEW (274) and KRETsCHmER (1896, 352). For this name see Brixhe and Panayotou in BE 1991, no. 576: “pas speciiquement thrace; banal lallname” and FIRATlI–ROBERT 169: “…le nom grec féminin de lalos, ‘Bavard, Bavarde’.”. 97 This name, with the variations Λίλλεις, Λίλλα, Λίλλια etc. is in the group of Thraco-Bithynian names: see DETsCHEW 276; ROBERT, Hellenica XI–XII 373 f.; IGB I2 51: “lilleis nomen Bithynicum originis Thracicae”. 98 Μηνάκων seems to be a Thraco-Bithynian name, attested mainly in southeastern Thrace and Bithynia. Thracian examples from Byzantion and salymbria occur with other Thracian names like Γόκων, Ὀζήα and Τότης (LGPN IV s.v. Μηνάκων). Cf. the female name Μήνακον in our list of Thracian names of mysia and Troas. 99 mIHAIlOV 1981, 107: “Un nom féminin d’un type banal.” However, this female name seems to be so far unattested in this form. 100 ROBERT 1943, 199 with n. 9. 96 524 PInAR ÖZlEm-AYTAçlAR Προυσιάς (f)/ Klaudiopolis. Imp. IKlaudiupolis 114. Ῥαικοσός101 (m)/ See Διλίπορις (4). see also Ζιαίλας, Σαλλοῦς (2) and Δάδης (3). Ῥεῖσις (m) (?)/ Koçoğlu. Imp. TAM IV (1) 7, 28 and 29. see also Σοῦσος (1). Σαδάλας (m)/ (1) see Διντίζιλα (1). see also Πρείοττος; (2) Çiftlikköy. late Hell. IApameia 117; cf. Şahin 1978, 5. see also Δάδιον; (3) see Δηγού. see also Μοκάζις (8), Ὀαστόζεις and Σωπερού. Σαλλοῦς102 (m)/ (1) İshakçılar. i/ii AD. TAM IV (1) 75, 3 and 4; (2) see Διλίπορις (4). see also Ζιαίλας, Ῥαικοσός, and Δάδης (3). Σεύθης (m)/ (1) Köroğlu Devrend. Hell.-Imp. IKlaudiupolis 161; (2) Yenigüney. Hell.-Imp. IKlaudiupolis 150; (3) see Ζιαιλίς. Σοῦς103 (m)/ Bolu. Imp. IKlaudiupolis 37. Σοῦσα (f)/ (1) nikomedia. Hell.-Imp. TAM IV (1) 107; (2) Türkmenköy. Imp. IPrusias 100. Σουσάνων (m)/ Bithynia. Hell.-Imp. mICHOn 1922, 164 no. 2922; cf. ROBERT, Hellenica XI–XII, 379. Σουσαρίων (m)/ see Μάμας (2). see also Ὀήλας and Μανία. Σουσᾶς (m)/ (1) Bahçecik. Imp? TAM IV (1) 302; (2) Bozören. ii/iii AD. INikaia 1450; (3–4) Findspot unknown (or Mysia?). i/ii AD. IPrusa 1009. Σούση (f)/ nikomedeia. ii/iii AD. Şahin et al. 1983, 53–4 no. 9. Σουσίων (m)/ see Διλίπορις (3). Σοῦσος (m)/ (1) see Ῥεῖσις; (2) see Διλίπορις (2); (3) Yalova-strobilos. i BC/i AD. KAlKAn 1992, 103 no. 5; (4) nikaia. i/ii AD. INikaia 102; (5) Akçakaya. i/ii AD. INikaia 1235; (6–7) Klaudiopolis, 198 AD. mAREK 2002, 33 ll. 18 and 19. Σπόκης (m)/ Hüyükköy. i/ii AD. INikaia 1434. Σωπερού (f)/ see Δηγού. see also Μοκάζις (8), Ὀαστόζεις and Σαδάλας (3). Φίλλης (m) (?)/ see Ἀπφοῦς (9). Ψειλόζειος (m) (?)/see Ζιβανείλας. Thraco-Phrygian and Phrygian Names in Bithynia Δάδα104 (f)/ (1) nikomedeia. Imp. TAM IV (1) 140; (2) Çiftlikköy. Hell? IApameia 121; cf. Şahin 1978, II 14; (3) Günüören. ii/iii AD. INikaia 1282; (4) Bursa. i AD? IPrusa 177. Δάδης (m)/ (1) Bolatlı. ii/iii AD. INikaia 1110; (2) Bağışlar. ii AD. INikaia 1407; (3) see Διλίπορις (4). see also Ζιαίλας, Ῥαικοσός and Σαλλοῦς. Δάδιον (f)/ see Σαδάλας (2). Δᾶος105 (m)/ of nikomedeia. Athens. Imp. IG II2 10001 and 10002 (FRA 5850). Δουδα (f)/ Findspot unknown (Mysia?). i/ii AD. IPrusa 1046. 101 Probably Thracian. For similar examples see DETsCHEW 388 f. For the identiication of this name with the Celtic Sallus see DURIDAnOV 1981, 37. 103 The names sousa, sousas, sousion, sousos, sousou, sousous etc. are considered as Thracian (DETsCHEW 472; ZgUsTA, KP § 1463–10) or as Thraco-Bithynian (ROBERT, Hellenica XI–XII 379 n. 5; IGB I2 175; cf. mAssOn 1989, 361). These names are widely used both in Thrace (LGPN IV s.vv. Σοῦσα, Σουσᾶς, Σουσίων, Σοῦσος) and in Bithynia. However, it is also noteworthy that these names are common in Phrygia and its neighbourhood: see ZgUsTA, KP § 1463; cf. DREW-BEAR ET Al. 1999, nos. 209 and 485. 104 Dada, Dadas, Dades, Dadion are generally classiied as Thracian: see DETsCHEW 110; ZgUsTA, KP § 598; ROBERT, Hellenica XI–XII 372 n. 5; cf. IApameia p. 127. However, the distribution of these names in Asia minor shows them to be concentrated in Phrygia and its neighbourhood: see ZgUsTA, KP § 244; cf. DREW-BEAR–nAOUR 1990, 1927–8 with nn. 59–61. 105 Although Thraco-Dacian or Persian origins have been attributed to this name, mAssOn (1995, 325–8) has shown that Daos and Azaretos are names peculiar to northwestern Asia minor and linguistically related to the Phrygian language. 102 An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 525 Δουδας (f) (?)/ Geçit Çiftliği near Bursa. iii AD. IPrusa 163. Μᾶ (f)/ Bolu. iii/iv AD? IKlaudiupolis 9, 11, 15. Μάνης (m)/ Bithynia? (or Phrygia). ii/iii AD. IPrusa 1014. Μανία (f)/ see Μάμας (2). see also Ὀήλας and Σουσαρίων. Παπίας106 (m)/ (1) Kalchedon. Hell. IKalch 7; (2) see Μούκις. (3) nikomedeia. Imp. TAM IV (1) 7; (4) Bacıköy. Imp. INikaia 1231; (5) Kilciler. ii/iii AD. INikaia 1095; (6) Kilciler. ii AD. INikaia 1239; cf. CORsTEn 2003, 120–1; (7) Kükürt. i/ii AD. INikaia 1240; cf. CORsTEn 2003, 120–1; (8) Bilecik? ii/i BC. INikaia 1321; cf. PFUHl–mÖBIUs 835a, pl. 122 and CREmER 1992, 127 no. nsA 2; (9) Dokuz. ii AD. INikaia 1354; (10) Ark. ii AD. INikaia 1362; (11) Hacıköy (Nesimhocalar). ii AD. INikaia 1418; (12) Keskin. ii AD. INikaia 1467; (13) Yakacık. ii/iii AD. INikaia 1475; (14) Dumanköy. ii/iii AD. adak–akyürek-Şahin 2005, 153–5 no. 21; (15) Apameia. Hell.-Imp. IApameia 9; (16) see Ἀπφοῦς (8). Thracian and Thraco-Bithynian Names in Mysia and Troas Ἀμάτοκος107 (m)/ Pergamon. 208 BC. FD III (4) 133 II, 21. Ἀπφοῦς (m)/ Kyzikos? i AD? CREmER 1991, 129–30 no. Kn 13; cf. PFUHl–mÖBIUs 345, pl. 288. Ἀφφοῦς (m)/ (1) Kyzikos (Aigikoreis). 193–211 AD. mORDTmAnn 1881, 44–7 no. 2 II b II, 27; (2) Kyzikos. 123–132 AD. mERKElBACH–sCHWERTHEIm 1983, 147–54. Αὐιλούπολις108 (m)/ Troas/Ilion. iii/ii BC. IIlion 64. see also Μήνακον, Σεύθης (4), Μανία and Μιδασία. Αὐλούζελμις (m)/ Söve Köy. i BC/i AD. mICHOn 1906, 305 (d); cf. ROBERT, Hellenica X 138 no. 2, pl. 15; mITCHEll 1976, 121. Βαστακίλας109 (m)/ miletoupolis. ii BC. IKyz II 7. see also Διλίπορις (2), Δινδίπορις and Μοκάπορις (1). Βίθυς (m)/ (1) Thessaly (magnesia). 293–168 BC. ARVAnITOPOUlOs 1952–53, 15 no. 338; (2) Pergamon. i BC. AM 32 (1907) 454 no. 358b, 4; (3) Pamukçu. 209 BC. mAlAY 1987, 7–15; (4) Troas/Parion. ii AD. IParion 5; (5) Abydos. ii/i BC. IG XII (8) 183, 14. Βισάλτης (m)/ Troas/Abydos. 494 BC. Hdt. vi 26. Βοκεδης110 (m)/ Apollonia Rhyndakos. Hell. IKyz I 296. Διλίπορις (m)/ (1) Kyzikos? iii/ii BC. JÖAI 28 (1933) Beibl. 107 no. 86; cf. mITCHEll 1976, 122; (2) see Βαστακίλας. see also Δινδίπορις and Μοκάπορις (1). Δινδίπορις (m)/ see Βαστακίλας. see also Διλίπορις (2) and Μοκάπορις (1). Δίννις (m)/ Troas/Alexandreia Troas? iii BC. ICos ED 21, 3. Δοιδάλσης (m) (1) miletoupolis. ii BC. IKyz II 23; (2) Daskyleion. Δοιδάλσης Ἐπικράτου. Unpublished. IKyz II p. 28. Ζηΐλας111/ Baraklı-Asartepe. ii AD. IHadrian 12. Ζήλας (m)/ Kyzikos. ii AD. JHS 24 (1904) 34–5 no. 52 b I, 2; cf. mITCHEll 1976, 121. Ζιβοίτης (m)/ Kyzikos? i BC. lehmanν 1917, 185–9 no. 1 B, 105. 106 Papias, although very common throughout Asia minor, is considered a Thraco-Phrygian name by ROBERT (1943, 199). His suggestion seems justiied in the case of Bithynia, where it occurs mostly in the south of the region, on the border with Phrygia Hellespontike. 107 DETsCHEW 15. 108 Related to the Thracian name Aulouporis: see ROBERT, Noms indigènes 114; BE 1972, nos. 285 and 292. 109 DETsCHEW 45. 110 ZgUsTA, KP § 179. 111 Zelas and Zeilas are classed under the Thracian Ziaelas by DETsCHEW 186. 526 PInAR ÖZlEm-AYTAçlAR Ζιγήτης112 (m) (?)/ Pergamon. iii BC. IPerg 230 A, 1. Ἰζαῖος113 (m) (?)/ Kyzikos. 117–150 AD. MordtMann 1881, 46 no. 2 III, 9. Καμόλης (m)/Kyzikos. i AD. IKyz I 518. Μάμας (m)/ Alpagut. Undated. sCHWERTHEIm 1985, 77 no. 1. Μανίκων114 (m)/ S of Miletoupolis. ii/i BC. SchwertheiM 1985, 79–80 no. 4; (2) S of Miletoupolis. ii/i BC. SchwertheiM 1985, 80–2 no. 5. See also Μανία. Μενδᾶς115 (m)/ Erdek. Imp. mORDTmAnn 1881, 122 nο. 4. Μήνακον116 (f)/ See Αὐιλούπολις. see also Σεύθης (4), Μανία and Μιδασία. Μοκάπορις (m)/ (1) see Βαστακίλας. see also Διλίπορις (2) and Δινδίπορις; (2) serçeler. i BC. IKyz Ι 377; cf. IHadrian 85. Μοκᾶς (m)/ Kyzikos. i BC. IKyz I 521. Μουκιανός (m)/ (1–2) Kyzikos. 117–140 AD. mORDTmAnn 1881, 44–7 no. 2 I, 11–27. Μούκιος (m)/ Kyzikos. 117–138 AD. mORDTmAnn 1881, 42–3 no. I b II. Παπαρίων (m) (?)/ (1) Kyzikos. i BC. CREmER 1991, 160 no. Kst 48; (2) Pergamon. i BC/i AD. IPerg 569 b. Ῥυμετάλκης (m)/ Kyzikos. i/ii AD. PERROT 1872, 87 no. 50. Σαδάλας (m)/ Kyzikos. Imp. DETHIER–mORDTmAnn 1864, 77, pl. 7; cf. mITCHEll 1976, 121. Σαλλοῦς (m)/ Daskyleion. Imp. DOlUnAY 1967, 30. Σεύθης (m)/ (1) Kyzikos? ii BC. IKyz I 436; (2) Pergamon (Asklepias). ii/i BC. AM 35 (1910) 422–3 no. 11; (3) Panormos. ii BC. IKyz I 399; (4) see Αὐιλούπολις. see also Μήνακον, Μανία and Μιδασία. Σοῦσος (m)/ Demirciler. ii/iii AD. IHadrian 151. Ταδοῦς117 (m) (?)/ Karacabey. iii BC. IKyz I 449; cf. IKyz II 118 (Tados). Thraco-Phrygian and Phrygian Names in Mysia and Troas Ἀζάρεττος/Ἀσζάρετος118 (m)/ (1) s of miletoupolis. ii BC. sCHWERTHEIm 1985, 82 no. 6; (2) KyzikosPannoukome. 254 BC. IDidyma 492, 64; (3) Findspot unknown. iii/ii BC. IPrusa 1020; cf. IKyz II 8. Βάβεις (f)/ Eskibalçık. iii BC. IKyz I 318; cf. IKyz II 98. Δᾶος (m)/ (1) Kyzikos (Çakıl). ii/i BC? IKyz I 164; (2) Kyzikos (Pannoukome). ii BC. IKyz I 251; cf. CREmER 1991, 126 no. Kn 2; (3) Kyzikos (Pannoukome). 254 BC. IDidyma 492, 64; (4) stratonikeiaHadrianopolis. i BC. mICHEl 643 II, 25. Δουδᾶς (f)/ Aliova Köyü. Imp. IHadrian 186. Κανκαρᾶς119 (m) (?)/ S of Miletoupolis. ii BC. SchwertheiM 1985, no. 6. Μάνης (m)/ (1) Kyzikos. 525–500 BC. Syll3 4A; 4B, [4], 11; (2) Kyzikos. ii/i BC? mORDTmAnn 1885, 208 no. 31, 5; (3) Kyzikos. 183 BC. IG II2 2332 II, 171 (FRA 3080); (4) Kyzikos. 117–138 AD. mORDTmAnn 1881, 42–3 no. 1b II, 20; (5) Kösehoroz. ii/i BC. IKyz II 63, 2 (CREmER 1991, 182 no. mist 37); (6) 112 DETsCHEW 187. mITCHEll 1976, 121–2. 114 DETsCHEW 285; ZgUsTA, KP § 863; cf. DURIDAnOV 1981, 37. 115 For this name, related to the Thracian goddess Bendis, see mAssOn 1988, 6–12; DETsCHEW 293; ZgUsTA, KP § 920 n. 219. For another example from Byzantion see DETHIER–mORDTmAnn 1864, I 69 no. 50. 116 ZgUsTA, KP 314 n. 198; mAssOn 1989–90, 173. Cf. Μηνάκων in our list of Thracian names in Bithynia with note 98. 117 ZgUsTA, KP § 1496; DETsCHEW 487 s.v. Ταδενός; cf. also BE 1980, no. 415. 118 Azaretos/Aszaretos, together with Daos, are indigenous names peculiar to mysia and Bithynia; see Daos in our list of Phrygian names in Bithynia with note 105. 119 Probably Phrygian. Kankaras is otherwise unattested. For two examples of the name Kankaros from nakoleia in Phrygia see ZgUsTA, KP § 525 and DREW-BEAR 1978, 92 no. 26 (with Κανκαρίων). 113 An OnOmAsTIC sURVEY 527 mysia/mysoi. iv BC. IG II2 8518 (FRA 5767); (7) Pergamon. 145 BC. AM 29 (1904) 171–2 no. 14 b, 39; (8) Adramytteion. Imp. IAdramyt 40; (9) Daskyleion. f. v BC. gUsmAnI–POlAT 1999, 137–62. Μανία/ (1) Orhaneli. ii BC. IKyz I 44; cf. IHadrian 58; (2) s of miletoupolis. ii BC. sCHWERTHEIm 1985, no. 6; (3) see Μανίκων (2); (4) miletoupolis. i BC. IKyz II 88; cf. CREmER 1992, 130 no. nsA 10; (5) Troas/Dardanos. 399 BC. RE mania (3); (6) see Αὐιλούπολις. see also Μήνακον, Σεύθης (4) and Μιδασία. Μίδας (m)/ (1) Karacabey. i BC. IKyz I 167; cf. IKyz II 70 and CREmER 1991, 180 no. mist 31; (2) Pergamon. 27 BC-14 AD. AM 33 (1908) 411 no. 45; (3) stratonikeia-Hadrianopolis. i BC. mICHEl 643 I, 25. Μιδασία (f)/ see Αὐιλούπολις. see also Μήνακον, Σεύθης (4) and Μανία. Παπίας (m)/ (1) see Ζηΐλας; (2) Panormos. i BC. IKyz 398; (3) Edincik. Imp? IKyz I 397; (4) Kyzikos. 117–140 AD. mORDTmAnn 1881, 44–7 no. 2 I, 18; (5) Karacabey. i BC/i AD. IKyz I 282; cf. IKyz II 85; (6) miletoupolis. Imp. Unpublished (malay); (7) stratonikeia-Hadrianopolis. Imp. SEG XlIX 1783, 1. 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