Vladimir Creţulescu
Vladimir Creţulescu holds a bachelor's degree in history, with a specialization in art history (University of Bucharest, 2008), and also has a second bachelor's degree, in film directing (National University of Theatrical al Cinematographic Art - UNATC, Bucharest, 2011). He has a master's degree in medieval studies, obtained from the University of Bucharest (2010), as well as a dual specialization Ph.D. – in history (University of Bucharest, Romania) and in political science respectively (University of Bordeaux, France) – obtained in 2016, with a jointly supervised thesis, titled Les origines du discours identitaire Aroumian-Roumain (1770-1878): la construction d’une identité nationale.
Vladimir has previously been employed as a museographer at the Bucharest Municipality Museum (2017-2019), and has taught at the University of Bucharest, from the position of associate lecturer (2016-2019). At present, he is a full-time lecturer at the History Faculty of the University of Bucharest, as part of the Department of Ancient History, Archeology and Art History (from 2019 onwards).
Vladimir has previously been employed as a museographer at the Bucharest Municipality Museum (2017-2019), and has taught at the University of Bucharest, from the position of associate lecturer (2016-2019). At present, he is a full-time lecturer at the History Faculty of the University of Bucharest, as part of the Department of Ancient History, Archeology and Art History (from 2019 onwards).
less
InterestsView All (9)
Uploads
Books
Notre ouvrage se propose de tracer le développement du discours identitaire aroumain-roumain – celui qui construit les Aroumains comme des membres du peuple roumain – dès ses origines balkaniques à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, jusqu’en 1878, l’année où le mouvement aroumain-roumain persuade les Ottomans de reconnaître le droit des Aroumains à bénéficier d’enseignement dans leur supposée langue nationale : le roumain.
En mobilisant le modèle théorique du politologue Paul Brass, nous suivons, en effet, le processus de construction discursive qui rend l’ethnicité aroumaine assimilable à la nationalité roumaine.
Papers
Problema naturii rurale sau urbane a aşezărilor balcanice premoderne este ridicată mai întâi de călătorii occidentali care traversează Balcanii şi Principatele Române în secolele XVII şi XVIII. În prezentul studiu de caz privind urbanitatea din Moscopole, îl urmez pe profesorul Simion Câlția în prezentarea unor criterii obiective multiple, concepute pentru a ajuta la discernerea caracteristicilor esențiale ale unui oraş european premodern. Mai mult decât atât, criteriile mobilizate pentru a garanta caracterul urban al Moscopolei sunt: acordarea de privilegii legale (1), prezența unor instituții locale importante în aşezare (2), preeminența activităților economice din sectorul secundar şi terțiar (3) şi existența unui număr suficient de locuitori pentru ca localitatea să poată fi considerată oraş (4). De aceea, urmăresc dezvoltarea economică, funcțional-instituțională şi demografică a Moscopolei de-a lungul secolului al XVIII-lea, ținând cont de privilegiile speciale acordate de sultan aromânilor din vestul Balcanilor, precum şi de manifestarea unor circumstanțe geopolitice şi comerciale extrem de favorabile. Încerc să descopăr dacă, la apogeul său, Moscopole devenise un adevărat oraş, sau nu, înainte de a decădea abrupt sub influența unor circumstanțe extrem de nefavorabile, cum ar fi: invazia şi prădarea de către trupele otomane (în 1769 şi, din nou, în 1788), migrația în masă a refugiaților din Moscopole în Europa Centrală şi pierderea principalului partener comercial ‒ Veneția.
Hanul – în diversele sale întruchipări balcano-orientale, de la impozantul caravanserai până la hănişorul ţărănesc – reprezintă o instituţie fundamentală pentru înţelegerea dinamicilor sociale şi economice ale Europei de Sud-Est, inclusiv ale Principatelor dunărene şi, implicit, ale târgului Bucureştilor, în veacurile premoderne (adică aproximativ din secolul al XVII-lea, până în prima jumătatea a veacului al XIX-lea). În rândurile ce urmeză, autorii vă propun o incursiune exploratorie în universul hanurilor din vechii Bucureşti. Vom începe explicând pe scurt ce erau, cum arătau şi ce funcţii socio-economice îndeplineau hanurile, în Bucureştii secolelor trecute. Apoi vom trasa pe scurt istoricul câtorva hanuri bucureştene, alese pe criterii subiective şi fără pretenţii de exhaustivitate. În încheiere, vorbim despre dispariţia fizică a hanurilor – şi, implicit, despre dispariţia instituţiei hanului –, în contextul modernizării accelerate a capitalei unei Românii (încă) foarte tinere, în a doua jumătate a secolului al XIX-lea.
compromising ab initio its epistemic objectives. Furthermore, its theorists have arrived at
conclusions which are altogether too ambitious, given the theoretical tools, methodologies and, above all, the poor historical record available.
On the basis of writings of Frenchmen having traveled in the Balkans during the first half of the 20th century, one can identify several fundamental markers of the Balkan Aromanians’ ethnic identity, valid for the period concerned. In fact, the idea of the Roman origins of the ethnic community, the self-referential ethnonyms employed, the traditional institution of the celnikate and the social practice of endogamy all function as identity markers, ensuring the internal coherence of the Aromanian ethnic community, and setting it apart from allogenous groups.
of the ravennate basilica of Sant Apollinare Nuovo tell a complex story. Religion, politics and ideology intertwine against a rich historical background, to form a layered visual text. I endeavor to decode and interpret this “text”, where East and West, Byzantium and the barbaricum collide. I do so by drawing, in part, on the conceptual framework of deconstructivist philosopher Jacques Derrida.
Jacques Rousseau et de Johann Gottfried Herder sur la nation. Cette démarche nous mène à percevoir le caractère complémentaire du nationalisme ethnoculturel herderien et du nationalisme politico-civique de Rousseau. Ce constat engage une mise en question du binôme classique opposant nettement les nationalismes dites « de type ethnique » à ceux « de type civique » : on fait un bref exposé des variantes que ce binôme a connu, dans le champ des théories du
nationalisme ; on propose que toute schéma théorique excluant la possibilité d’une synergie entre les deux tropismes (ethnique, voir civique) du nationalisme ne correspond point aux donnés de la pratique des nationalismes. En guise de possible solution, nous proposons l’emploi d’un traitement nuancé du binôme « civique – ethnique » - en occurrence, l’approche envisagée par Patrick Sériot.
Book Reviews
The overarching theme of the volume in question coincides with that of the conference talks: namely, the tome is concerned with the socio-cultural construction and construal of time and of temporality. As outlined in Étienne Bourdon’s introductory study, this collective work pleads against the reification of time as an objective, unitary, homogeneous, measurable reality, emphasizing instead its rootedness in individual consciousness. According to this view time, in fact, has no objective existence. It only exists within our individual minds. In extremis, one can say that we each have, and make, our own, subjective, private regime of temporality. Consequently, it is only by way of shared cultural convention that individuals reach a common understanding of the flow of time, within a given society. In this sense, time is, effectively, a component of culture. This fundamental assumption underpins the thirty-four case studies assembled in this bilingual, English / French-language tome.
la Première Guerre mondiale » est la publication des actes du colloque du même
nom, organisé à Bucarest les 28 et 29 novembre 2014, sous la direction du Pr Florin
Ţurcanu. Le projet du colloque en question a été élaboré durant l’automne 2013
par le Centre régional francophone de recherches avancées en sciences sociales
(CEREFREA Villa Noël), avec l’appui du colonel Jean-Marc Lavallée, attaché de
défense près de l’Ambassade de France en Roumanie et de M. Michel Roy, Attaché
de coopération scientifique et universitaire auprès de l’Institut français de Bucarest.
Ph.D. thesis abstract
Our doctoral research sets out to clarify how the aromanian-romanian identitary discourse (namely, the one which conceives the Aromanians as members of the Romanian people) has been developed and structured since its origins at the end of the XVIIIth century, until Romanian independence, in 1878.The identitary discourse which concerns us has its origins in the writings of Teodor Anastasie Cavalioti (1770) and Daniel the Moscopolitan (1794). The points conveyed by Constantin Hagi Gehani to Johann Thunmann give to the Aromanian-Romanian identitary discourse its first explicit formulation having reached us (1773). These ideas are taken up and developed in the works of Constantin Ucuta (1797), Gheorghe Constantin Roja (1808, 1809) and Mihail Boiagi (1813). The travel writings of foreign travelers having traversed the Balkans between 1800 and 1860 reveal that the Aromanian-Romanian identitary discourse constitutes a reconfiguration of the Aromanian ethnicity, crafted so as to place this ethnicity in multisymbol congruence with the Romanian nationality of North-Danubian Daco-Romanians. The North-Danubian revolutionaries of 1848 take up the aforementioned discourse. They conceive a plan of political action to be2executed in the Balkans in the name of the ideas upheld by this identitary discourse. The plan is set in motion by the agents of the Aromanian-Romanian movement which takes root in Romania after 1859; the movement registers its first major success in 1878, with the decree of Savfet Pascha – a document which officialises the assimilation of the Aromanian ethnicity – having already been shaped by the Aromanian-Romanian discourse – by the Romanian nationality.
Notre ouvrage se propose de tracer le développement du discours identitaire aroumain-roumain – celui qui construit les Aroumains comme des membres du peuple roumain – dès ses origines balkaniques à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, jusqu’en 1878, l’année où le mouvement aroumain-roumain persuade les Ottomans de reconnaître le droit des Aroumains à bénéficier d’enseignement dans leur supposée langue nationale : le roumain.
En mobilisant le modèle théorique du politologue Paul Brass, nous suivons, en effet, le processus de construction discursive qui rend l’ethnicité aroumaine assimilable à la nationalité roumaine.
Problema naturii rurale sau urbane a aşezărilor balcanice premoderne este ridicată mai întâi de călătorii occidentali care traversează Balcanii şi Principatele Române în secolele XVII şi XVIII. În prezentul studiu de caz privind urbanitatea din Moscopole, îl urmez pe profesorul Simion Câlția în prezentarea unor criterii obiective multiple, concepute pentru a ajuta la discernerea caracteristicilor esențiale ale unui oraş european premodern. Mai mult decât atât, criteriile mobilizate pentru a garanta caracterul urban al Moscopolei sunt: acordarea de privilegii legale (1), prezența unor instituții locale importante în aşezare (2), preeminența activităților economice din sectorul secundar şi terțiar (3) şi existența unui număr suficient de locuitori pentru ca localitatea să poată fi considerată oraş (4). De aceea, urmăresc dezvoltarea economică, funcțional-instituțională şi demografică a Moscopolei de-a lungul secolului al XVIII-lea, ținând cont de privilegiile speciale acordate de sultan aromânilor din vestul Balcanilor, precum şi de manifestarea unor circumstanțe geopolitice şi comerciale extrem de favorabile. Încerc să descopăr dacă, la apogeul său, Moscopole devenise un adevărat oraş, sau nu, înainte de a decădea abrupt sub influența unor circumstanțe extrem de nefavorabile, cum ar fi: invazia şi prădarea de către trupele otomane (în 1769 şi, din nou, în 1788), migrația în masă a refugiaților din Moscopole în Europa Centrală şi pierderea principalului partener comercial ‒ Veneția.
Hanul – în diversele sale întruchipări balcano-orientale, de la impozantul caravanserai până la hănişorul ţărănesc – reprezintă o instituţie fundamentală pentru înţelegerea dinamicilor sociale şi economice ale Europei de Sud-Est, inclusiv ale Principatelor dunărene şi, implicit, ale târgului Bucureştilor, în veacurile premoderne (adică aproximativ din secolul al XVII-lea, până în prima jumătatea a veacului al XIX-lea). În rândurile ce urmeză, autorii vă propun o incursiune exploratorie în universul hanurilor din vechii Bucureşti. Vom începe explicând pe scurt ce erau, cum arătau şi ce funcţii socio-economice îndeplineau hanurile, în Bucureştii secolelor trecute. Apoi vom trasa pe scurt istoricul câtorva hanuri bucureştene, alese pe criterii subiective şi fără pretenţii de exhaustivitate. În încheiere, vorbim despre dispariţia fizică a hanurilor – şi, implicit, despre dispariţia instituţiei hanului –, în contextul modernizării accelerate a capitalei unei Românii (încă) foarte tinere, în a doua jumătate a secolului al XIX-lea.
compromising ab initio its epistemic objectives. Furthermore, its theorists have arrived at
conclusions which are altogether too ambitious, given the theoretical tools, methodologies and, above all, the poor historical record available.
On the basis of writings of Frenchmen having traveled in the Balkans during the first half of the 20th century, one can identify several fundamental markers of the Balkan Aromanians’ ethnic identity, valid for the period concerned. In fact, the idea of the Roman origins of the ethnic community, the self-referential ethnonyms employed, the traditional institution of the celnikate and the social practice of endogamy all function as identity markers, ensuring the internal coherence of the Aromanian ethnic community, and setting it apart from allogenous groups.
of the ravennate basilica of Sant Apollinare Nuovo tell a complex story. Religion, politics and ideology intertwine against a rich historical background, to form a layered visual text. I endeavor to decode and interpret this “text”, where East and West, Byzantium and the barbaricum collide. I do so by drawing, in part, on the conceptual framework of deconstructivist philosopher Jacques Derrida.
Jacques Rousseau et de Johann Gottfried Herder sur la nation. Cette démarche nous mène à percevoir le caractère complémentaire du nationalisme ethnoculturel herderien et du nationalisme politico-civique de Rousseau. Ce constat engage une mise en question du binôme classique opposant nettement les nationalismes dites « de type ethnique » à ceux « de type civique » : on fait un bref exposé des variantes que ce binôme a connu, dans le champ des théories du
nationalisme ; on propose que toute schéma théorique excluant la possibilité d’une synergie entre les deux tropismes (ethnique, voir civique) du nationalisme ne correspond point aux donnés de la pratique des nationalismes. En guise de possible solution, nous proposons l’emploi d’un traitement nuancé du binôme « civique – ethnique » - en occurrence, l’approche envisagée par Patrick Sériot.
The overarching theme of the volume in question coincides with that of the conference talks: namely, the tome is concerned with the socio-cultural construction and construal of time and of temporality. As outlined in Étienne Bourdon’s introductory study, this collective work pleads against the reification of time as an objective, unitary, homogeneous, measurable reality, emphasizing instead its rootedness in individual consciousness. According to this view time, in fact, has no objective existence. It only exists within our individual minds. In extremis, one can say that we each have, and make, our own, subjective, private regime of temporality. Consequently, it is only by way of shared cultural convention that individuals reach a common understanding of the flow of time, within a given society. In this sense, time is, effectively, a component of culture. This fundamental assumption underpins the thirty-four case studies assembled in this bilingual, English / French-language tome.
la Première Guerre mondiale » est la publication des actes du colloque du même
nom, organisé à Bucarest les 28 et 29 novembre 2014, sous la direction du Pr Florin
Ţurcanu. Le projet du colloque en question a été élaboré durant l’automne 2013
par le Centre régional francophone de recherches avancées en sciences sociales
(CEREFREA Villa Noël), avec l’appui du colonel Jean-Marc Lavallée, attaché de
défense près de l’Ambassade de France en Roumanie et de M. Michel Roy, Attaché
de coopération scientifique et universitaire auprès de l’Institut français de Bucarest.
Our doctoral research sets out to clarify how the aromanian-romanian identitary discourse (namely, the one which conceives the Aromanians as members of the Romanian people) has been developed and structured since its origins at the end of the XVIIIth century, until Romanian independence, in 1878.The identitary discourse which concerns us has its origins in the writings of Teodor Anastasie Cavalioti (1770) and Daniel the Moscopolitan (1794). The points conveyed by Constantin Hagi Gehani to Johann Thunmann give to the Aromanian-Romanian identitary discourse its first explicit formulation having reached us (1773). These ideas are taken up and developed in the works of Constantin Ucuta (1797), Gheorghe Constantin Roja (1808, 1809) and Mihail Boiagi (1813). The travel writings of foreign travelers having traversed the Balkans between 1800 and 1860 reveal that the Aromanian-Romanian identitary discourse constitutes a reconfiguration of the Aromanian ethnicity, crafted so as to place this ethnicity in multisymbol congruence with the Romanian nationality of North-Danubian Daco-Romanians. The North-Danubian revolutionaries of 1848 take up the aforementioned discourse. They conceive a plan of political action to be2executed in the Balkans in the name of the ideas upheld by this identitary discourse. The plan is set in motion by the agents of the Aromanian-Romanian movement which takes root in Romania after 1859; the movement registers its first major success in 1878, with the decree of Savfet Pascha – a document which officialises the assimilation of the Aromanian ethnicity – having already been shaped by the Aromanian-Romanian discourse – by the Romanian nationality.