Catherine Mintler
As a scholar of literary modernism, my work focuses on the influence of sartorial aesthetics and practices upon identity construction in the late nineteenth-century and twentieth-century novel. My interest in sartorial aesthetics and modernism, what I call “sartorial modernism,” has resulted in two current projects:
Fashioning Identity in the Modernist Novel explores connections between sartorial culture and formal innovation in the modernist novel in canonical works that strove to represent modern identity. This project has inspired two related publications: a chapter on Hemingway and the female writer published in the Kent State University Press series, Teaching Hemingway and Gender (2016) and an article on F. Scott Fitzgerald and dandyism published in the F. Scott Fitzgerald Review (2010).
Modern “Man of the Crowd”: Ernest Hemingway’s Post-War Flâneur cites examples from Hemingway’s life and work to support the existence of a modern, post-war version of the nineteenth-century flâneur. Both Hemingway and his fictional protagonists become what she calls post-war wounded flâneur figures, engaging in flånerie with a different kind of detachment than their predecessors, having witnessed the modern spectacle of war destroy the very cities that produced the original flâneur in the first place. As a person marked and changed by war, the post-war flâneur observes, perambulates, and writes about cityscapes and landscapes as places marked and changed by war.
Currently, I am serving as Interim Director of the Expository Writing Program at the University of Oklahoma, where I teach First-Year Writing courses influenced by my research in cultural studies, visual culture, popular culture, fashion and sartorial culture, modernism, theory, gender, class, work, and American and African-American literature.
Address: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, United States
Fashioning Identity in the Modernist Novel explores connections between sartorial culture and formal innovation in the modernist novel in canonical works that strove to represent modern identity. This project has inspired two related publications: a chapter on Hemingway and the female writer published in the Kent State University Press series, Teaching Hemingway and Gender (2016) and an article on F. Scott Fitzgerald and dandyism published in the F. Scott Fitzgerald Review (2010).
Modern “Man of the Crowd”: Ernest Hemingway’s Post-War Flâneur cites examples from Hemingway’s life and work to support the existence of a modern, post-war version of the nineteenth-century flâneur. Both Hemingway and his fictional protagonists become what she calls post-war wounded flâneur figures, engaging in flånerie with a different kind of detachment than their predecessors, having witnessed the modern spectacle of war destroy the very cities that produced the original flâneur in the first place. As a person marked and changed by war, the post-war flâneur observes, perambulates, and writes about cityscapes and landscapes as places marked and changed by war.
Currently, I am serving as Interim Director of the Expository Writing Program at the University of Oklahoma, where I teach First-Year Writing courses influenced by my research in cultural studies, visual culture, popular culture, fashion and sartorial culture, modernism, theory, gender, class, work, and American and African-American literature.
Address: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, United States
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Publications by Catherine Mintler
In Garden, Hemingway draws upon his interest in androgyny, his sartorial and tonsorial fetishism, his insider knowledge of the misogynistic, male-dominated publishing and art worlds, and his expatriatism to create a sympathetic female protagonist in the process of using sartorial commodities (beauty services like haircuts and hair dye, and sartorial objects like menswear clothing) as raw material for creating new forms of art. She is a radically more feminist version of the wealthy female expatriate, drawn from earlier Hemingway women, most notably Lady Brett Ashley, who renounces traditional femininity and gender roles, and prohibitory sexual norms. Catherine uses her economic power—inherited via the marriage contract—both to support her husband’s writing and, as a woman barred by the male-dominated world of art and letters, her own artistic endeavors. Placing her sexual and sartorial experiments in the context of marriage allows Hemingway to transfer the sexism and misogyny usually attributed to him as author, or to male characters acting as stand-ins for the author, to his male writer protagonist and, therefore, to the social and cultural institutions he represents. Not only does David Bourne allow his parochialism and economic competitiveness to undermine his wife’s art, but he also cannot write outside of patriarchal tradition and convention, or free himself from his father’s influence or his economic need for an heiress-wife-patron—which is why Catherine must be replaced with another woman who doesn’t have artistic ambitions.
In early parts of the [published] novel, Hemingway explores the role of the economically independent, female artist in a way that imagines new possibilities for women and art when atypically feminine consumption practices and radical artistic and sexual experimentation with transvestism coalesce. Catherine combines the aesthetic body, body art, and performance art into a hybridized form of “writing on the body” (her own body and her husband’s body) with staged gender role reversals and playful sexual experiments that creatively undermine patriarchal literary and gender traditions through mimesis (cutting her hair to resemble David’s) and reverse mimesis (dyeing his hair to mirror her image). In later sections of the [published] novel, and predominantly through David rejection of his wife’s art, sexuality, and the gift economy in which she invites him to participate, Hemingway critiques cruel, competitive, and cowardly masculinist responses to both women artists and new art that transgressed the limits of art, and threatened traditional gender roles, sexuality, and economic exchange.
The novel’s end offers Hemingway’s take on the social, sexual and artistic prohibitions that attempted to silence women’s artistic production in the early twentieth century. Catherine’s art is creatively perverse and threatening to heterosexuality, masculinity, patriarchy, marriage and the identity of the male writer. Hemingway addresses the limitations of female consumer identity when consumption and artistry are forced by hegemonic gender ideology to serve only their own ends. Female economic power and artistic innovation can’t escape the stranglehold of male-dominated economies of exchange, especially when confined to traditional domestic sexual arrangements; rather, the gift economy they propose seem no match for literary economies fueled by patriarchy and capitalism.
Drafts by Catherine Mintler
Hemingway’s service with the American Red Cross during the First World War was pivotal not only
because of the “raw source material” it provided him as a writer, but also because his observations of
warfare, combat, and casualties, together with being wounded in the line of duty, influenced the kind
of writer he would become and his authorial decision to write several novels from the point of view
of shrewdly observant wounded soldier and veteran protagonists. According to James McGrath
Morris, Hemingway and fellow expatriate writer John Dos Passos “had confronted hardships and
danger to a lesser degree than the soldiers, but they had also been afforded a greater view than that
seen from the trenches….six years after the end of the conflict, [they] burned to put on paper what
they had seen and experienced. The Great War was over, but not for them. Not yet.” I agree with
Morris that Hemingway “sought to describe the desolate [post-WWI] world with honest clarity,” and
will add in this paper that his observations, experiences, and wounding as an ambulance driver, as
recorded in his letters and reflected in the observations and experiences of the soldier and veteran
protagonists of his major novels, were pivotal in establishing the existence of a 20th-century flâneur.
I can’s stress enough the significance of the injuries Hemingway sustained to his legs and feet as an
ambulance driver, injuries that temporarily affected his ability to walk. From a letter dated August
18, 1918, written from his hospital in Milano and addressed “Dear Folks,” the convalescent young
Hemingway writes:
“’The 227 wounds…. didn’t hurt a bit at the time…. my feet felt like I had rubber boots full of water on. Hot water…. The machine gun bullet just felt like a sharp smack on my leg with an icy snow ball...my pants looked like somebody had made current jelly in them and then punched holes to let the pulp out…. So we took off my trousers and the old limbs were still there, but gee they were a mess…
both knees shots through and my right shoe punctured two big places.” (176-77).
Later in same letter: “The Italian Surgeon…. assures me that I will be able to walk as well as ever.…. I’ll have to learn to walk again” (Selected Letters 177-178).
Hemingway learns to walk again and does the majority of that walking in the streets of Paris after moving to Europe to work as a journalist and write fiction. His experience as an ambulance driver, followed by his work as a journalist and war correspondent, honed his critical eye in ways that made him what Kronenberger refers to as a “‘synthetic observer’” (quoted in Williams, 35), while living,
writing, and walking as an expatriate in Montparnasse allowed him to participate in post-war vestiges of flånerie similar to that of 19th -century artist-flâneurs like Charles Baudelaire. As Hemingway’s experience shows, the post-war wounded flâneur, despite and perhaps because of
suffering physical or psychological wounding, walks and observes and records—with a different kind of detachment than his predecessor—the modern spectacle of war that destroyed the cities that had produced the flâneur in the first place.
had a life-long preoccupation with clothing, fashion, and sartorial display, which is evident in his fictional
work, self-promotional publicity, and in his everyday life. Throughout his fiction, Fitzgerald threaded
metaphoric, symbolic, and metonymic references to the sartorial style of fashionable dress in countless
descriptions of the clothing and sartorial display of impeccably dressed or otherwise fashion-conscious male
protagonists. With rare exceptions, photographs taken of Fitzgerald throughout his life show him
meticulously dressed at the height of fashion, in fashionable yet classic, stylish menswear attire. These
photographs illustrate that concerns about dress and sartorial display were central not only in creating
fictional male protagonists that seem to be fashionable avatars of their creator, but also, as Bruccoli
suggests, in creating his identity as a writer and, I might add, maintaining an identity as a fashionable, classy
and masculine society man with impeccable taste. Bruccoli’s description of Fitzgerald’s appearance in “Some Sort of Epic Grandeur: The Life of F. Scott Fitzgerald” suggests that, from youth onward, the “clothes conscious” Fitzgerald’s preoccupation with dress and
appearance were intended to cultivate an image of himself as a particular kind of writer, “the novelist as
romantic hero.” While I agree with Bruccoli, I also think there was more this image that Fitzgerald mean to
cultivate and perpetuate though dress and sartorial display.
Fitzgerald modernizes the image of the novelist as romantic hero traceable to the Romantic poets, George
Gordon, Lord Byron in particular, and Regency “butterfly dandies,” like the young Benjamin Disraeli, in a
fashionable makeover that replaces velveteen frock coats, turbans, Don Juan-like Turkish trousers, turbans
and poets’ blouses with Brookes’ Brothers collegiate style bearing hints of the dandiacal flair that influenced
his first sartorial mentor and model, his father, Edward Fitzgerald, and influenced the sartorial
preoccupations of his youth and adolescence.
I have written about F. Scott Fitzgerald’s attention to male sartorial display, dandyism in particular. Here I am interested in tracing Fitzgerald’s meticulous attention to his own clothes, dress, and style—his performance of sartorial display. I trace, using a combination of text and image, the trajectory of Fitzgerald’s sartorial education and evolution into a sartorial stylist—from young Scott’s
dandiacal sartorial emulations of a dandy father to sartorial performances of style, taste, and class that
wrought his identify not only as an artist, as Bruccoli suggest, but also as a man and a fashion icon to be
emulated by other writers, artists, and men. Fitzgerald would not have committed Gatsby’s mistake of
sartorial superfluity.
According to Krebs in “A Soldier’s Home” (1925), “‘you can never go home again’.” Krebs echoes a feeling shaped by Hemingway’s own experience upon returning “home” to Oak Park after recovering from an injury he sustained as an ambulance driver in Italy. The idea that “you can never home home again,” doesn’t necessarily mean that Hemingway didn’t believe one could not find and return—either physically or imaginatively—to a place that felt like home, a place that felt familiar and comfortable. Ironically, it is the familiar, but the foreign, exotic, and remote places that Hemingway felt were more like home than his boyhood home.
Later in his life, Hemingway reportedly told his friend A.E. Hotchner, "If you are lucky enough to have lived in Paris as a young man, then wherever you go for the rest of your life, it stays with you, for Paris is a moveable feast" (quoted in A Moveable Feast xii). This suggests that home, for Hemingway, is both a physical place and a set of associations, memories, and feelings about a place that make it somehow transportable. In Green Hills of Africa (1935), Hemingway writes about East Africa, where he and his second wife, Pauline, went on safari in 1933: “I loved this country and where a man feels at home, outside of where he’s born, is where he’s meant to go” (283-84). Hemingway traveled again to Africa to go on safari a second time with his fourth wife, Mary, during the winter of 1953-54 (part of which is recounted in his posthumously published novel True at First Light). Home, here, is associated with a place, regardless of its foreignness or remoteness, that imparts a feeling that is seemingly part calling and part fate.
To understand these connections, strange and familiar, between Hemingway and home, we might ask whether and to what extent the moveable feast that Hemingway called Paris, his home from 1921-1928, remained with him throughout his life as he traveled, relocated to, and wrote about foreign and remote places that either he or his characters called home: Kenya, Key West, Cuba, and Idaho. I connect how Hemingway wrote about the idea of "home" with Freud's uncanny by first juxtaposing Oak Park (the heimlich and familiar, become unheimlich and unfamiliar) with Paris (the unheimlich foreign and unfamiliar become heimlich and familiar), and then extending this association of home and the uncanny to the various places Hemingway, and his fictional avatars, called home (the familiar or heimlich) versus those places that never quite feel like home—or could never feel like home again (the unfamiliar or unheimlich).
Even after returning to the United States to make his home in Idaho, Hemingway, to a certain extent, remained an expatriate. Do his associations of foreign places with home offer a bridge between the geographical and the psychological in ways that echo the homeliness—heimlich/heimlichkeit—of remote and foreign places in ways that resituate him (the expatriate white male modernist) in a colonial or post-colonial world? What it is about the foreignness of places like Kenya, Key West, Cuba, and even Paris that made them feel like home. To what extent were these places temporary homes for a man in search of a permanent familiar feeling of home?
While Nick never describes Gatsby’s smile as being “worth a million dollars,” Cardozzi’s magnificence echoes Gatsby’s greatness, and Cardozzi’s smile, like Gatsby’s, is nevertheless the major component of his attractiveness. On several occasions that mark stages of the narrator, Nick Carraway’s, acquaintance with Jay Gatsby, and in his retrospective imaginings of a young Gatsby envisioning his future self, Nick Carraway fixates on Gatsby’s charming smile, “ one of those rare smiles with a quality of eternal reassurance in it, that you may come across four or five times in life.”(Fitzgerald 48). Gatsby’s gangster smile is one significant part of what makes him what David Ruth refers to, in a chapter from Inventing the Public Enemy titled “Dressed to Kill,” a “smooth criminal” an “invented gangster” in pursuit of far more than love, but of what I and my students refer to as the “gangster’s American Dream.” The gangster’s smile, and Gatsby’s smile by comparison, is part of “That smooth exterior, the gangster suggested, [that] could be a powerful tool for deceit. Walter Davenport’s description of a young robber’s smile that ‘disarmed’ reflected a common theme in portrayals of criminals” by the media (Ruth 79). Gatsby’s smile is part of the deceptive “smooth exterior” of his “personality,” that “unbroken series of successful gestures” that determine his success as a gangster (Fitzgerald 6), for also, as Ruth’s notion of the “invented gangster” suggests, the disarming deception of the “invented gangster” is successful if the self he invents successfully covers what he wants to hide—his socio-economic origins, ethnicity, and gangster identity.
Part of the smooth exterior is, of course, that Gatsby is white: Gatsby is an un-racialized “white” gangster working with and among ethnic Prohibition gangsters and white Wall Street bankers, brokers, and government officials: as such, he is an invisible as a gangster (though he is not quite so invisible in his claims to inherited wealth and an old moneyed family).
“Little Montenegro! He lifted up the words and nodded at them—with his smile. The smile comprehended Montenegro’s troubled history and sympathized with the brave struggles of the Montenegrin people. It appreciated this tribute from Montenegro’s warm little heart. My incredulity was submerged in a fascination now; it was like skimming hastily through a dozen magazines. “ (72)
“There was that smile again, but this time I held out against it. ‘I don’t like mysteries,’ I answered. ‘And I don’t understand why you won’t come out frankly and tell me what you want….‘Oh, it’s nothing underhand,’ he assured me." (77)
“I suppose he smiled at Cody—he had probably discovered that people liked him when he smiled. “ (100)
“ ‘You’re worth the whole damn bunch put together.’ I’ve always been glad I said that. It was the only compliment I ever gave him, because I disapproved of him from beginning to end. First he nodded politely, and then his face broke into that radiant and understanding smile, as if we’d been in ecstatic cahoots on that fact all that time.” (180)
[why disapprove of Gatsby unless he’s a gangster who has amassed his wealth illegally—if he’s cheated in his rags to riches rise up the crooked ladder?]
In creating the character of Jay Gatsby, F. Scott Fitzgerald created the first literary gangster. As such, Gatsby’s smile becomes the first gangster smile, an attractive and disarming smile that Gatsby learns to use as a weapon to disarm the people who will help him climb the crooked ladder as a gangster. Gatsby’s smile disarms the narrator of his life story, Nick Carraway, and in doing so contributes to Nick’s unreliability by charming Nick (as well as decades of readers) into romanticizing Gatsby as a lovelorn, tragic and heroic victim of a failed American Dream. For Gatsby can be and perhaps even remains all of these identities: tragic figure, victim, lover, Horatio Alger figure—but the overly sentimental reading that idealizes and romanticizes Gatsby, even as it occasionally doubts and disapproves, falls short and remains stuck in cliché and misreading unless it factors in Gatsby’s gangster identity—no easy interpretation as the gangster figure is more enigmatic than clichéd and stereotyped portrayals give him credit for. What has been the conventional, romanticized misreading overshadows a more compelling and complex reading of Gatsby as a real gangster (not just a front man for Meyer Wolfsheim’s syndicate and a small-time bootlegger and Wall Street swindler), and of the novel not only as the first literary gangster novel that we can realize as even more artfully and complexly crafted, further securing its place in the American Literature and modernist canons.
Women’s undergarments, such as petticoats, corsets and drawers, are referred to more commonly than we might expect by modernist writers. More often than not, the same undergarment resonates differently in the work of different writers. Members of Bloomsbury and their contemporaries were not only liberated by Lytton Strachey’s inquiry about the “semen?” on Vanessa Stephen’s dress as the gateway to discussing sex in mixed company, but also to discuss or write about other taboo subjects that were formerly unmentionable, such as unmentionables. In The Waste Land, T.S. Eliot’s voyeuristic narrator, Tiresias, describes a typist’s undergarments as “…drying combinations touched by the sun's last rays, / On the divan are piled (at night her bed) / Stockings, slippers, camisoles, and stays” (225-27). E.M. Forster describes the swishing sound made by Ruth Wilcox’s petticoats (a sound he purportedly abhorred he so associated it with femininity) when she walks in her garden in Howards End, and refers to the fetish of tight-lacing later in the novel. James Joyce eroticizes Gertie McDowell’s petticoat in Ulysses, salaciously turning a glimpse of flounce and ribbon trim into a peep show masturbatory fantasy. Virginia Woolf makes numerous references to drawers and petticoats in her diaries, letters and novels, the most notable being Doris Kilman’s purchase of a brown petticoat in Mrs. Dalloway. Is the liberating mention of petticoats and drawers in modernist women’s writing undermined when male contemporaries who, much like consumer capitalism, continue to fetishize them?
In this contribution, I will explore the meanings coded in undergarments in relation to the bodies that wear them, the body parts they cover or draw attention to, whether a desirable body or a shamed body, or a sexually repressed body. Perhaps more so than other apparel, undergarments function as sartorial objects that record and code changes—both symbolic and material—coincident with modernity and modern identity, particularly in terms of sexuality, sexual perversion, the sexual objectification of women, and class and gender identity. Much like sex and sexuality, one would like to believe that undergarments like the petticoat lost their taboo status when they became material and symbolic presences in literary texts. For example, being able to record the experience of losing one’s drawers—embarrassing social incidents experienced by both Virginia Woolf and Jean Rhys—suggests a liberating casting off of Victorian feminine decorum and female oppression, for which women’s undergarments (drawers, petticoats, corsets, etc.) functioned symbolically as gender shackles. Even though undergarments arguably become less taboo for women writers, the commodity fetishism caused by their mass-production and display in the marketplace reinscribes oppressive ideologies of Victorian femininity that mask the sexually repressive histories women’s undergarments are symbolic of, repackages those ideologies, sells them to women as fashion. Are we more or less surprised at Doris Kilman’s discombobulating experience shopping (publicly) for a brown petticoat in Mrs. Dalloway?
This paper will revisit Janet Wolff’s argument, made in “The Invisible Flâneuse: Women and the Literature of Modernity,” that the Flâneur can only be understood as a pre-20th century male figure and Flânerie limited to urban experiences of the male observer-writer. In light of recent scholarship that finds Wolff’s argument outdated and limited (and that begins where Deborah Parson’s work in Streetwalking the Metropolis ends), I will offer a reading of several works of late-19th and early 20th century literature—bookended by Baudelaire’s “A Une Passante” and Storm Jameson’s “A Day Off” and including novels by Collette, Dreiser, and Rhys—that chronicle the experiences of women engaged in urban practices typically gendered feminine that are not merely characteristic of what we might call female flânerie, but that also arguably created the conditions for the emergence of the urban Flâneuse. Such practices include, but are not limited to: various types of “street-walking”; window-shopping and other forms of sartorial observation and appraisal; female consumerism; the homelessness and vagrancy of the urban “kept woman”; and the paradoxical tension between the commodification of female identity and the two-way female gaze that both internalizes and critiques capitalist commodity culture and masculinist economies of exchange that oppress women. The central threads weaving together feminine experiences of the city include fashion, sartorial and commodity, and urban exchange economies that paradoxically and simultaneously include and exclude women from their circulations, as either producers or consumers. The observations and experiences of women living in cities—women who not only walked through and worked in the city, but who also observed urban spectacle and participated in the same aesthetic and social critique of the Flâneur—offer both a narrative and a critique of feminine experience of the modern city from women’s point of view.
A reexamination of Hemingway as a modern flaneur, as the journalist-writer as flaneur, especially viewed vis-a-vis his experiences in and writing about Italy, can contribute to our current understanding of the constructions of his commodified persona. What his writing reveals doesn’t so much conduct an unmasking of persona as much as it suggests that, like the flaneur, “his ability to perceive the world was accompanied by the inability of the world to perceive him” (74).
While this presentation will gesture broadly to the novels of such Harlem Renaissance writers as Jessie Redmon Fauset, Walter White, James Weldon Johnson, and Nella Larsen, it will offer more specific close readings of James Weldon Johnson’s use of genre-bending, irony, and reverse minstrelsy in Autobiography of an Ex-Coloured Man, and Nella Larsen’s sartorial coding of sexual desire, degrees of consciousness represented by an unreliable internal monologue, and use or irony in Passing. Ironical narrative stances, much like Weldon Johnson’s in Autobiography, offer fictionalized historical exempla to demonstrate how the passing subject critiques the sartorially performative practices that commodify whiteness in the first place. Ultimately, Harlem Renaissance authors who wrote about passing transformed the conventional novel form into a subversive, experimental critique of both racism and racial essentialism. It will be the work of this paper to show how the passing subject’s use of dress becomes a form of sartorial re-appropriation in which sartorial signifiers critique simplistic binary understandings of racial identity and expose the fetishizing of whiteness in the early twentieth-century—a process that includes what I refer to as the “mannequinization of whiteness”—in American commodity culture by both “black” and “white” consumer subjects.
Papers by Catherine Mintler
In Garden, Hemingway draws upon his interest in androgyny, his sartorial and tonsorial fetishism, his insider knowledge of the misogynistic, male-dominated publishing and art worlds, and his expatriatism to create a sympathetic female protagonist in the process of using sartorial commodities (beauty services like haircuts and hair dye, and sartorial objects like menswear clothing) as raw material for creating new forms of art. She is a radically more feminist version of the wealthy female expatriate, drawn from earlier Hemingway women, most notably Lady Brett Ashley, who renounces traditional femininity and gender roles, and prohibitory sexual norms. Catherine uses her economic power—inherited via the marriage contract—both to support her husband’s writing and, as a woman barred by the male-dominated world of art and letters, her own artistic endeavors. Placing her sexual and sartorial experiments in the context of marriage allows Hemingway to transfer the sexism and misogyny usually attributed to him as author, or to male characters acting as stand-ins for the author, to his male writer protagonist and, therefore, to the social and cultural institutions he represents. Not only does David Bourne allow his parochialism and economic competitiveness to undermine his wife’s art, but he also cannot write outside of patriarchal tradition and convention, or free himself from his father’s influence or his economic need for an heiress-wife-patron—which is why Catherine must be replaced with another woman who doesn’t have artistic ambitions.
In early parts of the [published] novel, Hemingway explores the role of the economically independent, female artist in a way that imagines new possibilities for women and art when atypically feminine consumption practices and radical artistic and sexual experimentation with transvestism coalesce. Catherine combines the aesthetic body, body art, and performance art into a hybridized form of “writing on the body” (her own body and her husband’s body) with staged gender role reversals and playful sexual experiments that creatively undermine patriarchal literary and gender traditions through mimesis (cutting her hair to resemble David’s) and reverse mimesis (dyeing his hair to mirror her image). In later sections of the [published] novel, and predominantly through David rejection of his wife’s art, sexuality, and the gift economy in which she invites him to participate, Hemingway critiques cruel, competitive, and cowardly masculinist responses to both women artists and new art that transgressed the limits of art, and threatened traditional gender roles, sexuality, and economic exchange.
The novel’s end offers Hemingway’s take on the social, sexual and artistic prohibitions that attempted to silence women’s artistic production in the early twentieth century. Catherine’s art is creatively perverse and threatening to heterosexuality, masculinity, patriarchy, marriage and the identity of the male writer. Hemingway addresses the limitations of female consumer identity when consumption and artistry are forced by hegemonic gender ideology to serve only their own ends. Female economic power and artistic innovation can’t escape the stranglehold of male-dominated economies of exchange, especially when confined to traditional domestic sexual arrangements; rather, the gift economy they propose seem no match for literary economies fueled by patriarchy and capitalism.
Hemingway’s service with the American Red Cross during the First World War was pivotal not only
because of the “raw source material” it provided him as a writer, but also because his observations of
warfare, combat, and casualties, together with being wounded in the line of duty, influenced the kind
of writer he would become and his authorial decision to write several novels from the point of view
of shrewdly observant wounded soldier and veteran protagonists. According to James McGrath
Morris, Hemingway and fellow expatriate writer John Dos Passos “had confronted hardships and
danger to a lesser degree than the soldiers, but they had also been afforded a greater view than that
seen from the trenches….six years after the end of the conflict, [they] burned to put on paper what
they had seen and experienced. The Great War was over, but not for them. Not yet.” I agree with
Morris that Hemingway “sought to describe the desolate [post-WWI] world with honest clarity,” and
will add in this paper that his observations, experiences, and wounding as an ambulance driver, as
recorded in his letters and reflected in the observations and experiences of the soldier and veteran
protagonists of his major novels, were pivotal in establishing the existence of a 20th-century flâneur.
I can’s stress enough the significance of the injuries Hemingway sustained to his legs and feet as an
ambulance driver, injuries that temporarily affected his ability to walk. From a letter dated August
18, 1918, written from his hospital in Milano and addressed “Dear Folks,” the convalescent young
Hemingway writes:
“’The 227 wounds…. didn’t hurt a bit at the time…. my feet felt like I had rubber boots full of water on. Hot water…. The machine gun bullet just felt like a sharp smack on my leg with an icy snow ball...my pants looked like somebody had made current jelly in them and then punched holes to let the pulp out…. So we took off my trousers and the old limbs were still there, but gee they were a mess…
both knees shots through and my right shoe punctured two big places.” (176-77).
Later in same letter: “The Italian Surgeon…. assures me that I will be able to walk as well as ever.…. I’ll have to learn to walk again” (Selected Letters 177-178).
Hemingway learns to walk again and does the majority of that walking in the streets of Paris after moving to Europe to work as a journalist and write fiction. His experience as an ambulance driver, followed by his work as a journalist and war correspondent, honed his critical eye in ways that made him what Kronenberger refers to as a “‘synthetic observer’” (quoted in Williams, 35), while living,
writing, and walking as an expatriate in Montparnasse allowed him to participate in post-war vestiges of flånerie similar to that of 19th -century artist-flâneurs like Charles Baudelaire. As Hemingway’s experience shows, the post-war wounded flâneur, despite and perhaps because of
suffering physical or psychological wounding, walks and observes and records—with a different kind of detachment than his predecessor—the modern spectacle of war that destroyed the cities that had produced the flâneur in the first place.
had a life-long preoccupation with clothing, fashion, and sartorial display, which is evident in his fictional
work, self-promotional publicity, and in his everyday life. Throughout his fiction, Fitzgerald threaded
metaphoric, symbolic, and metonymic references to the sartorial style of fashionable dress in countless
descriptions of the clothing and sartorial display of impeccably dressed or otherwise fashion-conscious male
protagonists. With rare exceptions, photographs taken of Fitzgerald throughout his life show him
meticulously dressed at the height of fashion, in fashionable yet classic, stylish menswear attire. These
photographs illustrate that concerns about dress and sartorial display were central not only in creating
fictional male protagonists that seem to be fashionable avatars of their creator, but also, as Bruccoli
suggests, in creating his identity as a writer and, I might add, maintaining an identity as a fashionable, classy
and masculine society man with impeccable taste. Bruccoli’s description of Fitzgerald’s appearance in “Some Sort of Epic Grandeur: The Life of F. Scott Fitzgerald” suggests that, from youth onward, the “clothes conscious” Fitzgerald’s preoccupation with dress and
appearance were intended to cultivate an image of himself as a particular kind of writer, “the novelist as
romantic hero.” While I agree with Bruccoli, I also think there was more this image that Fitzgerald mean to
cultivate and perpetuate though dress and sartorial display.
Fitzgerald modernizes the image of the novelist as romantic hero traceable to the Romantic poets, George
Gordon, Lord Byron in particular, and Regency “butterfly dandies,” like the young Benjamin Disraeli, in a
fashionable makeover that replaces velveteen frock coats, turbans, Don Juan-like Turkish trousers, turbans
and poets’ blouses with Brookes’ Brothers collegiate style bearing hints of the dandiacal flair that influenced
his first sartorial mentor and model, his father, Edward Fitzgerald, and influenced the sartorial
preoccupations of his youth and adolescence.
I have written about F. Scott Fitzgerald’s attention to male sartorial display, dandyism in particular. Here I am interested in tracing Fitzgerald’s meticulous attention to his own clothes, dress, and style—his performance of sartorial display. I trace, using a combination of text and image, the trajectory of Fitzgerald’s sartorial education and evolution into a sartorial stylist—from young Scott’s
dandiacal sartorial emulations of a dandy father to sartorial performances of style, taste, and class that
wrought his identify not only as an artist, as Bruccoli suggest, but also as a man and a fashion icon to be
emulated by other writers, artists, and men. Fitzgerald would not have committed Gatsby’s mistake of
sartorial superfluity.
According to Krebs in “A Soldier’s Home” (1925), “‘you can never go home again’.” Krebs echoes a feeling shaped by Hemingway’s own experience upon returning “home” to Oak Park after recovering from an injury he sustained as an ambulance driver in Italy. The idea that “you can never home home again,” doesn’t necessarily mean that Hemingway didn’t believe one could not find and return—either physically or imaginatively—to a place that felt like home, a place that felt familiar and comfortable. Ironically, it is the familiar, but the foreign, exotic, and remote places that Hemingway felt were more like home than his boyhood home.
Later in his life, Hemingway reportedly told his friend A.E. Hotchner, "If you are lucky enough to have lived in Paris as a young man, then wherever you go for the rest of your life, it stays with you, for Paris is a moveable feast" (quoted in A Moveable Feast xii). This suggests that home, for Hemingway, is both a physical place and a set of associations, memories, and feelings about a place that make it somehow transportable. In Green Hills of Africa (1935), Hemingway writes about East Africa, where he and his second wife, Pauline, went on safari in 1933: “I loved this country and where a man feels at home, outside of where he’s born, is where he’s meant to go” (283-84). Hemingway traveled again to Africa to go on safari a second time with his fourth wife, Mary, during the winter of 1953-54 (part of which is recounted in his posthumously published novel True at First Light). Home, here, is associated with a place, regardless of its foreignness or remoteness, that imparts a feeling that is seemingly part calling and part fate.
To understand these connections, strange and familiar, between Hemingway and home, we might ask whether and to what extent the moveable feast that Hemingway called Paris, his home from 1921-1928, remained with him throughout his life as he traveled, relocated to, and wrote about foreign and remote places that either he or his characters called home: Kenya, Key West, Cuba, and Idaho. I connect how Hemingway wrote about the idea of "home" with Freud's uncanny by first juxtaposing Oak Park (the heimlich and familiar, become unheimlich and unfamiliar) with Paris (the unheimlich foreign and unfamiliar become heimlich and familiar), and then extending this association of home and the uncanny to the various places Hemingway, and his fictional avatars, called home (the familiar or heimlich) versus those places that never quite feel like home—or could never feel like home again (the unfamiliar or unheimlich).
Even after returning to the United States to make his home in Idaho, Hemingway, to a certain extent, remained an expatriate. Do his associations of foreign places with home offer a bridge between the geographical and the psychological in ways that echo the homeliness—heimlich/heimlichkeit—of remote and foreign places in ways that resituate him (the expatriate white male modernist) in a colonial or post-colonial world? What it is about the foreignness of places like Kenya, Key West, Cuba, and even Paris that made them feel like home. To what extent were these places temporary homes for a man in search of a permanent familiar feeling of home?
While Nick never describes Gatsby’s smile as being “worth a million dollars,” Cardozzi’s magnificence echoes Gatsby’s greatness, and Cardozzi’s smile, like Gatsby’s, is nevertheless the major component of his attractiveness. On several occasions that mark stages of the narrator, Nick Carraway’s, acquaintance with Jay Gatsby, and in his retrospective imaginings of a young Gatsby envisioning his future self, Nick Carraway fixates on Gatsby’s charming smile, “ one of those rare smiles with a quality of eternal reassurance in it, that you may come across four or five times in life.”(Fitzgerald 48). Gatsby’s gangster smile is one significant part of what makes him what David Ruth refers to, in a chapter from Inventing the Public Enemy titled “Dressed to Kill,” a “smooth criminal” an “invented gangster” in pursuit of far more than love, but of what I and my students refer to as the “gangster’s American Dream.” The gangster’s smile, and Gatsby’s smile by comparison, is part of “That smooth exterior, the gangster suggested, [that] could be a powerful tool for deceit. Walter Davenport’s description of a young robber’s smile that ‘disarmed’ reflected a common theme in portrayals of criminals” by the media (Ruth 79). Gatsby’s smile is part of the deceptive “smooth exterior” of his “personality,” that “unbroken series of successful gestures” that determine his success as a gangster (Fitzgerald 6), for also, as Ruth’s notion of the “invented gangster” suggests, the disarming deception of the “invented gangster” is successful if the self he invents successfully covers what he wants to hide—his socio-economic origins, ethnicity, and gangster identity.
Part of the smooth exterior is, of course, that Gatsby is white: Gatsby is an un-racialized “white” gangster working with and among ethnic Prohibition gangsters and white Wall Street bankers, brokers, and government officials: as such, he is an invisible as a gangster (though he is not quite so invisible in his claims to inherited wealth and an old moneyed family).
“Little Montenegro! He lifted up the words and nodded at them—with his smile. The smile comprehended Montenegro’s troubled history and sympathized with the brave struggles of the Montenegrin people. It appreciated this tribute from Montenegro’s warm little heart. My incredulity was submerged in a fascination now; it was like skimming hastily through a dozen magazines. “ (72)
“There was that smile again, but this time I held out against it. ‘I don’t like mysteries,’ I answered. ‘And I don’t understand why you won’t come out frankly and tell me what you want….‘Oh, it’s nothing underhand,’ he assured me." (77)
“I suppose he smiled at Cody—he had probably discovered that people liked him when he smiled. “ (100)
“ ‘You’re worth the whole damn bunch put together.’ I’ve always been glad I said that. It was the only compliment I ever gave him, because I disapproved of him from beginning to end. First he nodded politely, and then his face broke into that radiant and understanding smile, as if we’d been in ecstatic cahoots on that fact all that time.” (180)
[why disapprove of Gatsby unless he’s a gangster who has amassed his wealth illegally—if he’s cheated in his rags to riches rise up the crooked ladder?]
In creating the character of Jay Gatsby, F. Scott Fitzgerald created the first literary gangster. As such, Gatsby’s smile becomes the first gangster smile, an attractive and disarming smile that Gatsby learns to use as a weapon to disarm the people who will help him climb the crooked ladder as a gangster. Gatsby’s smile disarms the narrator of his life story, Nick Carraway, and in doing so contributes to Nick’s unreliability by charming Nick (as well as decades of readers) into romanticizing Gatsby as a lovelorn, tragic and heroic victim of a failed American Dream. For Gatsby can be and perhaps even remains all of these identities: tragic figure, victim, lover, Horatio Alger figure—but the overly sentimental reading that idealizes and romanticizes Gatsby, even as it occasionally doubts and disapproves, falls short and remains stuck in cliché and misreading unless it factors in Gatsby’s gangster identity—no easy interpretation as the gangster figure is more enigmatic than clichéd and stereotyped portrayals give him credit for. What has been the conventional, romanticized misreading overshadows a more compelling and complex reading of Gatsby as a real gangster (not just a front man for Meyer Wolfsheim’s syndicate and a small-time bootlegger and Wall Street swindler), and of the novel not only as the first literary gangster novel that we can realize as even more artfully and complexly crafted, further securing its place in the American Literature and modernist canons.
Women’s undergarments, such as petticoats, corsets and drawers, are referred to more commonly than we might expect by modernist writers. More often than not, the same undergarment resonates differently in the work of different writers. Members of Bloomsbury and their contemporaries were not only liberated by Lytton Strachey’s inquiry about the “semen?” on Vanessa Stephen’s dress as the gateway to discussing sex in mixed company, but also to discuss or write about other taboo subjects that were formerly unmentionable, such as unmentionables. In The Waste Land, T.S. Eliot’s voyeuristic narrator, Tiresias, describes a typist’s undergarments as “…drying combinations touched by the sun's last rays, / On the divan are piled (at night her bed) / Stockings, slippers, camisoles, and stays” (225-27). E.M. Forster describes the swishing sound made by Ruth Wilcox’s petticoats (a sound he purportedly abhorred he so associated it with femininity) when she walks in her garden in Howards End, and refers to the fetish of tight-lacing later in the novel. James Joyce eroticizes Gertie McDowell’s petticoat in Ulysses, salaciously turning a glimpse of flounce and ribbon trim into a peep show masturbatory fantasy. Virginia Woolf makes numerous references to drawers and petticoats in her diaries, letters and novels, the most notable being Doris Kilman’s purchase of a brown petticoat in Mrs. Dalloway. Is the liberating mention of petticoats and drawers in modernist women’s writing undermined when male contemporaries who, much like consumer capitalism, continue to fetishize them?
In this contribution, I will explore the meanings coded in undergarments in relation to the bodies that wear them, the body parts they cover or draw attention to, whether a desirable body or a shamed body, or a sexually repressed body. Perhaps more so than other apparel, undergarments function as sartorial objects that record and code changes—both symbolic and material—coincident with modernity and modern identity, particularly in terms of sexuality, sexual perversion, the sexual objectification of women, and class and gender identity. Much like sex and sexuality, one would like to believe that undergarments like the petticoat lost their taboo status when they became material and symbolic presences in literary texts. For example, being able to record the experience of losing one’s drawers—embarrassing social incidents experienced by both Virginia Woolf and Jean Rhys—suggests a liberating casting off of Victorian feminine decorum and female oppression, for which women’s undergarments (drawers, petticoats, corsets, etc.) functioned symbolically as gender shackles. Even though undergarments arguably become less taboo for women writers, the commodity fetishism caused by their mass-production and display in the marketplace reinscribes oppressive ideologies of Victorian femininity that mask the sexually repressive histories women’s undergarments are symbolic of, repackages those ideologies, sells them to women as fashion. Are we more or less surprised at Doris Kilman’s discombobulating experience shopping (publicly) for a brown petticoat in Mrs. Dalloway?
This paper will revisit Janet Wolff’s argument, made in “The Invisible Flâneuse: Women and the Literature of Modernity,” that the Flâneur can only be understood as a pre-20th century male figure and Flânerie limited to urban experiences of the male observer-writer. In light of recent scholarship that finds Wolff’s argument outdated and limited (and that begins where Deborah Parson’s work in Streetwalking the Metropolis ends), I will offer a reading of several works of late-19th and early 20th century literature—bookended by Baudelaire’s “A Une Passante” and Storm Jameson’s “A Day Off” and including novels by Collette, Dreiser, and Rhys—that chronicle the experiences of women engaged in urban practices typically gendered feminine that are not merely characteristic of what we might call female flânerie, but that also arguably created the conditions for the emergence of the urban Flâneuse. Such practices include, but are not limited to: various types of “street-walking”; window-shopping and other forms of sartorial observation and appraisal; female consumerism; the homelessness and vagrancy of the urban “kept woman”; and the paradoxical tension between the commodification of female identity and the two-way female gaze that both internalizes and critiques capitalist commodity culture and masculinist economies of exchange that oppress women. The central threads weaving together feminine experiences of the city include fashion, sartorial and commodity, and urban exchange economies that paradoxically and simultaneously include and exclude women from their circulations, as either producers or consumers. The observations and experiences of women living in cities—women who not only walked through and worked in the city, but who also observed urban spectacle and participated in the same aesthetic and social critique of the Flâneur—offer both a narrative and a critique of feminine experience of the modern city from women’s point of view.
A reexamination of Hemingway as a modern flaneur, as the journalist-writer as flaneur, especially viewed vis-a-vis his experiences in and writing about Italy, can contribute to our current understanding of the constructions of his commodified persona. What his writing reveals doesn’t so much conduct an unmasking of persona as much as it suggests that, like the flaneur, “his ability to perceive the world was accompanied by the inability of the world to perceive him” (74).
While this presentation will gesture broadly to the novels of such Harlem Renaissance writers as Jessie Redmon Fauset, Walter White, James Weldon Johnson, and Nella Larsen, it will offer more specific close readings of James Weldon Johnson’s use of genre-bending, irony, and reverse minstrelsy in Autobiography of an Ex-Coloured Man, and Nella Larsen’s sartorial coding of sexual desire, degrees of consciousness represented by an unreliable internal monologue, and use or irony in Passing. Ironical narrative stances, much like Weldon Johnson’s in Autobiography, offer fictionalized historical exempla to demonstrate how the passing subject critiques the sartorially performative practices that commodify whiteness in the first place. Ultimately, Harlem Renaissance authors who wrote about passing transformed the conventional novel form into a subversive, experimental critique of both racism and racial essentialism. It will be the work of this paper to show how the passing subject’s use of dress becomes a form of sartorial re-appropriation in which sartorial signifiers critique simplistic binary understandings of racial identity and expose the fetishizing of whiteness in the early twentieth-century—a process that includes what I refer to as the “mannequinization of whiteness”—in American commodity culture by both “black” and “white” consumer subjects.