Papers by Taberez A Neyazi
The relationship between media and politics has been an important topic of study in social scienc... more The relationship between media and politics has been an important topic of study in social science literature. The focus of media and politics has been to analyze the influence of media on politics and how a particular political system affects the ways media function. The field of media and politics known as political communication is dominated by a strong empirical tradition in the United States and Europe, along with the existence of qualitative tradition. However, in the case of South Asia, the study of the relationship between media and politics has primarily been preoccupied by qualitative literature with a very few quantitative studies available on the subject. The field of media and politics could best be conceptualised as the study of the relationship between media actors—journalists and media owners, political actors (candidates and political parties), and a diverse public. In the South Asian context, it is important to recognize the diversities that inform the relationship of media and politics at various levels: linguistic, ethnic, and regional diversities are the most prominent ones, while also taking into account the existence of subnational identities within a particular nation. For example, India has twenty-two officially recognized languages and newspapers and news television are available in almost all the official languages. These diversities make it difficult for the media to have an impact beyond the specific audience. Hence, it is not easy to study the agenda-setting power of the media when audiences are fragmented along linguistic lines and exposed to diverse sources of information. Although freedom of the press has been protected legally in most South Asian countries, repression and attacks on freedom of speech are regularly reported. The Freedom House report of 2015, which monitors press freedom globally, dubs all South Asian countries in terms of press freedom as “not free,” except for India, which is labelled as “partly free.” Given these backgrounds and nuances, the study of media and politics in South Asia is marked not only by complexities, but also by a lack of scholarship on the subject as compared to other regions of the world. Even within South Asia, most of the literature on media and politics deals largely with India. The reason stems perhaps from the dominant position of India within the South Asian region, but it could also be attributed to the mostly authoritarian nature of political systems in all South Asian countries except for India.
Early research in western contexts finds evidence of online participation leading to political en... more Early research in western contexts finds evidence of online participation leading to political engagement. We test this hypothesis in a nonwestern campaign context. We discuss India's complex " hybrid media system, " political parties, leaders, and issues in the 2014 national election that saw more use of digital information channels by all parties, and more so by the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the young Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) than the incumbent Indian National Congress (INC). We hypothesize that online engagement and, specifically, sharing of campaign information is a significant predictor of political engagement in the campaigns of each of these three parties. Our dependent variable is a scale of engagement in campaign activities. Independent variables include campaign interest, issue salience, exposure to outdoor party publicity, attention to political information in various traditional media, party contact and sharing information with others (both measured face-to-face and electronically), and controlling for age, gender, and education. Our models, based on survey data from Delhi, Bengaluru, and Mumbai, show that party contact, sharing campaign information, and campaign interest are significant predictors of engagement while the other items vary in terms of significance.
ABSTRACT Since the structural change in Indian society that began in the 1990s - the result of th... more ABSTRACT Since the structural change in Indian society that began in the 1990s - the result of the liberalisation of the economy, devolution of power, and decentralisation of the government–an unprecedented, democratic transformation has been taking place. This has caused the emergence of unexpected coalitions and alliances across diverse castes, classes, and religious groups according to the issues involved. In this volume, we intend to understand this deepening of democracy by employing a new analytical framework of the 'vernacular public arena' where negotiations, dialogues, debates, and contestations occur among 'vernacular publics'. This reflects the profound changes in Indian democracy as diverse social groups, including dalits, adivasis, and Other Backward Classes; minorities, women; individuals from rural areas, towns, and cities; the poor and the new middle classes–the 'vernacular publics'–participate in new ways in India’s public life. This participation is not confined to electoral politics, but has extended to the public arenas in which these groups have begun to raise their voice publicly and to negotiate and engage in dialogue with each other and the wider world. Contributors demonstrate that the participation of vernacular publics has resulted in the broadening of Indian democracy itself which focuses on the ways of governance, improving people’s lives, life chances, and living environments. An original, comprehensive study that furthers our understanding of the unfolding political dynamism and the complex reshuffling and reassembling taking place in Indian society and politics, this book will be relevant to academics with an interest in South Asian Studies from a variety of disciplines, including Political Science, Sociology, Anthropology, and Media Studies.
Economic and political weekly
Political Studies Review, 2015
Political Studies Review, 2013
Political Studies Review, 2014
Contemporary South Asia, 2013
ABSTRACT The role of media has already been recognized in the process of democratization and ensu... more ABSTRACT The role of media has already been recognized in the process of democratization and ensuring the survival of democracy. Studies have highlighted positive impacts of news media on increasing political participation and political discussion. With a few exceptions, most of these studies are concerned with the developed countries. The relationship between media and democratization has not received significant academic attention in the case of developing countries. Moreover, despite the importance of media in a democracy, there is hardly any study that systematically studies the role of media in influencing political participation and democratic deepening in the context of world’s largest democracy. This study makes the necessary intervention in the field of political communication by analyzing the role of vernacular media in the deepening of India’s democracy. India is a classic example whereby democracy has not only survived but it has also been consolidated with the entry of hitherto marginalized sections of society, who in the conventional theories of democratization, were considered to be ill-equipped for adjusting to democratic functioning. India’s recent economic growth also disproves the commonly held belief that got established through the experiences of East Asian countries that authoritarian regimes are needed in order to achieve rapid growth. The main hypothesis of my current research argues that vernacular media have played a key role in the process of the deepening of India’s democracy. The English media, which were mostly confined to the urban and English educated sections of society, could not play an effective role in the grass roots mobilization that started in the 1980s. The media revolution, which began with the unprecedented growth of Indian-language newspapers since the 1980s went parallel with the greater mobilization of Indian masses in north India. The rise of vernacular political elites who were spearheading the plebian politics proved instrumental for an increasing role of vernacular media in regional and national politics. The vernacular media provided a platform to the emerging political leaders of north India to raise their voice in the public arena. While explaining the mechanisms of the deepening of Indian democracy, my paper compares the experience of the states of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh in northern India with that of Kerala and Tamil Nadu in southern India. The findings help in understanding the political role of the media in developing countries and contribute to theorizing the relationship between media and democracy.
This chapter analyzes the role of the news media in influencing political participation and democ... more This chapter analyzes the role of the news media in influencing political participation and democratic deepening in the world’s largest democracy. It uses the concept of democratic deepening beyond the participation of marginalized groups in electoral politics and expands its definition by including the participation of these groups and the ordinary publics in the process of democratic transformation as well as in public arena activities. The chapter shows that the idea of the news media as providers of information for individual citizens is only one way of thinking about their political role and newspapers can also play the role of mobilizer of social groups.
This chapter analyzes the role of the news media in influencing political participation and democ... more This chapter analyzes the role of the news media in influencing political participation and democratic deepening in the world’s largest democracy. It uses the concept of democratic deepening beyond the participation of marginalized groups in electoral politics and expands its definition by including the participation of these groups and the ordinary publics in the process of democratic transformation as well as in public arena activities. The chapter shows that the idea of the news media as providers of information for individual citizens is only one way of thinking about their political role and newspapers can also play the role of mobilizer of social groups.
In this article, we have sought to develop a theoretical framework for understanding the “mediati... more In this article, we have sought to develop a theoretical framework for understanding the “mediatization” of politics that is of general applicability while seeking to apply that framework to India, thereby extending the reach of the concept geographically beyond the West. Theoretically, we reject the idea that media logic and political logic are involved in a zero-sum game (where less of one necessarily means more
of the other) and instead develop a framework that investigates how commercial, political, and professional logics interact in competitive and complementary ways dependent upon prevailing circumstances and configurations. In the classic argument of mediatization, growing commercial logic sees a consequent falling away of political (or electoral) logic. Our argument is that it is not an either/or but rather a both/
and scenario where mediatization and politization of television can go hand in hand. These logics interact in a complex fashion; at times they are complementary, at other times they are competitive. In the rapid development of Indian media, media have become commercialized, regionalized, and vernacularized. Political elites still attempt to maintain control in direct and indirect partisan and indeed in networked
media systems. New pragmatic entrepreneurs have emerged with decidedly dubious records and with twin goals of maximizing their economic and political power. At the same time, there is a trend toward journalism that works in the public interest rather than those of narrow regional and/or national elites.
This chapter analyses the unprecedented democratic transformation that is currently taking place ... more This chapter analyses the unprecedented democratic transformation that is currently taking place in India. The study employs the new analytical framework of the "vernacular public arena," in which negotiations, dialogues, debates, and contestations occur among diverse “vernacular publics.” We reflect on the profound changes in Indian democracy as diverse social groups, including dalits, adivasis, and Other Backward Classes; minorities; women; individuals from rural areas, towns, and cities; the poor and the new middle classes, whom we call vernacular publics, participate in new ways and have become much more active in India’s public life. The diverse character of Indian society has begun to more completely manifest its political potentiality. A plethora of social groups and individuals are increasingly raising their voices from their various subject positions to reshuffle the public order of things, demanding that the universalist framework of public citizenship reflect not only the overarching rationality and efficiency but also the diverse needs, interests, and concerns of the vernacular multitudes. The vernacular public arena is thus the expanding space of socio-political negotiation and interaction in which diverse groups and individuals raise their vernacular voices to reassemble and redefine the public.
In this article, we have sought to develop a theoretical framework for understanding the
“mediati... more In this article, we have sought to develop a theoretical framework for understanding the
“mediatization” of politics that is of general applicability while seeking to apply that
framework to India, thereby extending the reach of the concept geographically beyond
the West. Theoretically, we reject the idea that media logic and political logic are
involved in a zero-sum game (where less of one necessarily means more of the other)
and instead develop a framework that investigates how commercial, political, and
professional logics interact in competitive and complementary ways dependent upon
prevailing circumstances and configurations. In the classic argument of mediatization,
growing commercial logic sees a consequent falling away of political (or electoral) logic.
Our argument is that it is not an either/or but rather a both/and scenario where
mediatization and politization of television can go hand in hand. These logics interact in
a complex fashion; at times they are complementary, at other times they are
competitive. In the rapid development of Indian media, media have become
commercialized, regionalized, and vernacularized. Political elites still attempt to
maintain control in direct and indirect partisan and indeed in networked media systems.
New pragmatic entrepreneurs have emerged with decidedly dubious records and with
twin goals of maximizing their economic and political power. At the same time, there is a
trend toward journalism that works in the public interest rather than those of narrow
regional and/or national elites.
Uploads
Papers by Taberez A Neyazi
of the other) and instead develop a framework that investigates how commercial, political, and professional logics interact in competitive and complementary ways dependent upon prevailing circumstances and configurations. In the classic argument of mediatization, growing commercial logic sees a consequent falling away of political (or electoral) logic. Our argument is that it is not an either/or but rather a both/
and scenario where mediatization and politization of television can go hand in hand. These logics interact in a complex fashion; at times they are complementary, at other times they are competitive. In the rapid development of Indian media, media have become commercialized, regionalized, and vernacularized. Political elites still attempt to maintain control in direct and indirect partisan and indeed in networked
media systems. New pragmatic entrepreneurs have emerged with decidedly dubious records and with twin goals of maximizing their economic and political power. At the same time, there is a trend toward journalism that works in the public interest rather than those of narrow regional and/or national elites.
“mediatization” of politics that is of general applicability while seeking to apply that
framework to India, thereby extending the reach of the concept geographically beyond
the West. Theoretically, we reject the idea that media logic and political logic are
involved in a zero-sum game (where less of one necessarily means more of the other)
and instead develop a framework that investigates how commercial, political, and
professional logics interact in competitive and complementary ways dependent upon
prevailing circumstances and configurations. In the classic argument of mediatization,
growing commercial logic sees a consequent falling away of political (or electoral) logic.
Our argument is that it is not an either/or but rather a both/and scenario where
mediatization and politization of television can go hand in hand. These logics interact in
a complex fashion; at times they are complementary, at other times they are
competitive. In the rapid development of Indian media, media have become
commercialized, regionalized, and vernacularized. Political elites still attempt to
maintain control in direct and indirect partisan and indeed in networked media systems.
New pragmatic entrepreneurs have emerged with decidedly dubious records and with
twin goals of maximizing their economic and political power. At the same time, there is a
trend toward journalism that works in the public interest rather than those of narrow
regional and/or national elites.
of the other) and instead develop a framework that investigates how commercial, political, and professional logics interact in competitive and complementary ways dependent upon prevailing circumstances and configurations. In the classic argument of mediatization, growing commercial logic sees a consequent falling away of political (or electoral) logic. Our argument is that it is not an either/or but rather a both/
and scenario where mediatization and politization of television can go hand in hand. These logics interact in a complex fashion; at times they are complementary, at other times they are competitive. In the rapid development of Indian media, media have become commercialized, regionalized, and vernacularized. Political elites still attempt to maintain control in direct and indirect partisan and indeed in networked
media systems. New pragmatic entrepreneurs have emerged with decidedly dubious records and with twin goals of maximizing their economic and political power. At the same time, there is a trend toward journalism that works in the public interest rather than those of narrow regional and/or national elites.
“mediatization” of politics that is of general applicability while seeking to apply that
framework to India, thereby extending the reach of the concept geographically beyond
the West. Theoretically, we reject the idea that media logic and political logic are
involved in a zero-sum game (where less of one necessarily means more of the other)
and instead develop a framework that investigates how commercial, political, and
professional logics interact in competitive and complementary ways dependent upon
prevailing circumstances and configurations. In the classic argument of mediatization,
growing commercial logic sees a consequent falling away of political (or electoral) logic.
Our argument is that it is not an either/or but rather a both/and scenario where
mediatization and politization of television can go hand in hand. These logics interact in
a complex fashion; at times they are complementary, at other times they are
competitive. In the rapid development of Indian media, media have become
commercialized, regionalized, and vernacularized. Political elites still attempt to
maintain control in direct and indirect partisan and indeed in networked media systems.
New pragmatic entrepreneurs have emerged with decidedly dubious records and with
twin goals of maximizing their economic and political power. At the same time, there is a
trend toward journalism that works in the public interest rather than those of narrow
regional and/or national elites.