Tony Tai-Ting Liu
I am an Assistant Professor in the Center for General Education / Graduate Institute of International Politics, National Chung Hsing University (Taiwan). I am also affiliated with the Advanced Research Center for Humanities and Social Sciences, the Center for Contemporary China Studies, and the Center for Comprehensive Japan and Korea Studies at National Chung Hsing University. My research interests include International Relations Theory, International Political Economy, East Asia International Relations, Chinese Foreign Policy and Japanese Foreign Policy. I held previous teaching and research positions in Taiwan (Tamkang University), the US (Stimson Center), Japan (The University of Tokyo), Australia (Australian Catholic University), and Germany (University of Tuebingen).
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Thus, firstly, the chapter details the dynamism and the predicaments of Beijing’s interactions with the region during the Cold War. Secondly, by identifying the main drivers of the current strategy, this study assesses the post-Cold War dynamics of Sino-Latin American relations. Such an examination provides the background for evaluating the likely future trajectories of China’s involvement in the region.
Papers
This article discusses China’s maritime science strategy and policy development in the Xi Jinping period. With a long shoreline and dependent on maritime commerce, China has traditionally emphasized the ocean. After the Eighteenth’s CCP National Congress, China formally adopted the national strategy of pursuing maritime power. Xi Jinping has not only mentioned such aspiration as part of the “Two One Hundreds” and the China Dream, but has repeatedly emphasized China’s ambition in a number of statements and official documents. Chinese ambition spanned the development of maritime economics, protection of maritime ecology, ocean science and maintenance of maritime rights. Correspondingly, China is also strengthening its capability to construct icebreakers that are favorable for the exploration of new sea routes and excavation of crude oil and natural gas.
In light of fifty years of normalization between Canada and China, this article reviews the development of bilateral relations of the two countries over the past half century and examines the recent transformations in Canada-China relations. As one of the first countries to engage China during the Cold War period, Canada and the People’s Republic of China have enjoyed a long period of friendly relations. However, with the heightening of US-China competition since 2016, the gap in values implicated Canada as well by protruding the values divide between Ottawa and Beijing, which are reflected on the issues of Xinjiang and Hong Kong in turn. The COVID-19 pandemic has not mitigated the situation, but rather pushed Canada and China towards further antagonism. Besides reviewing bilateral relations, this article also considers the potential development and challenges of Canada-China relations.
Thus, firstly, the chapter details the dynamism and the predicaments of Beijing’s interactions with the region during the Cold War. Secondly, by identifying the main drivers of the current strategy, this study assesses the post-Cold War dynamics of Sino-Latin American relations. Such an examination provides the background for evaluating the likely future trajectories of China’s involvement in the region.
This article discusses China’s maritime science strategy and policy development in the Xi Jinping period. With a long shoreline and dependent on maritime commerce, China has traditionally emphasized the ocean. After the Eighteenth’s CCP National Congress, China formally adopted the national strategy of pursuing maritime power. Xi Jinping has not only mentioned such aspiration as part of the “Two One Hundreds” and the China Dream, but has repeatedly emphasized China’s ambition in a number of statements and official documents. Chinese ambition spanned the development of maritime economics, protection of maritime ecology, ocean science and maintenance of maritime rights. Correspondingly, China is also strengthening its capability to construct icebreakers that are favorable for the exploration of new sea routes and excavation of crude oil and natural gas.
In light of fifty years of normalization between Canada and China, this article reviews the development of bilateral relations of the two countries over the past half century and examines the recent transformations in Canada-China relations. As one of the first countries to engage China during the Cold War period, Canada and the People’s Republic of China have enjoyed a long period of friendly relations. However, with the heightening of US-China competition since 2016, the gap in values implicated Canada as well by protruding the values divide between Ottawa and Beijing, which are reflected on the issues of Xinjiang and Hong Kong in turn. The COVID-19 pandemic has not mitigated the situation, but rather pushed Canada and China towards further antagonism. Besides reviewing bilateral relations, this article also considers the potential development and challenges of Canada-China relations.
Corresponding to China’s proposal of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013, Japan seems to have turned its attention to Eurasia again. As China pushed forward the BRI, besides balancing China through the Central Asia plus Japan dialogue, Japan has also responded with state visits, official development assistance, and bilateral and multilateral cooperation to check China’s influence. This article departs from the so called “New Great Game” in Eurasia and discusses Japan’s Eurasia policy. By reviewing Japan’s actions in Central Asia and the Indo-Pacific regions in recent years, this article attempts to demonstrate how Japan participates in the New Great Game by adopting a strategy that emphasizes both the sea and the land. Four parts make up the article. Part one discusses the New Great Game, establishing the context for part two’s discussion on Japan’s Eurasia policy. Part three then discusses Japan’s strategic response to the BRI. Finally, part four looks at the future prospects of Japan’s international strategy.
In recent years, following the gradual establishment of domestic stability in Thailand and efforts devoted towards Thailand 4.0 and the Eastern Economic Corridor, the strategic value of Thailand increased markedly, indirectly making Thailand into an important regional actor that both China and Taiwan vie for. Whether in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy (NSP), Thailand reserves a significant status. Noting Cross-strait relations, this article examines the realization of China and Taiwan’s respective strategies, namely the BRI and the NSP, in Thailand. After the introduction, part two briefly discusses the development of economic integration in the Asia Pacific. Part three carries out a comparative analysis regarding the content and goals of the BRI and NSP. Parts four and five examine the respective realization of the BRI and NSP in Thailand. Through the examination of Cross-strait competition in Thailand, this article seeks to describe both Chinese and Taiwanese efforts and accomplishments in public diplomacy.
作者條理分明地從一系列不同觀點剖析全球政治,每章皆加入創新的元素,協助讀者學習:
「全球政治行動」—透過對世界事務中重大事件的說明,探究隱藏在新聞內容背後的重要意義。
「全球行為者」—關注從Google到G-20等世界舞台上重要行為者的本質和重要性。
歸納整理不同理論途徑與重要辯論,啟發讀者進行深度思考。
透過照片和生平簡介來介紹形塑全球政治的重要理論家及其思想。
區域主義在後冷戰時期脫離傳統地緣因素的規範,透過橫跨區域、放寬合作議題、加入不同行為者等多元面貌出現,對國際關係造成重要影響。在區域主義如火如荼展開時,東北亞在周邊整合的壓力下開始思考合作的可能性,既使現實挑戰依然艱鉅。許多區域合作構想雖然曾在冷戰結束初期出現,部分計畫因各國向心力不足、缺乏完善計畫等問題而停擺,最終黯然退場。然而全球貿易自由化和區域化的壓力迫使各國不得不找尋突破僵局的方法。對於區域合作,東北亞目前已重新啟動圖們江地區的經濟整合行動,並在同時透過東協推動合作,以跨區域的方式覓得協商交流的平台。本研究將探討東北亞區域合作發展在國際與區域兩股力量的作用下如何成形。