Ottoman History by Bart Severi
While the role of dragomans, language and translation in the diplomatic process is seemingly well... more While the role of dragomans, language and translation in the diplomatic process is seemingly well-researched, there remain substantial research opportunities in this domain, as this paper will demonstrate.
Building on original archival research, this paper will illustrate the naive attitude of Habsburg monarchs and diplomats towards both the dragomans and the translation process itself. More substantially than their European peers, they confided in the Ottoman dragomans. In the Habsburg administration, unclear translations or deliberate errors often led to confusion, detrimental to diplomatic success. Indicative of this attitude, Ottoman language skills were not at all a prerequisite during the selection process of a new diplomat.
Slowly, throughout the sixteenth century, this all changed, mainly thanks to the actions of some individuals. Some of these formulated strategic proposals, others took forceful action without consulting the Emperor.
This paper will demonstrate the intricate mechanism of diplomacy through (mis)translation and will lay bare the causes of Habsburg diplomatic failures and successes in the 16th century. It will show the reader how, at the background of a maturing diplomatic practice, a more critical attitude towards dragomans developed. Elaborating on how the Habsburg diplomatic presence in the Ottoman Empire used its network to diminish their dependence on dragomans, it will also show how the Porte resisted, sometimes leading to torture and murder of Habsburg intermediaries.
Finally, the paper will succinctly describe how the Habsburgs evolved from first hiring dragomans of the other European embassies and subsequently recruiting Levantine dragomans, while successfully pressuring the Sublime Porte to accept them as an integral part of diplomatic procedures. It will also shed new light on the mid-16th-century Habsburg attempts of educating 'Sprachknaben' in Istanbul, very shortly after similar actions were taken by the Venetians, the Poles and the French.
The formal recognition of crucial legal diplomatic concepts such as extraterritoriality in the se... more The formal recognition of crucial legal diplomatic concepts such as extraterritoriality in the seventeenth century, owes much to the intense and lasting confrontation between Christendom and the Ottoman Empire of the sixteenth century.
In Istanbul, at the Ottoman Court, naturally the dominant starting position during negotiations fell to the Ottoman diplomatic party. They defined the limits of conduct and the price of diplomatic success. On the whole, they played host to the representatives of their enemies. While the legal framework to ensure their safety was still non-existent, these diplomats were put in a very vulnerable position. Meanwhile, thousands of 'turcica' promoted an antagonistic image of the Turk throughout Europe.
Given these parameters, one might expect that there was little or no room for the free development of diplomatic culture or a mutual influence. Yet, it is precisely in these contacts that diplomatic practice slowly evolved into an agent of change that allowed cross-cultural exchanges.
Focussing on the Habsburg diplomats, this paper will demonstrate how the moderate stance that they took during their stay in the Ottoman Empire, was a key factor in this evolution. They sought out compromises, cleverly adapted themselves to the wishes of the Ottomans and consequently gained a reputation that was favourable to diplomatic relations. Often, the result was that they were succesful on a diplomatic level.
However, that strategy was not without risk: their attitude contradicted both official Habsburg policy and popular opinion. The diplomats mitigated that risk by keeping the antagonistic image intact in their official correspondence. Not surprisingly, perhaps, the well-known stereotypes of the terrible Turk only surfaced shortly after diplomatic failures.
Although many Habsburg diplomats remained locked inside an antagonistic view, others developed genuinely amiable relations with Ottoman officials, during and after conducting official negotiations. Together with their Ottoman counterparts, they thus implicitly created a playing field that was free of zealous stereotyping and that allowed the conduct of diplomacy on neutral terms.
Of course, these moderate diplomats did not truly close the gap between the enemies. Before their mission, they were fearful; afterwards, they qualified it as an important step towards victory of Christendom over Islam. Although they briefly bridged it during their mission, they too perpetuated the dichotomy between cultures.
This contradiction is clearly visible in all facets of the diplomatic relations. For example, the diplomats and their fellow-travellers were strongly attracted to the ancient relics on Ottoman territories. But at the same time they lamented the Ottomans' neglect of these treasures.
Another fine illustration is the practice of gift-giving, an integral part of early modern diplomacy. While the Habsburgs considered the Ottomans greedy and corrupt, they made sure everyone who might be beneficial to their cause would receive a gift. More often than not, the diplomats inaccurately assessed the influence of the receiver. The Habsburgs also attributed an eccentric taste to the Ottoman court officials and accordingly commissioned striking, even weird gifts. The taste of the Habsburg emperors was no less eccentric, though. At times, diplomatic contacts in Istanbul only served to exchange luxury goods between both courts, where the diplomats and the Ottoman officials functioned as cultural intermediators.
This paper sheds new light on the diplomats from the Low Countries, sent by the Habsburg rulers t... more This paper sheds new light on the diplomats from the Low Countries, sent by the Habsburg rulers to the Sublime Porte throughout the 16th century.
Some of them have become well-known, others were unjustly forgotten. They are Corneille de Schepper, Gerard Veltwijck, Ogier de Busbecq, Albert de Wijs, Karel Rijm and Philibert de Bruxelles.
It reveals the diplomatic and non-diplomatic activities they pursued and the innovative role in the professionalization of diplomatic practice they played.
This document contains a list of travelers and the relevant accounts, painstakingly composed whil... more This document contains a list of travelers and the relevant accounts, painstakingly composed while researching Habsburg-Ottoman diplomatic relations. It is presented without any guarantee on completeness. On the other hand, it might contain some value, since it digs up some previously unknown or lesser known travel accounts.
Previously unpublished work, Jul 28, 2015
A list of all envoys and residents sent by Charles V, Ferdinand, Maximilian II and Rudolf II to t... more A list of all envoys and residents sent by Charles V, Ferdinand, Maximilian II and Rudolf II to the Ottoman sultans. Compiled from original archival research in Vienna, Rome and Brussels.
Extract from PhD research, based on original archival research, Aug 2, 2015
Analysis of the intricate selection process of envoys, couriers and resident diplomats of the Hab... more Analysis of the intricate selection process of envoys, couriers and resident diplomats of the Habsburg monarchs to the Ottoman Empire. Although far from a strict procedure, candidates were chosen throughout the century based on a handful of criteria.
This paper describes the process and the factors that had an impact on it. The paper shows how Ottoman preference towards certain diplomatic competences and the trust placed in the dragomans directly and indirectly changed the selection process. It also demonstrates how Hungarian magnates struggled to strengthen their influence on Habsburg-Ottoman diplomacy. Lastly, it describes which measures were taken to cope with the chronic shortage of suitable candidates.
Akten des internationalen Kongresses zum 150-jährigen Bestehen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Wien, 22.-25. September 2004, 2005
This paper focuses on one particular aspect of political and cultural contacts between the Ottoma... more This paper focuses on one particular aspect of political and cultural contacts between the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires that has received little attention, namely the representation of 16th century Habsburg embassies during their stay abroad. This element is closely linked with the way in which the Habsburg rulers saw themselves and vigorously tried to create an image of their monarchy.
The first impression of a prince, as Machiavelli pointed out in his 'De principatibus', is determined by the impression one gets from the men in his environment. At least in the 16th century, this adage was incessantly applied by Habsburg rulers in maintaining diplomatic contacts with other monarchs. Not only did they instruct their envoys to pay a great deal of attention to this aspect of their mission, but also the envoys exerted themselves to maintain their ruler's 'réputation', both visually and verbally.
Recent research has shown that a cultural interpretation of diplomacy can shed light on the way in which two radically different cultures interacted. Christian Windler has successfully applied this model of interpretation to the 18th century relations between France and Algiers. Diplomacy is here seen as an element of representation of the State, of its values, its monarch and its culture and the diplomats as the more important actors in this process. The great value attached to reputation and physical appearance by both the Ottomans and the Habsburgs must be understood within the context of a slowly evolving modus vivendi of diplomatic relations wherein, in this century, no rules or protocol had been set and wherein both parties tried to enforce new regulations and modes of conduct.
The paper reflects upon the cultural relevance of representation, using examples from 16th century Habsburg embassies in the Ottoman Empire. Aspects which are discussed are the material equipment of Habsburg envoys (clothing, horses, gifts, etc), the verbal communication (the envoy's oratio for example), conflicts over formal hierarchy with both Ottoman dignitaries and Christian colleagues and, finally, iconographic material. All these aspects were equally important for rulers and diplomats to create an image of the embassy in particular and the relations between the Emperor and the Sultan in general. By interpreting its place in Early Modern culture, the lecture also tries to show the historical relevance of the discussed themes and offer a broader view on the subject, together with outlining some possible thoughts for future research.
Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 2000
This study concerns itself with the first Imperial Envoy Gerard Veltwijck (ca. 1500—1555), who ne... more This study concerns itself with the first Imperial Envoy Gerard Veltwijck (ca. 1500—1555), who negotiated with the Ottoman Sultan Süleymān. Using newly discovered as well as recently published sources, it will focus on the part this diplomat of Charles V played in the negotiations with the Sublime Porte and on the considerable problems the French King and his representatives in Istanbul experienced during the talks. The Most Christian King thus became a victim of his ambivalent foreign policy while his alliance with the Sultan experienced a severe crisis. Finally, this study tries to demonstrate the impact of a diplomatic sojourn in the Levant for the envoy, as such a mission was very often followed by a considerable and far from only financial reward.
A. Servantie & R. Puig de la Bellacasa (eds), L'Empire ottoman dans l'Europe de la Renaissance / El Imperio Otomano en la Europa renacentista, 2005
Ramón Puig de la Bellacasa et Bart Severi, dans leur article bilingue et travaillé, 'Érasme de Ro... more Ramón Puig de la Bellacasa et Bart Severi, dans leur article bilingue et travaillé, 'Érasme de Rotterdam et Juan Luis Vives: le conflit avec les Turcs, critique et justifications de la guerre - Erasmo de Rotterdam y Juan Luis Vives: el conflicto con los Turcos, crítica y justificaciones de la guerre', commentent sur les textes de Luis Vives (De Europae dissidiis et bello turco et De conditione vitae christianorum sub turca) et d’Érasme (Dulce bellum inexpertis et Utilissima consultatio de bello turcis inferendo) et révèlent les transformations dans leur réflexions dans le contexte de la brisure de respublica cristiana à la première moitié du XVIe siècle. (Güneş Işıksel, Turcica 38 (2006) 374-376)
Unpublished master thesis, 2000
Extensive research paper on Charles V's imperial envoy Gerard Veltwijck's missions to the Ottoman... more Extensive research paper on Charles V's imperial envoy Gerard Veltwijck's missions to the Ottoman Empire. It reconstructs the missions themselves, the itinerary, the preparations and the rewards. It makes use of original research of Belgian and Austrian archives.
Early Modern Europe by Bart Severi
A short but thorough analysis and interpretation of the liber amicorum of a 16th century Dutch ci... more A short but thorough analysis and interpretation of the liber amicorum of a 16th century Dutch civil servant, cherishing the friendship of peers and humanists in Leiden and elsewhere.
Archival Science by Bart Severi
Archives Without Borders: Proceedings of the International Congress in The Hague, August 30-31, 2010, 2012
This presentation will illustrate the role that archival legislation plays in the ongoing state r... more This presentation will illustrate the role that archival legislation plays in the ongoing state reform of Belgium. It will demonstrate the difficulties that typically adhere to creating new legislation on archives in this country – a legal matter that since the past few decades lies scattered across the various political entities of the state. As the presentation will show, writing archival legislation in a federal state is a task far from easy due to incongruity between archival and legal principles. Creating archival legislation in Belgium shows the difficulties connected with the aforesaid jurisdictional demarcation.
Despite all this, nearly all parties involved acknowledge that the current initiative of the Flemish Government to write a new law on archives is a textbook example of good lawmaking. In the course of writing, the main intent was to create a modern framework for public bodies.
Archives Without Borders: Proceedings of the International Congress in The Hague, August 30-31, 2010, 2012
Sinds de zomer van 2010 beschikt Vlaanderen over een eigen moderne regelgeving die het openbare a... more Sinds de zomer van 2010 beschikt Vlaanderen over een eigen moderne regelgeving die het openbare archiefwezen
regelt, ter vervanging van de federale archiefwet. Alle instanties die onder het decreet vallen – de zorgdragers – krijgen nieuwe mogelijkheden om hun informatiehuishouding te optimaliseren. Een van de meest zichtbare verbeteringen is het nieuwe mechanisme om de bewaartermijn van archiefdocumenten vast te leggen. De decreetgever maakt betere, overkoepelende afspraken over welke zorgdrager welke archiefdocumenten moet bewaren bij ketenprocessen, die verschillende bestuursniveaus dooraderen. Ook de maatschappij heeft hierbij baat: de recht- en informatiezoekende burger krijgt ruimere toegangsmogelijkheden tot archiefdocumenten en hij zal ook
eenvoudiger kunnen nagaan waar welke archiefdocumenten te vinden zijn.
Wie klasseert, die vindt. Document- en archiefbeheer in besturen en organisaties, 2011
An overview of the new legislation on public archives in Flanders.
Papers by Bart Severi
This paper sheds new light on the diplomats from the Low Countries, sent by the Habsburg rulers t... more This paper sheds new light on the diplomats from the Low Countries, sent by the Habsburg rulers to the Sublime Porte throughout the 16th century. Some of them have become well-known, others were unjustly forgotten. They are Corneille de Schepper, Gerard Veltwijck, Ogier de Busbecq, Albert de Wijs, Karel Rijm and Philibert de Bruxelles. It reveals the diplomatic and non-diplomatic activities they pursued and the innovative role in the professionalization of diplomatic practice they played.
Analysis of the intricate selection process of envoys, couriers and resident diplomats of the Hab... more Analysis of the intricate selection process of envoys, couriers and resident diplomats of the Habsburg monarchs to the Ottoman Empire. Although far from a strict procedure, candidates were chosen throughout the century based on a handful of criteria. This paper describes the process and the factors that had an impact on it. The paper shows how Ottoman preference towards certain diplomatic competences and the trust placed in the dragomans directly and indirectly changed the selection process. It also demonstrates how Hungarian magnates struggled to strengthen their influence on Habsburg-Ottoman diplomacy. Lastly, it describes which measures were taken to cope with the chronic shortage of suitable candidates.
Ramón Puig de la Bellacasa et Bart Severi, dans leur article bilingue et travaillé, 'Éras... more Ramón Puig de la Bellacasa et Bart Severi, dans leur article bilingue et travaillé, 'Érasme de Rotterdam et Juan Luis Vives: le conflit avec les Turcs, critique et justifications de la guerre - Erasmo de Rotterdam y Juan Luis Vives: el conflicto con los Turcos, crítica y justificaciones de la guerre', commentent sur les textes de Luis Vives (De Europae dissidiis et bello turco et De conditione vitae christianorum sub turca) et d’Érasme (Dulce bellum inexpertis et Utilissima consultatio de bello turcis inferendo) et révèlent les transformations dans leur réflexions dans le contexte de la brisure de respublica cristiana à la première moitié du XVIe siècle. (Güneş Işıksel, Turcica 38 (2006) 374-376)
Acta Orientalia, Mar 14, 2015
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Ottoman History by Bart Severi
Building on original archival research, this paper will illustrate the naive attitude of Habsburg monarchs and diplomats towards both the dragomans and the translation process itself. More substantially than their European peers, they confided in the Ottoman dragomans. In the Habsburg administration, unclear translations or deliberate errors often led to confusion, detrimental to diplomatic success. Indicative of this attitude, Ottoman language skills were not at all a prerequisite during the selection process of a new diplomat.
Slowly, throughout the sixteenth century, this all changed, mainly thanks to the actions of some individuals. Some of these formulated strategic proposals, others took forceful action without consulting the Emperor.
This paper will demonstrate the intricate mechanism of diplomacy through (mis)translation and will lay bare the causes of Habsburg diplomatic failures and successes in the 16th century. It will show the reader how, at the background of a maturing diplomatic practice, a more critical attitude towards dragomans developed. Elaborating on how the Habsburg diplomatic presence in the Ottoman Empire used its network to diminish their dependence on dragomans, it will also show how the Porte resisted, sometimes leading to torture and murder of Habsburg intermediaries.
Finally, the paper will succinctly describe how the Habsburgs evolved from first hiring dragomans of the other European embassies and subsequently recruiting Levantine dragomans, while successfully pressuring the Sublime Porte to accept them as an integral part of diplomatic procedures. It will also shed new light on the mid-16th-century Habsburg attempts of educating 'Sprachknaben' in Istanbul, very shortly after similar actions were taken by the Venetians, the Poles and the French.
In Istanbul, at the Ottoman Court, naturally the dominant starting position during negotiations fell to the Ottoman diplomatic party. They defined the limits of conduct and the price of diplomatic success. On the whole, they played host to the representatives of their enemies. While the legal framework to ensure their safety was still non-existent, these diplomats were put in a very vulnerable position. Meanwhile, thousands of 'turcica' promoted an antagonistic image of the Turk throughout Europe.
Given these parameters, one might expect that there was little or no room for the free development of diplomatic culture or a mutual influence. Yet, it is precisely in these contacts that diplomatic practice slowly evolved into an agent of change that allowed cross-cultural exchanges.
Focussing on the Habsburg diplomats, this paper will demonstrate how the moderate stance that they took during their stay in the Ottoman Empire, was a key factor in this evolution. They sought out compromises, cleverly adapted themselves to the wishes of the Ottomans and consequently gained a reputation that was favourable to diplomatic relations. Often, the result was that they were succesful on a diplomatic level.
However, that strategy was not without risk: their attitude contradicted both official Habsburg policy and popular opinion. The diplomats mitigated that risk by keeping the antagonistic image intact in their official correspondence. Not surprisingly, perhaps, the well-known stereotypes of the terrible Turk only surfaced shortly after diplomatic failures.
Although many Habsburg diplomats remained locked inside an antagonistic view, others developed genuinely amiable relations with Ottoman officials, during and after conducting official negotiations. Together with their Ottoman counterparts, they thus implicitly created a playing field that was free of zealous stereotyping and that allowed the conduct of diplomacy on neutral terms.
Of course, these moderate diplomats did not truly close the gap between the enemies. Before their mission, they were fearful; afterwards, they qualified it as an important step towards victory of Christendom over Islam. Although they briefly bridged it during their mission, they too perpetuated the dichotomy between cultures.
This contradiction is clearly visible in all facets of the diplomatic relations. For example, the diplomats and their fellow-travellers were strongly attracted to the ancient relics on Ottoman territories. But at the same time they lamented the Ottomans' neglect of these treasures.
Another fine illustration is the practice of gift-giving, an integral part of early modern diplomacy. While the Habsburgs considered the Ottomans greedy and corrupt, they made sure everyone who might be beneficial to their cause would receive a gift. More often than not, the diplomats inaccurately assessed the influence of the receiver. The Habsburgs also attributed an eccentric taste to the Ottoman court officials and accordingly commissioned striking, even weird gifts. The taste of the Habsburg emperors was no less eccentric, though. At times, diplomatic contacts in Istanbul only served to exchange luxury goods between both courts, where the diplomats and the Ottoman officials functioned as cultural intermediators.
Some of them have become well-known, others were unjustly forgotten. They are Corneille de Schepper, Gerard Veltwijck, Ogier de Busbecq, Albert de Wijs, Karel Rijm and Philibert de Bruxelles.
It reveals the diplomatic and non-diplomatic activities they pursued and the innovative role in the professionalization of diplomatic practice they played.
This paper describes the process and the factors that had an impact on it. The paper shows how Ottoman preference towards certain diplomatic competences and the trust placed in the dragomans directly and indirectly changed the selection process. It also demonstrates how Hungarian magnates struggled to strengthen their influence on Habsburg-Ottoman diplomacy. Lastly, it describes which measures were taken to cope with the chronic shortage of suitable candidates.
The first impression of a prince, as Machiavelli pointed out in his 'De principatibus', is determined by the impression one gets from the men in his environment. At least in the 16th century, this adage was incessantly applied by Habsburg rulers in maintaining diplomatic contacts with other monarchs. Not only did they instruct their envoys to pay a great deal of attention to this aspect of their mission, but also the envoys exerted themselves to maintain their ruler's 'réputation', both visually and verbally.
Recent research has shown that a cultural interpretation of diplomacy can shed light on the way in which two radically different cultures interacted. Christian Windler has successfully applied this model of interpretation to the 18th century relations between France and Algiers. Diplomacy is here seen as an element of representation of the State, of its values, its monarch and its culture and the diplomats as the more important actors in this process. The great value attached to reputation and physical appearance by both the Ottomans and the Habsburgs must be understood within the context of a slowly evolving modus vivendi of diplomatic relations wherein, in this century, no rules or protocol had been set and wherein both parties tried to enforce new regulations and modes of conduct.
The paper reflects upon the cultural relevance of representation, using examples from 16th century Habsburg embassies in the Ottoman Empire. Aspects which are discussed are the material equipment of Habsburg envoys (clothing, horses, gifts, etc), the verbal communication (the envoy's oratio for example), conflicts over formal hierarchy with both Ottoman dignitaries and Christian colleagues and, finally, iconographic material. All these aspects were equally important for rulers and diplomats to create an image of the embassy in particular and the relations between the Emperor and the Sultan in general. By interpreting its place in Early Modern culture, the lecture also tries to show the historical relevance of the discussed themes and offer a broader view on the subject, together with outlining some possible thoughts for future research.
Early Modern Europe by Bart Severi
Archival Science by Bart Severi
Despite all this, nearly all parties involved acknowledge that the current initiative of the Flemish Government to write a new law on archives is a textbook example of good lawmaking. In the course of writing, the main intent was to create a modern framework for public bodies.
regelt, ter vervanging van de federale archiefwet. Alle instanties die onder het decreet vallen – de zorgdragers – krijgen nieuwe mogelijkheden om hun informatiehuishouding te optimaliseren. Een van de meest zichtbare verbeteringen is het nieuwe mechanisme om de bewaartermijn van archiefdocumenten vast te leggen. De decreetgever maakt betere, overkoepelende afspraken over welke zorgdrager welke archiefdocumenten moet bewaren bij ketenprocessen, die verschillende bestuursniveaus dooraderen. Ook de maatschappij heeft hierbij baat: de recht- en informatiezoekende burger krijgt ruimere toegangsmogelijkheden tot archiefdocumenten en hij zal ook
eenvoudiger kunnen nagaan waar welke archiefdocumenten te vinden zijn.
Papers by Bart Severi
Building on original archival research, this paper will illustrate the naive attitude of Habsburg monarchs and diplomats towards both the dragomans and the translation process itself. More substantially than their European peers, they confided in the Ottoman dragomans. In the Habsburg administration, unclear translations or deliberate errors often led to confusion, detrimental to diplomatic success. Indicative of this attitude, Ottoman language skills were not at all a prerequisite during the selection process of a new diplomat.
Slowly, throughout the sixteenth century, this all changed, mainly thanks to the actions of some individuals. Some of these formulated strategic proposals, others took forceful action without consulting the Emperor.
This paper will demonstrate the intricate mechanism of diplomacy through (mis)translation and will lay bare the causes of Habsburg diplomatic failures and successes in the 16th century. It will show the reader how, at the background of a maturing diplomatic practice, a more critical attitude towards dragomans developed. Elaborating on how the Habsburg diplomatic presence in the Ottoman Empire used its network to diminish their dependence on dragomans, it will also show how the Porte resisted, sometimes leading to torture and murder of Habsburg intermediaries.
Finally, the paper will succinctly describe how the Habsburgs evolved from first hiring dragomans of the other European embassies and subsequently recruiting Levantine dragomans, while successfully pressuring the Sublime Porte to accept them as an integral part of diplomatic procedures. It will also shed new light on the mid-16th-century Habsburg attempts of educating 'Sprachknaben' in Istanbul, very shortly after similar actions were taken by the Venetians, the Poles and the French.
In Istanbul, at the Ottoman Court, naturally the dominant starting position during negotiations fell to the Ottoman diplomatic party. They defined the limits of conduct and the price of diplomatic success. On the whole, they played host to the representatives of their enemies. While the legal framework to ensure their safety was still non-existent, these diplomats were put in a very vulnerable position. Meanwhile, thousands of 'turcica' promoted an antagonistic image of the Turk throughout Europe.
Given these parameters, one might expect that there was little or no room for the free development of diplomatic culture or a mutual influence. Yet, it is precisely in these contacts that diplomatic practice slowly evolved into an agent of change that allowed cross-cultural exchanges.
Focussing on the Habsburg diplomats, this paper will demonstrate how the moderate stance that they took during their stay in the Ottoman Empire, was a key factor in this evolution. They sought out compromises, cleverly adapted themselves to the wishes of the Ottomans and consequently gained a reputation that was favourable to diplomatic relations. Often, the result was that they were succesful on a diplomatic level.
However, that strategy was not without risk: their attitude contradicted both official Habsburg policy and popular opinion. The diplomats mitigated that risk by keeping the antagonistic image intact in their official correspondence. Not surprisingly, perhaps, the well-known stereotypes of the terrible Turk only surfaced shortly after diplomatic failures.
Although many Habsburg diplomats remained locked inside an antagonistic view, others developed genuinely amiable relations with Ottoman officials, during and after conducting official negotiations. Together with their Ottoman counterparts, they thus implicitly created a playing field that was free of zealous stereotyping and that allowed the conduct of diplomacy on neutral terms.
Of course, these moderate diplomats did not truly close the gap between the enemies. Before their mission, they were fearful; afterwards, they qualified it as an important step towards victory of Christendom over Islam. Although they briefly bridged it during their mission, they too perpetuated the dichotomy between cultures.
This contradiction is clearly visible in all facets of the diplomatic relations. For example, the diplomats and their fellow-travellers were strongly attracted to the ancient relics on Ottoman territories. But at the same time they lamented the Ottomans' neglect of these treasures.
Another fine illustration is the practice of gift-giving, an integral part of early modern diplomacy. While the Habsburgs considered the Ottomans greedy and corrupt, they made sure everyone who might be beneficial to their cause would receive a gift. More often than not, the diplomats inaccurately assessed the influence of the receiver. The Habsburgs also attributed an eccentric taste to the Ottoman court officials and accordingly commissioned striking, even weird gifts. The taste of the Habsburg emperors was no less eccentric, though. At times, diplomatic contacts in Istanbul only served to exchange luxury goods between both courts, where the diplomats and the Ottoman officials functioned as cultural intermediators.
Some of them have become well-known, others were unjustly forgotten. They are Corneille de Schepper, Gerard Veltwijck, Ogier de Busbecq, Albert de Wijs, Karel Rijm and Philibert de Bruxelles.
It reveals the diplomatic and non-diplomatic activities they pursued and the innovative role in the professionalization of diplomatic practice they played.
This paper describes the process and the factors that had an impact on it. The paper shows how Ottoman preference towards certain diplomatic competences and the trust placed in the dragomans directly and indirectly changed the selection process. It also demonstrates how Hungarian magnates struggled to strengthen their influence on Habsburg-Ottoman diplomacy. Lastly, it describes which measures were taken to cope with the chronic shortage of suitable candidates.
The first impression of a prince, as Machiavelli pointed out in his 'De principatibus', is determined by the impression one gets from the men in his environment. At least in the 16th century, this adage was incessantly applied by Habsburg rulers in maintaining diplomatic contacts with other monarchs. Not only did they instruct their envoys to pay a great deal of attention to this aspect of their mission, but also the envoys exerted themselves to maintain their ruler's 'réputation', both visually and verbally.
Recent research has shown that a cultural interpretation of diplomacy can shed light on the way in which two radically different cultures interacted. Christian Windler has successfully applied this model of interpretation to the 18th century relations between France and Algiers. Diplomacy is here seen as an element of representation of the State, of its values, its monarch and its culture and the diplomats as the more important actors in this process. The great value attached to reputation and physical appearance by both the Ottomans and the Habsburgs must be understood within the context of a slowly evolving modus vivendi of diplomatic relations wherein, in this century, no rules or protocol had been set and wherein both parties tried to enforce new regulations and modes of conduct.
The paper reflects upon the cultural relevance of representation, using examples from 16th century Habsburg embassies in the Ottoman Empire. Aspects which are discussed are the material equipment of Habsburg envoys (clothing, horses, gifts, etc), the verbal communication (the envoy's oratio for example), conflicts over formal hierarchy with both Ottoman dignitaries and Christian colleagues and, finally, iconographic material. All these aspects were equally important for rulers and diplomats to create an image of the embassy in particular and the relations between the Emperor and the Sultan in general. By interpreting its place in Early Modern culture, the lecture also tries to show the historical relevance of the discussed themes and offer a broader view on the subject, together with outlining some possible thoughts for future research.
Despite all this, nearly all parties involved acknowledge that the current initiative of the Flemish Government to write a new law on archives is a textbook example of good lawmaking. In the course of writing, the main intent was to create a modern framework for public bodies.
regelt, ter vervanging van de federale archiefwet. Alle instanties die onder het decreet vallen – de zorgdragers – krijgen nieuwe mogelijkheden om hun informatiehuishouding te optimaliseren. Een van de meest zichtbare verbeteringen is het nieuwe mechanisme om de bewaartermijn van archiefdocumenten vast te leggen. De decreetgever maakt betere, overkoepelende afspraken over welke zorgdrager welke archiefdocumenten moet bewaren bij ketenprocessen, die verschillende bestuursniveaus dooraderen. Ook de maatschappij heeft hierbij baat: de recht- en informatiezoekende burger krijgt ruimere toegangsmogelijkheden tot archiefdocumenten en hij zal ook
eenvoudiger kunnen nagaan waar welke archiefdocumenten te vinden zijn.