1. Introduction
The pace of urbanization has been accelerated, and it is anticipated that over 60% of the global population will live in metropolitan centers by the year 2050 [
1]. Nearly 90% of global urban expansion is predicted to take place in developing countries, especially in Asia and Africa, where the largest numbers of the world’s poor and undernourished people are concentrated [
2]. Therefore, urbanization is increasingly recognized as a major driver of land use/land cover changes (LULC) changes that progressively affect the socioeconomic and environmental landscape in developing countries [
3]. For instance, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the New Urban Agenda recognize urbanization and demographic changes as key components of resilient and sustainable development [
4]. While several Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) relate to urban expansion, Goal 11 directly addresses the linkages between urbanization and the deterioration in natural resources, ecosystem services, food security, poverty, and sustainable development.
From a literature perspective, the growing importance of urbanization in economic growth and sustainable development in developing countries has stimulated extensive literature regarding the synergies and trade-offs between the economic benefits and the environmental effects of urbanization [
5,
6]. That is urbanization, the natural environment and economic development are interlinked through a series of positive and negative effects [
7,
8]. On the one hand, urbanization processes in many developing countries have been generally associated with rapid economic growth and an agglomeration of secondary and tertiary industries in urban areas and an increase in the proportion of urban populations due to rural outmigration [
9]. On the other hand, urbanization affects the condition of the environment and adds pressures on the functionality and capacity of ecosystems to provide goods and services through processes of land use/land cover changes (LULC), and by adversely affecting natural habitat, biodiversity and contributing to climate change [
10,
11].
In this context, many Chinese cities have often been considered as examples of how urbanization can fuel economic growth and transform wellbeing; but also, as examples of how rapid urbanization trends adversely affect ecosystem services. Ecosystem services refer to the materials and functions provided by ecosystems and directly or indirectly benefiting human beings [
10,
12]. In 2011, half of China’s population became concentrated in urban centers, increasing from 20% in 1980 [
13]. Urbanization processes have been associated with economic growth that absorbed surplus labor in rural areas, accelerated industrial transformation, drove rural development, promoted scientific and technological progress, and significantly reduced regional income disparity [
14]. Nevertheless, China’s urbanization policies have, until recently, ignored largely ecological conservations and sustainable use of natural resources [
15,
16]. In this respect, the literature provides strong evidence that rapid urbanization and economic development in China led to the degradation of ecosystem services value (ESV), the deterioration in ecosystem services and posed severe environmental sustainability challenges [
17]. Among these impacts is the loss of fertile cropland and green open spaces, the decrease in forest cover and the disappearance of natural habitats [
18,
19].
While urban expansion occurred on some of the most productive agricultural lands in China, issues related to cropland protection in rapidly urbanizing areas within China received extensive attention from policymakers and urban planners. For instance, the government of China implemented a series of policies, including, for example: the Cropland Balance Policy and the Cropland Protection Policy System, to protect the cropland from the impacts of urbanization [
20,
21]. In the early stages, these policies focused on balancing the total amount of cropland, which means that the total amount of cropland was fixed but their locations could change. In the latter stages, the government realized that it was too difficult to identify the various reasons for cropland loss, especially from other policies (e.g., Grain-For-Green, Returning Cropland to Lake). In recent years, the focus has shifted to the compensation of cropland, which means that if a cropland is lost for urbanization, the developer must create the same area of cropland in other places. Furthermore, the requirement of a “quality” balance has been incorporated in recently adopted cropland protection policies [
22]. Nevertheless, several studies have pointed out that Chinese cropland protection policies have ignored their influences on ecosystem services or even reduce them [
23,
24].
A critical look at existing studies on urbanization and ecosystem services reveals that the bulk of the literature has extensively focused on the impacts of cropland protection on ecosystem services [
24,
25]; on the quantity of cropland and yield loss [
26]; on regional or national land quality [
27]; on cropland productivity [
28]; the trade-offs among different ecosystem services [
29,
30]; and on the quantitative assessment of the impacts of urbanization on ESV [
17]. However, less understood is how cropland protection policies influences the trade-offs between EB and ESV of land use in rapidly urbanizing areas in developing countries including China. A better understanding of the interdependence between EB and ESV is crucial for furnishing the means for a sustainable management of the competing demands embedded within the complexity, multifunctionality and trade-offs between EB and ESV and across temporal and spatial scales.
To address this gap in the literature, this study aims to assess the trade-offs between EB and ESV under various cropland protection policy scenarios. Our analysis focuses on the City of Wuhan, a rapidly urbanizing megacity in central China that has witnessed massive changes in both land uses, and local and regional policies of urbanization and urban development. We first employed a land-use change model to simulate the growth in construction land and the displacement of cropland as well as other land use changes under three scenarios for cropland protection policies: (i) business as usual scenario (BAU) where there is no restriction of urbanization and no requirement for cropland protection; (ii) land use planning scenario (LUP) that involves a requirement for certain quantities of cropland in response to the land use planning policy of Wuhan 2006–2020; and (iii) cropland protection scenario (CLP) where cropland protection policies are implemented based on the increased cost of cropland conversion. Following this, we analyzed the trade-offs between the EB and ESV of land use based on these policy scenarios.
4. Discussion
Since the 1990s, the strictest cropland protection policies have been put into practice by the Chinese government, which occupies a vital position in food security for both China and the whole world [
20]. On the one hand, these policies have been successful in achieving their original goal of mitigating the pressure of the quantity loss of cropland [
28,
45]. On the other hand, these policies have failed in several aspects such as the compensation for the loss in crop productivity and the increasing ecological cost [
46]. These conflicting impacts of cropland protection policies have stimulated a growing strand in the literature that assess trade-offs between economic and ecosystem services [
47,
48]. The study contributes to this literature stream by providing evidence from the rapidly urbanizing city of Wuhan in China on the trade-offs between EB and ESV under three policy scenarios. Our results confirm the findings of previous studies showing that trade-offs between economic and ecosystem services are not constant as they have temporal and spatial heterogeneity [
49]. Furthermore, we demonstrate that the trade-off between economic and ecosystem services is dynamic in urbanization processes and these trade-offs widely vary under different cropland protection policies. This finding goes in line with Costanza et al. [
43] and de Groot et al. [
50] who pointed out that LULC changes are closely related to the change of ESV and EB and land use policies lead to changes in land uses. Moreover, our results pay support to Hauer et al. [
48] who showed that different land use policies differently affect the relationship between EB and ESV of land use. More specifically, the results of our three policy scenarios showed that trade-offs between EB and ESV in both the BAU and LUP scenarios, remain at moderate levels during the beginning of urban expansion processes. However, at certain ‘turning point’, the ESV decreases sharply whereas the EB slightly increases. Before this turning point, the increases in construction land are mainly due to the conversion of cropland, which has a relatively lower ESV because construction land is surrounded by cropland. After the turning point, land uses with high ESV are taken up by construction land. In the CLP scenario, the difficulty of cropland conversion increased due to the cropland protection policy. The transition probabilities of cropland to construction land become relatively lower, compared with the similar locations of wetland and forest. Thus, before the first turning point in the CLP scenario, forest and wetland with relatively higher ESV are the main land use types converted to construction land, leading to a mild increase of EB with a sharp decrease of ESV. When the transition probabilities of the remaining forest and wetland are lower than those of the remaining cropland, the construction land begins to consume cropland (points between T
3 and T
4,
Figure 4). These changes indicate also that when the rate of land use change is constant, the key factor driving the changes of ESV is the transfer direction [
30,
51]. Therefore, our results overall show that the numbers and positions of these turning points differ across the three policy scenarios (
Figure 4).
Based on our findings, the ESV in the CLP scenario is the lowest among the three scenarios with the same level of EB. Moreover, the change in the relationship between EB and ESV (
Figure 4) indicates that the cropland protection policy aggregates the trade-offs between EB and ESV of land use. Therefore, it is crucial for cities experiencing rapid urbanization processes to consider unleashing the restriction of taking up cropland and compensating cropland across cities or provinces. The red point is the situation of Wuhan in 2015, which is far away from all the turning points. However, policymakers should take this result into consideration when deciding on policies to be implemented in the future.
Spatial planning and land use planning perform important roles in a city and dealing with trade-offs among landscapes, natural resources and stakeholders. Reasonable spatial planning may avoid unnecessary loss of ecological land and relieve the trade-offs between the EB and ESV [
52]. In our study, the trade-offs between EB and ESV in the LUP scenario are less drastic than those in the CLP scenario, which reveals that compared with the cropland protection policy, land use planning in Wuhan delivers fewer negative effects on the relationship between EB and ESV of land use. Since the improvement in the efficiency of construction land allocation and the utilization of land resources is necessary, the government cannot allow unlimited growth in construction land [
40]. It is better for the stakeholders to seek the equilibrium between food security, ecological conservation and urban development through the allocation and intensive use of construction land by scientific spatial planning.
Lastly, this research has some limitations that need further discussion. Firstly, the future economic benefits and ecosystem services are affected by many factors and these factors will change over time. In this research, we only focus on the change of EB and ESV caused by land use changes, while keeping other factors constant. Thus, this research can only predict the future trend of EB and ESV affected by land use rather than their accurate changes. Secondly, China is currently implementing a strict cropland protection policy which necessitates no loss of cropland quantity. In the CLP scenario, we just increased the difficulty of cropland transition and allowed the occurrence of cropland loss. That is why we denoted this scenario ‘cropland protection scenario’ but strictly speaking it is not a strict cropland protection. Third, we evaluate the ESV of land use based on Xie et al. [
44] and this method has a disadvantage as it omits the spatial heterogeneity of ecosystem services [
10]. Although our study area covers a small range, the species and their ages within the same land use type do exist heterogeneity.