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Odor, air quality, and well-being: understanding the urban smellscape using crowd-sourced science

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Published 24 July 2024 © 2024 The Author(s). Published by IOP Publishing Ltd
, , Citation Sahil Bhandari et al 2024 Environ. Res.: Health 2 035012 DOI 10.1088/2752-5309/ad5ded

2752-5309/2/3/035012

Abstract

Odors are a topic of emerging environmental health interest given their potential links to air quality, health, well-being, and quality of life. However, odors have traditionally been challenging to study given variability in individual sensitivity and perception, atmospheric physico-chemical processes, and emissions of mixtures of odorous contaminants. Here, we explore the potential utility of crowd-sourced odor report data in improving understanding of spatiotemporal patterns of odor experiences and their impacts. We conduct quantitative and qualitative analyses of a 12-month data set from a web application collecting crowd-sourced odor reports, including spatiotemporal information, odor and self-reported impacts description (OSAC: odors, symptoms, actions in response, and suspected causes), and demographics, in Vancouver, Canada. Users report diverse OSAC with strong seasonality and spatial variability. Reported symptoms, ranging from neurological to emotion- and mood-related, highlight the complexity of odor-related health and well-being impacts. Odors can trigger maladaptive actions, where individuals are exposed to other environmental stressors (e.g. heat stress) or curtail healthy behaviors (e.g. exercising outside) to cope with odor impacts. Clustering analysis of OSAC suggests that odor exposures may be linked to health, well-being, and quality of life impacts through complex mechanisms, related not only to the odor experienced but also perceived causes. Spatiotemporal patterns in reports highlight the potential influence of persistent sources (e.g. waste management) and transient events (e.g. accidents). Exploratory multiple linear regression models suggest that monitoring of air quality and meteorology may be insufficient to capture odor issues. Overall, these results suggest that crowd-sourced science incorporating self-reported health and well-being effects and behavioral responses can enrich understanding of the impacts of odorous emissions at large spatiotemporal scales and complement traditional air pollution monitoring.

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1. Introduction

Odors are complex mixtures of volatile compounds that are emitted from a wide variety of anthropogenic and natural sources [1]. Though some of these odorous compounds are inorganic (e.g. H2S, NH3), many are volatile organic compounds (VOCs). VOCs have been studied extensively in atmospheric science [24], given their direct impacts on air quality and their contributions to the formation of secondary pollutants, such as particulate matter (PM) and ground-level ozone (O3) [5]. The health effects of these secondary pollutants are considered one of the greatest environmental health threats to humanity [68]. More broadly, air pollutants can cause climate forcing, and environmental damages to ecosystems and biodiversity [9, 10]. They are also associated with negative economic, social, and psychological effects [11], often mediated through annoyance. However, odors themselves are typically seen as only a nuisance issue [1]. This limited focus has restricted odor exposure research to a mostly local regulatory context, in contrast to other dimensions of air quality [4, 12, 13]. However, odor experiences are increasingly recognized to be an important component of cumulative environmental stressors, linked to community health and well-being, and in some cases, indicators of other environmental pollutant exposures [14]. Here, we define the term 'odor mediation' as the phenomenon of odors mediating the influence of air pollution sources on community health and well-being.

As far back as the 1st century BCE, people believed there were links between odor and health through the miasma theory of disease transmission: 'the poisonous breath of creatures$\ldots$to be wafted into the bodies of the inhabitants$\ldots$will make the site unhealthy' [15]. In ca CE 63–65, Seneca wrote of 'awful odor of reeking kitchens' linked to 'ruinous$\ldots$soot' and causing 'languor' and 'sluggishness in $\ldots$ brain' [16]. Today, odorous compounds have been recognized to impact human health through several mechanisms, including via direct activation of chemosensory targets through inhalation (e.g. volatile compounds), ingestion (e.g. retronasal delivery of diet-based compounds), or dermal exposure (e.g. hydrophobic compounds penetrating skin), or biotransformation in the body [17, 18]. Odorous compounds often stimulate the trigeminal nerve generating feelings such as pain or irritation, even during sleep [1922]. Self-reported data suggest that odors can contribute to the incidence of nose itching, dryness, and irritation [23], and cough, headache, and nausea [24]. Odors also have q broader influence on human well-being [25], which goes beyond the absence of disease. Both consciously and subconsciously, odors can affect cognition [26] and emotions and mood [27], including by tapping into human memory, which in turn can have secondary behavioural and physiological effects [18, 28]. Odors can curtail healthy behaviors, and odor annoyance is linked to poor mental health and well-being, including strong associations with neurological, respiratory, and gastrointestinal symptoms [29]. Odorous compounds have been associated with cancer and non-cancer health effects, especially in the neighborhood of polluting sources [29]. Further, these compounds may not affect health in isolation; instead, people are often co-exposed to multiple compounds in chemical mixtures that can result in enhanced toxicity, which requires more study [30]. Thus, instead of individual chemical measurements, odors could serve as air pollution markers for complex exposures, which have been identified as particularly important for environmental injustice [31, 32]. While studies have begun to link odorous compounds to air quality and health and well-being impacts, further work is needed, particularly concerning the role of odor mediation [18, 23, 29, 30, 33].

Challenges associated with odor monitoring highlight some spatial and temporal limits of the traditional regulatory approach. Regulatory monitors are stationary and often have a time resolution of 15 min–1 h. Additionally, current regulatory frameworks typically monitor or model the odor impacts of individual sources and use site-specific judgments for odors [12]. However, odors are often associated with a 'chronic presence of unpredictable spikes in toxic chemicals' [34], and odor episodes can occur from events as short as a few seconds [3437]. Thus, extensive odor monitoring is needed to understand very short-term exposures that get averaged in regulatory monitoring. However, no instruments or technologies exist to measure odors across spatial and temporal scales quantitatively and affordably [38]. In light of these challenges, one approach for odor monitoring is crowd-sourced science which engages volunteers in the generation of scientific data [39]. Odor perception is inherently subjective [40], and so are odor reporting and odor impacts. By collecting data from many human noses, crowd-sourcing incorporates a diversity of odor experiences and offers a low-cost solution to effectively estimate odor impacts at large spatiotemporal scales [38]. Research linking air quality and crowd-sourced science has grown over the past decade [41] and several studies such as the Smell Pittsburgh project [42] have documented the smellscape [43] of the urban environment.

Here, we introduce a crowd-sourced project called Smell Vancouver (SmellVan), which provides long-term characterization of the evolving smellscape of a major city and its self-reported impact on human health, well-being, and quality of life (HWQOL) [44]. The crowd-sourced project uses a web app to engage the community around their subjective odor experiences. In addition to reporting on the characteristics of the odors themselves, SmellVan extends previous odor crowd-sourcing projects by allowing users to report their demographics, perceived physiological and psychological impacts of odor, actions taken in response to odor, and their perception of odor sources. We call this novel odor monitoring approach that accounts for behavioral response—STOSAC (Spatio Temporal Odors Symptoms Actions Causes). Here, we report on the qualitative and quantitative analyses conducted over 12 months of STOSAC data in SmellVan odor reports. We also connect the odor report counts (ORCs) to external data sources related to air quality and meteorology to explore potential linkages and drivers. Thus, this study not only offers insights into urban odor experiences but also explores the strengths and limitations of crowd-sourced science for identifying HWQOL impacts of odor-related air pollution at the local level.

In this study, we use the convergent mixed methods approach [45] to study odor experiences (qualitative analysis of odor report data, e.g. OSAC) and the underlying spatiotemporal characteristics related to those experiences (quantitative analysis of ORC and OSAC). To describe the potential applications of our new odor-monitoring approach STOSAC, we focus on the following research questions/objectives:

  • 1.  
    OSAC data and their linkages: What does OSAC data collected in this crowd-mapped dataset suggest about the smellscape and odor impacts on HWQOL in a major city? Are OSAC categories linked to each other? How do OSAC patterns and their linkages change over space and in time? What are the potential drivers of these changes?
  • 2.  
    Methodological: What are the strengths and limitations of the STOSAC-based crowd-sourced science approach for characterizing a region's smellscape and better understanding odor pollution? What are the potential applications of the STOSAC-based crowd-sourced science approach relevant to urban planners and policymakers?

2. Methods

2.1. Study site

Metro Vancouver (MetroVan), Canada, is a federation of 14 cities, 4 district municipalities, 3 villages, one Electoral Area and one Treaty First Nation with a total population of 3 million people [46]. MetroVan is bound by the Strait of Georgia on the west and south sides, the Coast Mountains to the North, and Fraser River Valley to the east. It lies in the Pacific Maritime ecozone and experiences a moderate oceanic climate (Köppen climate classification Cfb) [47, 48]. The population of MetroVan is distributed in compact urban areas spread across the region, with the largest population center being the City of Vancouver. Seven cities and district municipalities with more than 100 000 residents account for 80% of the regional population (supplementary table S1). Land use in MetroVan is primarily conservation and recreation (about 50%), general urban (25%), and agriculture (20%), with some concentrated industrial centers [49]. Detailed descriptions of the region's atmospheric conditions, land use, and demographics are provided in the supplementary data file (section S1).

2.2. Odor and MetroVan

MetroVan has a long history of odor concerns, and odor complaints account for the largest group of complaints about air emissions [50, 51]. In particular, three source types have perennially affected residents, yielding thousands of complaints over multiple years: composting, landfills, and other waste disposal; animal processing facilities (storage and handling of animal waste from slaughterhouses, rendering, etc); and wastewater treatment plants [5257]. MetroVan regulates odorous air contaminants by targeting specific sources through industrial permits [51]. At the same time, in recent years, odor complaints associated with cannabis have increased substantially following the legalization of recreational cannabis in Canada [58] and the development of industrial-scale cultivation facilities in and around MetroVan [59]. Here, we explore the evolving smellscape of MetroVan, with its mix of perennial and emerging odor sources, as a test bed to implement the STOSAC crowd-sourced science-based odor monitoring approach.

2.3. The SmellVan app

We launched a web application in December 2020 called Smell Vancouver or SmellVan for short [44]. The app and the related data collection received human subject ethics approval from the UBC Office of Research Ethics (Ethics ID: H20-02665). Inspired by the Smell Pittsburgh app [60], SmellVan is designed to track and map crowd-sourced reports of odors throughout the MetroVan area using the STOSAC reporting framework. Users can submit odor reports that describe the smell (qualitative selection of odor description from 9 choices, including free text), the physical and mental health and well-being symptoms they experience (12 choices, including free text), and their behavioural changes in response to odor (6 choices, including free text). Additionally, participants report the time and location of their odor experience, odor strength (two choices of low and moderate or higher), odor offensiveness ratings on an ordinal scale from 1 (mild) to 5 (extreme), and suspected odor sources as free text. Finally, users can disclose their demographic information (age, race, gender, financial situation, and chronic health condition). The user interface is shown in supplementary figures S2(a) and (b). The free text options provide respondents flexibility to use subjective descriptions (100 character word limit) for odors, symptoms, actions, and suspected causes (OSAC). We do not collect the IP addresses of the app users and thus cannot track unique users. For this work, we assume that each report is independent but also test this assumption using quality assurance and control procedures (section 2.5.1). All data (except descriptive text) have been made publicly available on an interactive map [61] that allows users to see the reports.

2.4. Participant recruitment

To minimize selection bias in odor crowd-sourced science studies and enhance user engagement, all efforts were made to ensure a user-friendly app-design. While we have received multiple emails from community members on suggestions and applications of the app, we have not received any feedback on difficulty associated with using the app. We have used diverse recruitment approaches such as publicization of the app via Twitter and Instagram posts from the handle @SmellVancouver (supplementary table S4), as well as through the press [62]. Despite a small base, we observe a high engagement rate from followers (supplementary table S4). We have used these social media platforms to provide users with feedback on how their data is being used to maintain interest, as well as to communicate the key findings of this study. We have also conducted educational outreach to inform the public about the app at multiple community events [6365].

2.5. Data collection, processing, and analysis

We collected the odor report data used in this paper from December 2020–December 2021. The raw data set containing odor reports was downloaded at the end of one year of data collection. An R [66] package was developed to partially automate the processing and analysis of SmellVan data. As part of data cleaning, we applied temporal (8 December 2020–7 December 2021) and spatial (MetroVan region) filters on the data set. We retrieved the spatial boundaries of MetroVan using the Vancouver census metropolitan area boundaries [67].

2.5.1. Quality assurance and control—overcoming obstacles of odor crowdsourcing data

First, we read all reports manually and removed inappropriate reports from the analysis. A summary of the problematic components of such reports is available in the supplementary data file (section S2). Second, to test the assumption of independence of individual odor reports, we conducted a sensitivity test to check the validity of spatiotemporal variability of reported odors in our dataset and found that the spatiotemporal patterns presented in the manuscript remain consistent (section 2.5.4). This test also partially accounts for selection bias since the data is anonymously collected and, for example, if one user repeatedly reports to the app within the same hour. Third, to address the effect of selection bias on the identification of odor report spatiotemporal patterns, OSAC clusters, and spatial hotspots and outliers, we have conducted sensitivity analysis based on age, gender, and racialized/ethnic minority status (section 2.5.4), and results remain consistent with the key findings of the manuscript. While the results show some variability for different demographic groups, which is not surprising, they are consistent with the key findings of the manuscript in terms of the diversity of OSAC types and clusters reported, and general spatial and temporal patterns of reports. We have also conducted robustness checks for different analytical pipelines as listed in table 1. Finally, we reiterate that the analyses presented reflect patterns of odor reports, not necessarily odors themselves, and that this data is therefore meant to complement other sources of data, such as air quality monitoring.

Table 1. Robustness checks conducted for analytical pipelines presented in the manuscript.

Analytical pipelineKey pipeline in main manuscriptRobustness checkRelevant sections
OSAC free textTextual pairwise correlationsBootstrap analysis to quantify 95% confidence intervals3.1, S4
Spatial patternsTract-based population-normalized odor report countsTract-based odor report counts and area-normalized odor counts3.2, S5
Temporal patternsMultiple linear regression (MLR)Several steps including bootstrapping3.2, S6

2.5.2. Descriptive and exploratory analysis of spatial and temporal patterns

We conducted exploratory data analysis of values/categories of each variable and the demographics within the odor reports (section S3). To quantify the spatial patterns of odor reporting, we aggregated odor counts in MetroVan at the Canadian census tract (CT) level [68]. We used these odor data to calculate spatial metrics such as Global Moran's I, Local Moran's I, Getis Ord I, and Getis Ord Gi* [6971]. These metrics allow us to map hotspots and coldspots and spatial clusters and outliers based on the Local Moran's I (and the Getis Ord Gi*) metric. As a robustness check, we also analysed area-normalized and population-normalized odor counts, to account for area-based bias (larger areas are expected to have more odor sources) and population-based bias (larger populations are expected to report more odors). Due to consistency in the key findings and for brevity, we only present spatial analysis results based on the Local Moran's I metric for population-normalized odor-counts in the main manuscript. Additional details on the methods and results of spatial analysis are available in the supplementary data file (section S5, supplementary figures S3(a)–(j)).

We also report temporal patterns of ORCs and OSAC categories. To investigate the possible relationship between ORCs (dependent) and meteorology, air quality, and odor-related and app-related counts of news stories (independent), we conducted exploratory multiple linear regression (MLR) modeling of daily-averaged ORC at the regional scale. This analysis was carried out for separate months within the study period. Several quality assurance (QA) and quality control (QC) steps were employed to identify key variables for conducting MLR. Finally, we estimated the relative importance of the independent variables based on the fraction of variance explained in the linear model [72]. We conducted bootstrap analysis to quantify 95% confidence intervals for variance explained, which are reported in brackets with its observed value. Additional details on the meteorological variables, air quality monitoring indicators, news reports, QA/QC, and uncertainty analysis are included in the supplementary data file (section S6, tables S6–S9).

2.5.3. OSAC free text analysis

We conducted thematic (free text) analysis [73, 74] on the free text associated with OSAC. Briefly, we coded descriptive text for odors reported, inductively generating high-level odor categories. These high-level categories account simultaneously for the drop-down fields and the free text descriptions of OSAC. This practice of characterising odor perception using reference vocabulary has been widely employed for drinking water, wastewater and compost, urban odors, and even wines [7578]. The categories for symptoms and actions were refined based on a review of the public health literature on odor [29]. Odors and causes were categorised based on local knowledge of important odors and odor sources in the region [51, 79]. A detailed list of the categories and the related descriptors is available in the supplementary data file (supplementary table S5). For this categorical data (e.g. odor categories), we conducted textual pairwise correlation analysis, presented in terms of the correlation coefficient, phi [80, 81] and hierarchical (divisive) clustering analysis for trinary and quarternary associations [82, 83]. We also conducted bootstrap analysis to quantify 95% confidence intervals for this coefficient phi, which are reported in brackets with its observed value. To better understand the large symptom category of emotional and mood disturbance, we conducted sentiment and emotion analysis using three sentiment scales: the Finn årup Nielsen (AFINN), the National Research Council Canada (NRC) Emotion lexicon, and the NRC Valence, Arousal, and Dominance (VAD) lexicons [8486]. Finally, to better understand the relationships of OSAC categories, we represent them visually as a 2D network of vertices (OSAC categories) and linear edges (binary relationships) based on the Kamada-Kawai algorithm [87]. Details of the bootstrapping, sentiment analysis, and textual associations and visualizations conducted for OSAC are in the supplementary data file (section S4).

2.5.4. Sensitivity tests on possible selection bias

To test the assumption of independence of individual odor reports, we checked the spatiotemporal variability of reported odors in our dataset. Specifically, we generated a sensitivity test data subset by only keeping the first report with a reported odor in a particular census tract within a particular hour and excluding subsequent reports. Then, we compared the number of reported odors in the original dataset and the sensitivity test dataset to assess the impact of this assumption on our analysis. Our analysis revealed that the original dataset contained 760 combinations of tract, hour, and reported odor, while the sensitivity test dataset had 732 combinations. This difference of less than 5% of reported odors indicates that the impact of the assumption of independence of odor reporting in the app is mostly limited. To further validate our findings, we replicated the main figures in the manuscript using the sensitivity test dataset (section S7, supplementary figures S4–S6). We found that the figures and the underlying results and conclusions were consistent with those obtained from the original dataset, suggesting that the assumption of independence of odor reporting does not significantly affect our analysis. We have also conducted similar sensitivity tests for 6 and 12 h and have found similarly consistent patterns (section S7, supplementary figures S7–S12). However, we acknowledge that the assumption of independence of reports may not hold true in certain situations [39], such as when there are multiple reports of an odor from the same individual across multiple hours/locations or when there is a systematic bias in the reporting behavior of participants. Additionally, to address the effect of selection bias on the identification of odor report patterns, OSAC clusters, and spatial hotspots and outliers, we have conducted sensitivity analysis based on age, gender, and racialized/ethnic minority status (section S8). While the results show some variability for different demographic groups, which is not surprising, they are consistent with the key findings of the manuscript in terms of the diversity of OSAC types and clusters reported, and general spatial and temporal patterns of reports (figures 13, supplementary figures S13–S30).

Figure 1. Refer to the following caption and surrounding text.

Figure 1. (a) Spatial and (b) temporal distribution of odors reported in SmellVan (December 2020–December 2021). The y-axis shows the %-distribution of odors reported in a MetroVan subdivision/month. The numbers on top indicate the total count of reports in that subdivision/month. Specific odors are presented as three-letter shorthands summarized here: ROT = 'Rotten', CHM = 'Chemical', BRN = 'Burning', OTO = 'Other Odors', FSH = 'Fishy', FOO = 'Food', EAR = 'Earthy', FRG = 'Fragrance', NA = 'No odor reported'.

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Figure 2. Refer to the following caption and surrounding text.

Figure 2. OSAC associations based on the descriptions reported in SmellVan (December 2020–December 2021). Specific values of OSAC are presented as three-letter shorthands summarized here: Odors: CHM = 'Chemical', ROT = 'Rotten', FOO = 'Food', BRN = 'Burning', OTO = 'Other odors'. Symptoms: EMD = 'Emotional disturbance', REI = 'Respiratory irritation', NEU = 'Neurological', OPH = 'Ophthalmological', OTS = 'Other symptoms'. Actions: VAC = 'Ventilation and air cleaning', GIN = 'Gone inside', SEO = 'Stopped exercising outdoors', MAC = 'Made a complaint'. Causes: RFC = 'Restaurants and food cooking', FSB = 'Fires, smoke, and burning', CHE = 'Chemicals', GAC = 'Garbage and compost', SMO = 'Smoking', CAN = 'Cannabis facilities'.

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Figure 3. Refer to the following caption and surrounding text.

Figure 3. Spatial clusters of population-normalized ORC in SmellVan based on the Local Moran's I metric for (a) MetroVan and (b) Vancouver (December 2020–December 2021).

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3. Results

Over the 12-month period of the study (8 December 2020–7 December 2021), we received 549 legitimate odor reports from MetroVan, summarized in figure 1. Figure 1(a) shows the distribution of odor categories (e.g. fishy, burning) reported in SmellVan across the five most important subdivisions. Figure 1(b) shows the distribution of odor categories by month. Note that not all reports have a reported odor characteristic; in the discussion below, we discuss prevalence of an odor characteristic only after removing these reports (N/A odor characteristic). In section 3.1, we focus on the characteristics of the crowd-sourced science process of SmellVan and the subjective odor experience of the participants. To do this, we discuss the patterns and clusters of the categories of OSAC, including supporting analysis of qualitative data from the app. We also discuss briefly the temporal and spatial patterns of regional ORC and OSAC. In section 3.2, we use the collected odor report data to characterize odor report hotspots, coldspots, and spatial clusters and outliers in the MetroVan region. We also examine temporal patterns of regional ORC in the context of odor news, air quality, and meteorology. Finally, in section 3.3, we compare the demographics of the app data relative to the MetroVan region.

3.1. OSAC characteristics of the MetroVan smellscape

3.1.1. Odors and possible causes

The descriptions of smells experienced demonstrate the different types and perceptions of odors encountered (supplementary table S10). Users often use rich and evocative language to describe their odor experiences in free text responses. For instance, one user writes, 'rotting waste, garbage cheese, pungent vinegar death, fresh vomit.' 'Rotten' and 'chemical' account for about 65% of submissions with a reported odor (supplementary table S11). Burning is the third most important odor category, accounting for 16% of the reports. While odors can co-occur (supplementary figure S31(a)), the binary associations of such co-occurrences are weak (phi < 0.25). In fact, some odors statistically significantly do not co-occur (e.g. ROT and CHM; $phi = -0.47[-0.54, -0.40]$, ROT and BRN; $phi = -0.38[-0.45, -0.30]$).

Users identify many potential odor sources, including: garbage and compost (29%); chemicals (16%); fire, smoke, and burning (14%); sewage and wastewater treatment (9%); and animal processing (9%) (supplementary table S12). Users mostly report single causes, accounting for about 80% of all reports (supplementary figure S31(b)). Only two pairs of cannabis facilities and smoking ($phi = 0.44[0.24, 0.61]$) and cannabis facilities and farming ($phi = 0.25[0.14, 0.50]$) show relatively strong binary associations.

3.1.2. Symptoms

App users report experiencing several classes of symptoms, such as neurological (e.g. dizziness, headache), respiratory irritation (e.g. cough, difficulty breathing), emotional and mood disturbance (e.g. anxiety, frustration, anger), ophthalmological (e.g. irritated eyes), and dermatological (e.g. hives). Neurological, respiratory symptoms, and emotional and mood disturbance occur most frequently, accounting for 87% of the symptoms reported (supplementary table S13). We observe that while prominent symptoms often co-occur (supplementary figure S31(c)); only two co-occurrence of symptoms is statistically significant—respiratory irritation with ophthalmological symptoms ($phi = 0.30[0.21, 0.38]$) and respiratory irritation with emotional and mood disturbance ($phi = 0.29[0.20, 0.38]$).

Emotional and mood disturbance accounts for a substantial fraction (23%) of reported symptoms, pointing to the negative moods induced by unpleasant odors [33]. Analysis of semantic descriptors of symptoms shows the expression of a wide range of emotions, but particularly a large number of negative sentiments and usage of words expressing displeasure (NRC VAD lexicon; 'difficulty', n = 132; 'sore', n = 80) and arousal (NRC VAD lexicon; 'disturbed', ORC = 132; 'irritated', ORC = 79) as well as more specific emotions such as anger, sadness, disgust, and fear, all of which occur at least 250 times (supplementary figure S32). Likewise, using the AFINN lexicon, we observe sentiment scores ranging from about +1 to as low as −10, suggesting a strong bias towards negative sentiments (supplementary figure S33). We document quotes from odor reports rated with an AFINN sentiment score of −7.5 and lower in supplementary table S14. Users employ evocative phrases about symptoms ('Disgust, annoyance, anger, concern about carcinogens and family health'), causes ('uncontrolled—not monitored—disregard to permit'), and broader societal effects ('Listened to my wife scream about ongoing problem as home values go down') as they express their negative sentiments, often identifying details of the odor issues (e.g. going on for 'over 12 years'). Finally, users also employed the free text to express non-verbal cues such as emotional accentuation [88, 89] through the use of capital letters [9092], and we observe multiple such descriptions ('CLOSE WINDOWS—VERY MAD—TIME FOR ACTION—GOVERNMENTS NEED TO COME SEE THIS ON GOING PROBLEM'). We also find that the reported odor strength and offensiveness are positively associated, consistent with literature (section S9, supplementary figure S34).

3.1.3. Actions

Users report a range of actions in response to odors (supplementary table S15). Ventilation and air cleaning (43%), gone inside (26%), making a complaint (15%), and stopped exercising outdoors (10%) are the most reported actions, with other actions, such as smell-masking (e.g. adding a pleasant fragrance) accounting for less than 5% each. Users also report long-term avoidance of odorous areas (1% of the reported actions), such as 'moved away' or going 'to a distant part of the city to go for a walk'—significant life changes to avoid odors. Similar observations of the desire to relocate due to the impacts of malodor have been reported elsewhere as well [93]. We observe 'gone inside' co-occurring repeatedly with other actions (supplementary figure S31(d)); likewise, we observe strong associations ('Gone inside' with 'Stopped exercising outdoors': $phi = 0.35[0.28, 0.42]$). Analysis of semantic descriptors for actions also shows the expression of a wide range of emotions. The sentiments are largely negative, dominated by anger (supplementary figure S35).

In a few reports, we also observe instances of maladaptation, where actions taken by users to avoid odors also negatively affect their well-being due to exposure to other environmental stressors or curtailment of healthy behaviors (supplementary table S16). Users report temporarily stopping or changing breathing patterns (e.g. 'breathe through mouth', 'removed my mask temporarily to air it out'), using smell masking (e.g. 'put Vick's in my nose', 'deoderize the house'), as well as changing local ventilation ('turned off car ventilation', 'have to close all windows on summer's evening'), speeding ('ran home'), and inability to exercise or enjoy outdoors ('Very disturbing to to family ANGER and unable to enjoy outdoors'). Smell masking agents can themselves have substantial health effects [94, 95], hence our inclusion of it as a maladaptive behavior.

3.1.4. OSAC clusters

We observe hundreds of groupings of odors, symptoms, actions, and possible causes, even when only three of the four parameters are analysed at a time (supplementary table S17). Our clustering analysis reveals OSAC associations that show odor- and cause- connections to actions and symptoms (figure 2). In figure 2, OSAC categories in a higher number of combinations are placed closer together and the strength of binary associations are represented by the thickness of the edge connecting them with other OSAC categories [87] (section S4). For example, we find that suspected causes (fires, smoke, and burning) are often linked to specific symptoms (respiratory irritation) through the experience of specific odors (burning) (figure 2). However, suspected causes (garbage and compost) are also directly linked to symptoms (neurological) and actions (making a complaint) without odor mediation.

3.1.5. Spatial and temporal patterns of ORC and OSAC

Here we briefly report on spatial and temporal patterns in ORC and OSAC.

  • 1.  
    Spatial distribution of odor reports: Four municipalities (City of Vancouver, Delta, Burnaby, and Richmond) account for 90% of ORC (supplementary table S18). These municipalities show substantial differences in reported OSAC (figure 1(a), supplementary tables S18–S22) and OSAC associations (supplementary figures S36(a)–(e)).
  • 2.  
    Urban versus suburban odor sources: We observe distinct differences in odor sources and types between urban and suburban areas (section S10). For example, the City of Vancouver reports a disproportionately large number of reports with the suspected cause of animal processing (95%), while suburbs like Delta report disproportionately more on garbage and compost (58%), cannabis (73%), and farming (60%) causes (supplementary table S20).
  • 3.  
    Distinct patterns in OSAC connections: We also observe differences in OSAC connections (section S10). For example, in Vancouver, we observe notable connections in the City with regards to burning odors, which are related to the causes of smoking and fires, smoke, and burning, and also the symptoms of respiratory irritation (supplementary figure S36(a)). The symptom of respiratory irritation itself is related to neurological symptoms and emotional and mood disturbance. There are other notable associations between specific odors and their suspected causes. On the other hand, complex connections in Delta are that of rotten odor and the possible cause of garbage and compost linked to multiple symptoms and actions (supplementary figure S36(b)).
  • 4.  
    Temporal variability in odor reporting: Temporal patterns of regional ORC exhibit variability within days and between months (figures 1, supplementary figures S37, S38(a)–(c)). We see spikes in reporting during 8–11 December (35), 28 June–4 July (41), 7–15 July (48), 20 July–1 August (40), 4 August–7 August (33), and October 3 (22) (supplementary figure S38(a)). These spikes together account for about 40% of the reports and are likely related to specific events such as the launch of the app and related news coverage, odor accidents, and extreme weather conditions. These drivers are discussed in sections 3.2 and 4.2. Odor report counts show significant variability by hour of day and across months (supplementary figures S37, S38(b) and (c)). Variation in reported OSAC categories across months is broadly similar to the temporal patterns of all reports, and we observe a similar consistency in terms of the diversity of OSAC connections (figure 2, supplementary figures S37, S39(a)–(d), S40(a)–(l)).

3.2. Results from hotspot analysis and MLR

3.2.1. Odor report clusters and outliers

Through Local Moran's I analysis of population-normalized ORC, we find the presence of statistically significant spatial clusters of reports. Figures 3(a) and (b) show four types of spatial distributions of ORC in the region—hotspots: areas with high ORC surrounded by areas with high ORC, high outliers: areas with high ORC surrounded by areas with low ORC, low outliers: areas with low ORC surrounded by areas with high ORC, coldspots: areas with low ORC surrounded by areas with low ORC. We observe that the City of Vancouver and Delta account for a large number of tracts in regional odor hotspots (figure 3(a)).

Hotspots dominate large parts of the City of Vancouver (supplementary table S23, Hotspots and Vancouver: $phi = 0.65[0.56, 0.73]$); however, not all parts of the city are reported to be equally odorous, and there are also low outlier neighbourhoods (figure 3(a); supplementary table S23, Low outliers and Vancouver: $phi = 0.51[0.40, 0.60]$). Further, neighborhoods bordering the inlet in the northeast have a dense mix of industrial and residential zoning, and are hotspots, within the region and within the city (figures 3(a) and (b)).

In contrast to the City of Vancouver, we find more homogeneity in neighboring jurisdictions (figure 3(a)). Most census tracts in Delta emerge as regional odor hotspots. Large parts of the Surrey township are odor coldspots (supplementary table S23, Coldspots and Surrey: $phi = 0.82[0.63, 1.0]$). Future work can test these preliminary spatial connections by conducting proximity and dispersion modeling analysis for odor report locations.

3.2.2. MLR analysis of temporal patterns of ORC

Exploratory MLR modelling suggests that criteria air pollutants and meteorology fail to capture most of the variance in daily ORC (tables 2, S6, S9). The most important air pollutants associated with ORC are PM (3%[1%–4%]), NO and NO2 (2%[1%–4%]). But, other factors such as accidents (11%[2%–14%]) and prominent events (Launch of SmellVan app, national network coverage, (6%[3%–8%]) and solar radiation and heat fluxes (8%[3%–15%]) may have a stronger influence. However, the relative importance of different variables varies substantially across different months. For example, the contributions of wind speed to explained variance in linear models for ORC ranges from 2%–55% in different months, and we observe mixed behaviors with regards to the association (positive and negative correlation slopes).

Table 2. Key MLR variables explaining variance in daily ORC. Arrows show directionality of relationships—up (blue) is positive, up-down (yellow) refers to split (positive and negative), and down (red) indicates negative. Values inside brackets under absolute variance explained show 95% confidence intervals.

Model monthDecemberJanuaryFebruaryMarchAprilMayJuneJulyAugustSeptemberOctoberNovemberAvg.Wt. Avg.Variance explained
Variance explained: Absolute (A)/Relative (R)?RRRRRRRRRRRRRRA
Odor-related incidents  98 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$18 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$    65 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$   151511 (2, 14)
Solar radiation and heat fluxes4 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$39 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$   51 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$47 ${\color{orange}{\updownarrow}}$33 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$ 47 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$ 31 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$21198 (3, 15)
SmellVan news58 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$           596 (3, 8)
Rainfall       67 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$    6145 (2, 12)
Wind speed8 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$ 2 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$   30 ${\color{orange}{\updownarrow}}$ 12 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$33 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$55 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$ 12125 (2, 8)
Pressure5 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$  28 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$  22 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$ 6 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$  69 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$1184 (2, 6)
Temperature, Humidity, DPT25 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$  22 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$ 49 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$      874 (2, 6)
PM 61 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$ 17 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$    15 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$   853 (1, 4)
NO and NO2   16 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$41 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$   2 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$20 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$45 ${\color{red}{\downarrow}}$ 1082 (1, 4)
CO    59 ${\color{blue}{\uparrow}}$       531 (0, 1)
Adjusted R20.630.280.860.480.140.230.580.350.660.260.080.160.390.43 
Total variance explained0.700.320.870.570.200.280.700.390.750.330.140.220.460.50 
Number of reports8319233924234411377325022   

3.3. Participant demographics underlying SmellVan

SmellVan app user demographics show biases in age and gender and do not represent the diverse racialized and/or minority communities of MetroVan (tables S1–S3, S24–S28). Not all app users report demographics: about 20%–25% of users do not report their age, financial status, chronic health condition, or racial/minority status. The age group 30–49 is over-represented in the data set; 52% of SmellVan users identified as being aged 30–49, in comparison to MetroVan's 29% (tables S3 and S24). Only 16% of app users report belonging to a racialized/ethnic minority group; however, about 54.5% of MetroVan's population belongs to a visible minority community (tables S2 and S25). There is a large gender difference as well, with women reporting 64% and men reporting 36% of the reports, in contrast to the 51%–49% split in the general population (tables S2 and S26). We also assess the financial status and chronic disease incidence of the user population compared with that of the whole region, and find similarities. The bottom three groups by income reporting to SmellVan (representing those self-reporting 'never' to 'sometimes' having the financial resources necessary to meet their needs) contribute about 17% reports whereas census-based low-income households account for about 7%–11% of MetroVan's population, with about 19% population reporting income in the lowest quintile (tables S2 and S27). Most app users (78%) do not report a chronic health condition (supplementary table S28), similar to regional population reporting very good or excellent mental health (about 70%) and absence of a chronic disease ($\unicode{x2A7D}$25%, e.g. hypertension, asthma, etc) to the healthcare administrative data collected by the BC Chronic Disease Registry [96, 97]. However, we note that the measures used above to assess financial status and chronic condition are not equivalent. Finally, cluster analysis on demographic data identifies two major clusters of reporting groups: white women aged 30–49 with no chronic health conditions (103 reports, or about 19% of data) and men belonging to the highest financial status category (73 reports, or about 13% of data) (supplementary figure S41). Overall, this data set is consistent with other findings that participation in crowd-sourced science often does not reflect the population demographics [39].

4. Discussion

In this work, we use odor experiences from the public in a major city to provide insights into the patterns of odor reporting and the underlying spatiotemporal characteristics, and behavioral responses related to those experiences. Here, we utilize findings from the Smell Vancouver project to shed light on (1) the smellscape of and odor impacts on HWQOL in Metro Vancouver, (2) key environmental and human factors that influence odor patterns, and (3) the strengths and limitations of crowd-sourced science for odor monitoring.

4.1. Descriptive patterns of odor reporting

Our results highlight the range of odors and possible causes as well as potential odor-related health, well-being, and quality of life impacts (e.g. health-related symptoms, maladaptive actions) and their spatiotemporal variability, and point to the complex mechanisms through which odor-related impacts on HWQOL occur (section 3.1). While spatiotemporal patterns of odor and symptom reporting have been the subject of previous work [60], the patterns of actions and perceived causes as well as the OSAC associations (linkages across odors, symptoms, actions, and perceived causes) presented in this study are novel (section 3.1).

Odor experiences are often linked to persistent sources, which have specific spatiotemporal patterns as observed in this study (figure 1, section 3.1.5). We find distinct smellscapes across cities, and find that reporting of possible causes is consistent with documented local controversies around odor sources such as waste management (composts, landfills, incinerators) and industrial processes (chemicals), and odor-relevant accidents (e.g. sewage spills) (tables S7 and S8). In contrast, only one residential cause, wood smoke from open burning and wood-fired appliances, has a history of air pollution issues in Vancouver and is also frequently reported in SmellVan [98]. It is important to note here that current odor management approaches typically do not manage wood smoke or smoke from wildfires. However, as reporting in SmellVan shows, people still experience odors from these sources, and their HWQOL impacts should be considered in decision making from a public health perspective.

Urban residents also report a range of physiological (e.g. neurological symptoms such as headaches and nausea, respiratory irritation), and emotional and mood-related impacts (e.g. generating negative feelings such as anger and frustration) as well as maladaptive actions (e.g. reducing air exchange indoors at high temperatures) in response to adverse odors (sections 3.1.2 and 3.1.3). Maladaptive actions such as changed breathing patterns (e.g. breathing through the mouth, removing masks) and reducing ventilation inside vehicles and homes can give a false sense of safety due to lower odor. However, they can also increase heat-stress, disease transmission, and reduce indoor air quality due to pollutants that cannot be detected by smell (e.g. radon gas). In each case, maladaptive behaviors put individuals in situations where they must choose amongst environmental stressors (impacts of heat and indoor air pollutants or risks of speeding or exposure to particle pollution versus odor exposure), or tradeoff between increased odor exposure and reduced healthy behaviors (e.g. outdoor exercise). This finding of complex HWQOL impacts of odor stands in contrast to odor regulation primarily for nuisance reduction [1].

We find statistically significant clusters in reported OSAC (figure 2, supplementary figures S36(a)–(e)), and there are several possible explanations for these observed OSAC associations. It is possible that odors and suspected causes could be connected in a 1:1 relationship so that they share all symptoms and actions. However, we find that a given odor can be associated with multiple causes, and depending on the cause from which the odor was reported, it mediates different symptoms (supplementary section S10). Additionally, it is possible that since the connections of odors and causes are intuitive, people may report only one of them. Nevertheless, for often-reported odors such as rotten odor, we observe non-intuitive connections; for example, in January, rotten odors are linked to the cause of smoking (supplementary figure S40(a)). Finally, these OSAC patterns could also indicate that observation of cause–symptom–action linkages correspond to impacts of the cause itself, while odor–symptom–action linkages correspond to impacts of exposure to certain odorous contaminants. For instance, past research has indicated that stress-mediated impact pathways for odors could be linked to whether suspected odor producers are perceived as being socially responsible and law-adhering [29]. These patterns and associations point to potential causal mechanisms by which odors influence health and well-being, both physiologically and psychologically. Although these OSAC associations vary across months and in space (supplementary section S10), they still follow similar structures of odor experience. The identification of location-specific odor-related impacts (symptoms and actions) that are associated with specific odors and perceived causes reported in those municipalities underscore the need for place-based and tailored approaches to odors. These findings could be used as starting points to better understand possible interventions for reducing odor impacts.

Traditionally, odor complaints have been perceived as a mere annoyance issue, reflected in the current regulatory framework that mandates impact assessments of facilities at an individual level [99]. However, our analysis based on crowd-sourced data reveals that odors can significantly impact determinants of health and well-being such as the physical environment, social support, coping skills, and healthy behaviors [100]. In light of these findings, incorporating smellscapes into urban planning could play a vital role in promoting healthier communities [42]. Given the effectiveness of crowd-sourcing on capturing the wide range of STOSAC characteristics displayed in this study, it may be prudent to prioritize community inputs as a key driver in decision-making processes related to social justice and odors.

4.2. Possible drivers of odor reporting

We also use crowd-sourced data to explore possible links between odor reports, pollution sources, air quality, and meteorology. Our findings suggest that the presence of statistically significant spatial clusters of odor reports and the variance in temporal patterns of odor reports are related to a mix of environmental and human factors (section 3.2). Here, we discuss plausible explanations for the different spatiotemporal patterns.

Odor reporting in the region's municipalities captures land use patterns of odor sources in those areas. The City of Vancouver, Delta, and Richmond accounted for a large number of tracts in regional odor hotspots. Urban areas such as the City of Vancouver are expected to have odor issues, given the wide variety of odorous sources encountered in the city, such as municipal waste management and wastewater treatment, fires, smoking, and vehicle exhaust, the port, the rail yard, and restaurants. We also find that reporting in neighborhoods in the northeast is consistent with the presence of an animal rendering facility and slaughterhouses in this area (within the City, Hotspots and animal processing, $phi = 0.36[0.19, 0.50]$), and the history of odor nuisance reports from nearby residents (supplementary table S8). Odor reporting in the Delta region is also consistent with the presence of odorous sources such as waste management facilities (a regional landfill, a composting anaerobic digester), which have been odor sources of concern for residents' groups (supplementary table S8, supplementary table S23; the cause of garbage and compost and Delta: $phi = 0.56[0.47, 0.64]$). The recent shift to cannabis cultivation has further exacerbated the reports from farming [58]. Thus, the distinct smellscapes identified across cities in SmellVan have land use-related origins, and the links of land use to smellscapes should be investigated further.

Our exploratory MLR modeling suggests that associations between the different air quality and meteorological variables and ORC vary across different months due to changing sources and meteorology (table 2), and this variability and the underlying causal links are discussed in the supplementary data file (section S11). However, despite incorporating a comprehensive set of air quality and meteorology variables (supplementary table S6, 75 variables in total), the models capture approximately 50% [17%–80%] of the variance in ORC (table 2). This limited performance could be attributed to the temporal scale (daily) and sample size (monthly total ORC ranging from 19 to 113) of the modelled data. Nonetheless, the model itself is adequately representative, as evidenced by its ability to capture lead/lag relationships with news events and the association with the app's publicity upon its launch (section S6). Considering that odor reports can occur on short time scales (e.g. 3 min), it is unlikely for air quality and meteorological monitoring alone, even at higher time resolutions, to sufficiently capture the significant spatiotemporal variability in ORC. Thus, traditional monitoring approaches fail to predict a substantial portion of odor experiences, highlighting the importance of community science in bridging this gap.

In summary, our study identifies potential environmental (e.g. wind speed) and human factors (e.g. land use) associated with spatial and temporal patterns of odor reports in the Metro Vancouver region. Future work investigating the relationships between residential demographics and the distribution of spatial odor report clusters could advance the understanding of odors as an environmental justice issue [101].

4.3. Strengths of the new crowd-sourced science odor-monitoring approach

4.3.1. Contributions to literature beyond existing odor monitoring approaches

Traditional research on air quality has often neglected the implications of odors with regards to health, well-being, and quality of life, considering them only as a nuisance. Our study addresses this research gap by presenting a new crowd-sourced science framework STOSAC and implementing it in a community science project called Smell Vancouver (SmellVan). This study extensively connects odors with their HWQOL impacts, including behavioral responses to odors, and perceived odor causes, offering a comprehensive view that highlights the limitations of existing odor-monitoring approaches such as FIDOL and CICOP, which fail to capture the nuanced experiences of individuals.

The scope of the article covers both qualitative and quantitative analyses conducted on 12 months of SmellVan odor reports. The use of free text in STOSAC allows app users to communicate their odor experiences and provide information (such as sentiments and emotions) that complements quantitative data collected in the odor reports. Our users report multiple pathways through which odors impact HWQOL, encompassing the physical environment, social support, coping skills, and healthy behaviors. We also observe the interlinking of these OSAC patterns and report multiple complete cases of OSAC associations (supplementary table S29). The identification of behavioral responses (symptoms and actions) and their interlinking to odors and perception of odor causes suggests a substantial drawback of traditional odor documentation approaches such as FIDOL (Frequency, Intensity, Duration, Offensiveness, and Location) and CICOP (Concentration, Intensity, Character, Offensiveness, and Persistence) as well as odor nuisance indices based on these approaches [102], which do not account for such subjective experiences (e.g. relationships between odors and symptoms). The large spatiotemporal coverage of the approach is in much contrast compared to traditional odor monitoring approaches such as dynamic olfactometry [78, 102, 103] that can only measure odor concentrations at a specific location and time. Thus, STOSAC makes it easier to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the spatial and temporal variability of odors and corresponding behavioral responses compared to traditional approaches.

Despite limited participation rates in this study, we document 100s of unique combinations of census tract, hour of reporting, and reported odors. Typically, instrument-based deployments such as PTR-MS in traditional regulatory approaches would at best capture odorous chemicals in a single tract for a few months, and even these deployments are quite nascent in their development [104]. Additionally, given that regulatory monitoring with its hourly or coarser measurements often does not capture concentration peaks or odor exposure that occur at shorter time scales [3437], STOSAC-based odor reporting could serve as a marker of such pollution exposures and their HWQOL impacts.

In summary, the range of odor experiences, and complex links between odor and HWQOL impacts, documented in SmellVan indicate that more nuanced approaches to odor management may be required to support community HWQOL than fixed separation distances from odorous sources [105]. Community feedback in the OSAC framework could be used as a starting point to design policy actions that prioritize specific odor sources (e.g. facility-specific improvements) and address their co-occurring symptoms (e.g. targeted resident health monitoring and care), and this process of OSAC-based data collection can be conducted on a recurring basis at low cost and at large spatiotemporal scales. The STOSAC approach, which incorporates the behavioral response of humans to environmental exposures, points to new opportunities for community science to inform policy and planning decisions.

4.3.2. Use cases of crowd-sourced odor report data

We identify potential use cases of crowd-sourced odor report data as a complement to traditional air quality, odor, and health impact data sources:

  • 1.  
    Real-time spatiotemporal data on emergent odor and air pollution events: Crowd-sourced data encourages spontaneous reporting from users, which may be particularly useful for the rapid identification of emergent hotspots or real-time tracking of transient odor and air pollution events affecting communities (e.g. industrial facility accidents). In these cases, crowd-sourced spatiotemporal data on odor impact zones and odor experiences can provide unique insight into evolving conditions for environmental and public health authorities, and concerned members of the public—including where it may be useful to systematically collect odor experience data, conduct air quality monitoring, and recommend protective measures.
  • 2.  
    Enhancing community right-to-know: In many jurisdictions, community members do not have access to other odor complaints made, without going through onerous data request steps. The utility of publicly accessible crowd-sourced data therefore extends beyond data collection. By addressing data transparency issues, it links to the community's right-to-know about conditions that might pose risks to their health and the environment [106, 107] and fosters a shared sense of responsibility and community engagement among citizens. These aspects are vital in environmental health, as they empower individuals to actively participate in identifying and responding to potential health hazards in their environment [108, 109].
  • 3.  
    Exploratory understanding of health, well-being, and quality of life impacts: Self-reported data on odor and odor impacts could support more comprehensive investigation of HWQOL, and complement data traditionally used by health authorities, such as administrative health data (e.g. emergency room admissions). Many of the HWQOL effects reported in Smell Vancouver data were subclinical in nature, and therefore cannot be captured in administrative data sources as individuals may not seek care. Although crowd-sourced self-reported HWQOL impact data has many limitations, knowledge of these subclinical symptoms and experiences may nevertheless have value as early indicators, or provide insight into potentially vulnerable populations [110, 111]. Further, data on OSAC linkages such as the odor-symptom relationships identified in this study can help generate hypotheses about the mechanisms of smell impacts, which could then be further assessed using methods with less selection bias such as controlled trials, or epidemiological research. Finally, future work could utilize the STOSAC approach to build policy-relevant tools and metrics based on OSAC data.

We highlight one illustrative example of these use cases: in early 2024, an incident at a Vancouver refinery involving restart of processing operations after a cold weather related shutdown was accompanied with 'an unplanned release of emissions, experienced across parts of the region as a foul odour' [112]. In response, the Smell Vancouver app received hundreds of reports well ahead of official notifications [113] and air quality statements, and was later used in media reporting [114]. This incident underscores the value of crowd-sourced data in providing a real-time, publicly accessible platform for odor reporting, which can be especially critical in emergency situations, as well as community right-to-know.

4.4. Limitations of the new crowd-sourced science odor-monitoring approach

Despite the strengths, the crowd-sourced science approach has its limitations, particularly with regards to biases from self-selection in reporting (section 3.3). The negative ('offensive') hedonic tone on the app could bias the users to report more health symptoms [40]. This could be addressed in the future by also inviting positive odor experiences to SmellVan.

Additionally, in the current iteration of the project, community engagement was restricted to awareness of the app via social media, through the press, and via science outreach events (section 2.4). Future work could use additional and more targeted engagement strategies such as (a) involving community scientists at the design stage of the project, and giving communities 'multiple ways to participate at different levels of commitment' [39, 115], (b) using transparent communication including in-person community engagement to keep the community informed about the goals, processes, and outcomes of the study to build trust and credibility, (c) using random sampling techniques to select participants from different areas or demographics to reduce selection bias, (d) offering rewards or recognition for consistent reporting to encourage participation, (e) collaborating with local organizations such as local environmental groups, schools, or community organizations to spread awareness and encourage participation, and (f) utilizing statistical adjustment approaches such as reweighting reports to minimize the underlying bias of the dataset relative to the community.

The aggregation of ORCs across time (e.g. by day, by month) and space (e.g. by city, by census tract, region-wide) assumes limited variation within the daily timescale (temporal basis of analysis) and within the census tract (spatial basis of analysis). These are strong assumptions—odor reports can occur on short time scales (e.g. 3 min) and odor concentrations can depend on wind direction and meteorology, resulting in changes in ORC not dependent on the spatial basis of analysis. Nevertheless, these assumptions are also the basis for most filter-based studies of air pollution, and have been broadly accepted by the community.

Additionally, the mere presence of nearby odor sources at a city or regional scale is not sufficient for establishing causal relationships between sources and odor reports. A robust analysis of the spatial relationships of odor sources and odor reports is beyond the scope of this work.

Finally, the temporal MLR methods link variables collected in the study with external datasets, and OSAC associations link OSAC categories with each other. However, these associations may not be representative of causation and should be treated as preliminary evidence to investigate causality.

5. Conclusion

This study emphasizes the importance and potential of community science projects, such as SmellVan, in characterizing the odorous environment and its impacts on human health, well-being, and quality of life. Crowd-sourced science also allows for a comprehensive understanding of the spatial and temporal variability of the odor experience compared to traditional approaches. The STOSAC framework-based crowd-sourced science approach used in this study provides important insights into the odor experience, including complex linkages between environmental exposures and well-being, which are mediated through human perception and adaptive responses. The findings suggest that odors can significantly impact determinants of health and well-being, such as the physical environment, social support, coping skills, and healthy behaviors. While the study identifies potential environmental and human factors associated with spatial and temporal patterns of odor reports in the Metro Vancouver region, it also highlights the limitations of a purely quantitative approach to odor monitoring and the importance of citizen and community science to fill such gaps. However, citizen and community science data collection often has biases such as those seen in the SmellVan app data, including the under-representation of racialized and/or minority communities and the over-representation of certain age and gender groups. Overall, this study suggests that crowd-sourced science–based odor reporting could serve as a marker of pollution exposures and their impacts on health, well-being, and quality of life at large spatiotemporal scales, complementing traditional air pollution monitoring.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank the Smell Vancouver community scientists, without whom this work would not be possible. We acknowledge the contributions of Ashton Kerr to the app development in the early stages, and Esther Berube and Julie Saxton for motivating discussions. Funding for this study was provided by the Tri-Council New Frontiers in Research Fund Exploration Program [NFRFE-2019-00546]. We would also like to thank the Digital Research Alliance of Canada for cloud computing resources. D de Ferreyro Monticelli was supported by the Vanier Canada Graduate Scholarship, and K Xie was supported by the UBC Work Learn Program.

Data availability statement

The data that support the findings of this study are openly available at the following URL/DOI: https://smell-vancouver.ca/map [61].

Ethical statement

The app and the related data collection received human subject ethics approval from the UBC Office of Research Ethics (Ethics ID: H20-02665). Research was conducted in accordance with the principles embodied in the Declaration of Helsinki and in accordance with local statutory requirements.

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Supplementary data (25.6 MB PDF)

10.1088/2752-5309/ad5ded