Papers by Giorgio Potì
On the centenary anniversary of the Paris Conference, this paper evaluates the legacy of the Grea... more On the centenary anniversary of the Paris Conference, this paper evaluates the legacy of the Greater War in the former Ottoman space from the point of view of the nationalist «Delegation» [Wafd] animating the Egyptian Revolution of 1919. Drawing mainly from British archival sources, my essay traces the venues and the rhetoric of the international public mobilization of the Wafd, which, after vainly seeking admission to the peace talks, attempted to interfere with the British, French and US national debates on the ratification of the Versailles Treaty. Nonetheless, while delivering their anti-imperialist campaign in such diverse contexts as the Parisian socialist milieus and the United States «treaty fight», the Delegates never ceased to negotiate nominal independence with the British authorities, which calls into question their real stand vis-à-vis empire. By putting the public discourse of the Wafd in context with its apparent attitude towards both the British occupiers and the rest of the former Ottoman space, I argue that what the Egyptian nationalists of 1919 actually wanted was to increase the political autonomy and the symbolic status of their home country within an imperial order which they took more or less consciously for granted.
European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire, Jan 7, 2021
The scholarship under review stages an ideal conversation among 20 historians from five continent... more The scholarship under review stages an ideal conversation among 20 historians from five continents on the theory and practice of global history. The two books complement and speak to each other in ...
Journal of Global History, Apr 29, 2022
Cahiers de civilisation espagnole contemporaine, May 31, 2017
Cet article presente une these doctorale en Histoire et Civilisation qui a ete defendue en novemb... more Cet article presente une these doctorale en Histoire et Civilisation qui a ete defendue en novembre 2016 a l’Institut Universitaire Europeen de Florence (eui) apres une recherche multi-linguistique et multi-archivistique conduite dans cinq pays et pendant pres de cinq ans. Mon approche universitaire de l’histoire s’est construite dans un contexte interdisciplinaire axe sur l’international, aupres de la Faculte de Sciences Politiques ‘R. Ruffilli’ de l’Universite de Bologne dont je suis diplom...
Journal of Global History, Mar 9, 2022
This article addresses the Anglo-Egyptian dispute over Sudan following the Ottoman defeat in Worl... more This article addresses the Anglo-Egyptian dispute over Sudan following the Ottoman defeat in World War One and Cairo’s nominal independence in 1922. Drawing from Foreign Office documents, League of Nations archives, Egyptian parliamentary records and contemporary academic jurisprudence, it traces the failed Egyptian attempt to activate the settlement mechanisms of the Covenant after the assassination of the British governor of Sudan. In parallel, the article investigates the British preparations to face international arbitration, including the hypothetical request for a League mandate over Sudan. Through Cairo’s and London’s perceptions, we can grasp the global reach of the Geneva organization beyond its limited membership and agency. Although the League undertook no measures, the possibility of its intervention triggered competing legal arguments, as well as rival discourses of Egyptian and Sudanese self-determination. Thus, this essay sheds light on a recolonization process pre-dating World War Two. The clash of British and Egyptian imperial projects in the Nile Valley warns historians against forcing a teleology of the end of empire on the interwar roots of decolonization.
Journal of Global History, Apr 29, 2022
This article addresses the Anglo-Egyptian dispute over Sudan following the Ottoman defeat in Worl... more This article addresses the Anglo-Egyptian dispute over Sudan following the Ottoman defeat in World War One and Cairo’s nominal independence in 1922. Drawing from Foreign Office documents, League of Nations archives, Egyptian parliamentary records and contemporary academic jurisprudence, it traces the failed Egyptian attempt to activate the settlement mechanisms of the Covenant after the assassination of the British governor of Sudan. In parallel, the article investigates the British preparations to face international arbitration, including the hypothetical request for a League mandate over Sudan. Through Cairo’s and London’s perceptions, we can grasp the global reach of the Geneva organization beyond its limited membership and agency. Although the League undertook no measures, the possibility of its intervention triggered competing legal arguments, as well as rival discourses of Egyptian and Sudanese self-determination. Thus, this essay sheds light on a recolonization process pre-dating World War Two. The clash of British and Egyptian imperial projects in the Nile Valley warns historians against forcing a teleology of the end of empire on the interwar roots of decolonization.
Cahiers de civilisation espagnole contemporaine, 2017
Rivista italiana di storia internazionale, 2019
On the centenary anniversary of the Paris Conference, this article evaluates the legacy of the Gr... more On the centenary anniversary of the Paris Conference, this article evaluates the legacy of the Greater War in the former Ottoman space from the point of view of the nationalist «Delegation» [Wafd] animating the Egyptian Revolution of 1919. Drawing mainly from British archival sources, my essay traces the venues and the rhetoric of the international public mobilization of the Wafd, which, after vainly seeking admission to the peace talks, attempted to interfere with the British, French and US national debates on the ratification of the Versailles Treaty. Nonetheless, while delivering their anti-imperialist campaign in such diverse contexts as the Parisian socialist milieus and the United States «treaty fight», the Delegates never ceased to negotiate nominal independence with the British authorities, which calls into question their real stand vis-à-vis empire. By putting the public discourse of the Wafd in context with its apparent attitude towards both the British occupiers and the rest of the former Ottoman space, I argue that what the Egyptian nationalists of 1919 actually wanted was to increase the political autonomy and the symbolic status of their home country within an imperial order which they took more or less consciously for granted.
Book Reviews by Giorgio Potì
European Review of History/Revue européenne d'histoire, 2021
Conference Presentations by Giorgio Potì
'Paris 1919 and the Global South', Universities of Pavia and Milan, 2019
On the centenary anniversary of the Paris Conference, this paper evaluates the legacy of the Grea... more On the centenary anniversary of the Paris Conference, this paper evaluates the legacy of the Greater War in the former Ottoman space from the point of view of the nationalist «Delegation» [Wafd] animating the Egyptian Revolution of 1919. Drawing mainly from British archival sources, my essay traces the venues and the rhetoric of the international public mobilization of the Wafd, which, after vainly seeking admission to the peace talks, attempted to interfere with the British, French and US national debates on the ratification of the Versailles Treaty. Nonetheless, while delivering their anti-imperialist campaign in such diverse contexts as the Parisian socialist milieus and the United States «treaty fight», the Delegates never ceased to negotiate nominal independence with the British authorities, which calls into question their real stand vis-à-vis empire. By putting the public discourse of the Wafd in context with its apparent attitude towards both the British occupiers and the rest of the former Ottoman space, I argue that what the Egyptian nationalists of 1919 actually wanted was to increase the political autonomy and the symbolic status of their home country within an imperial order which they took more or less consciously for granted.
‘Decolonization and International Organizations’, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, 2019
My paper addresses a relatively little studied aftermath of the Egyptian Revolution of 1919, that... more My paper addresses a relatively little studied aftermath of the Egyptian Revolution of 1919, that is, the Anglo-Egyptian dispute over the Sudanese ‘condominium’ following Cairo’s nominal independence in 1922. I will especially focus on the attempts by the Egyptian government, led by the nationalist Wafd party, at involving the League of Nations (LoN) as a mediator in the crisis triggered by the assassination of Governor Lee Stack of Sudan, in November 1924 in Cairo, which HMG took as a pretext to establish exclusive control on the condominium.
Drawing from LoN and British archival records, I will trace Egyptian petitions to the League’s Council, as well as their handling by the LoN Secretariat, with particular attention to three questions: the international status of Egypt, its claims on Sudan, and the League’s competence on the latter. Cairo argued for the international character the controversy with London, and denounced the British retaliation in Sudan as a violation of Egyptian sovereignty, deserving consideration by the LoN. By contrast, Geneva’s legal and political advisors questioned Egypt’s possession of actual sovereignty and international legal subjectivity, thus ‘downgrading’ the Sudanese crisis to an internal affair of the British Empire beyond the League’s reach.
Recent scholarship has explored the ‘crisis of imperial legitimacy’ of the interwar years [Gerwarth and Manela 2014] and the role of the LoN in that [Pedersen 2015]. At first glance, my story features a (semi)colony-metropolis clash with the League substantially siding with empire. Yet, a closer look at the Wafd’s petitions reveals something more. While demanding emancipation from imperial rule and a place among sovereign/civilized nations for their country, the Egyptians claimed Sudan as their own colony, with an array of legal, ethical and historical arguments that echoed European imperial discourses.
In a IR textbook of 1936, the Indian politologist E. Asirvatham regarded imperialism, nationalism and internationalism to be the main ‘forces in modern politics’. As my paper shows, more or less consciously, both Egyptian ‘nationalists’ and Geneva’s ‘international’ experts assumed empire as the framework and the ordering principle of their agency.
The Peripheries of the European Revolutionary Process(es), 1917-23', European University Institute, Florence, 2017
Erez Manela has portrayed the imagination of the Egyptian nationalists of 1919, as well as of oth... more Erez Manela has portrayed the imagination of the Egyptian nationalists of 1919, as well as of other contemporary anti-colonial movements, as shaped by the Wilsonian rhetoric of self-determination. Conversely, Steffi Marung is currently investigating the ‘Leninian moment’ in the ‘Global South’ following the Bolshevik Revolution. My research challenges representations of the wave of anti-colonial unrest crossing the Maghreb and the Mashreq in the early aftermath of the First World War as a side effect of ‘exogenous’ internationalist ideologies.
This paper traces the public campaigns of Cairo’s Wafd [‘Delegation’] among the circles of the French Left and its leading papers—Le Populaire and L’Humanité. As Michael Goebel has highlighted, Paris emerged as a centre of gravity for critics of empire beyond and, to a certain extent, regardless of the peace conference. What is more, the Egyptian Revolution of 1919 coincided with a traumatic transition phase for the SFIO, in which radical anti-imperialists like Cohin and Fossard confronted advocates of the mission civilisatrice and ‘colonial socialism’ like Blum and Longuet, before leaving the party to join the Third International.
As I will show, while other anti-colonial movements of the early interwar years simply exploited Paris leftist networks as amplifiers of their claims, Cairo’s ‘delegates’ hybridized their nationalist discourse with Marxism-Leninism and the language of class struggle–which sounds striking if we consider the moderate background and liberal leanings of Lutfi al-Sayyid and other Wafd leaders. Whether resulting from opportunistic calculation or genuine intellectual evolution, this hybridization signals how skilled Egyptian nationalists were as entrepreneurs of internationalism. Rather than seducing and radicalizing the Wafd, the Bolshevik Revolution, with its international repercussions, provided Zaghlul and his fellows with additional rhetorical weapons ad venues of transnational mobilization, which they appropriated selectively and adroitly.
‘In-Between Empires: Trans-Imperial History in a Global Age’, Freie Universität Berlin, 2017
The First World War unleashed a wave of anti-colonial unrest stretching from North Africa to the ... more The First World War unleashed a wave of anti-colonial unrest stretching from North Africa to the Far East and lasting roughly until the mid-1920s. Often, opponents of European rule complemented insurgency with international petitioning and press campaigns. My paper will follow the mobilization of two nationalist movements from the interwar Middle East—the Egyptian Wafd and the leaders of the self-proclaimed Tripolitan Republic—in the trans-imperial public sphere. I will trace their attempts to gain sympathy among the French government and public opinion through petitions, memoranda and pamphlets. Skilled entrepreneurs of inter-imperial rivalry, both Egyptian and Libyan nationalists adjusted their rhetoric to the discursive and ideological background of their addressees—for example, by justifying their claims through the values of the French Revolution, the French republican tradition, etc. In parallel, by denouncing the excesses and brutality of British and Italian counter-insurgency, petitioners gratified Paris’s superiority complex vis-à-vis other imperial powers.
Recent international history has emphasized the galvanizing effect of global ideologies, institutional arenas and mobilization channels on interwar anti-imperial movements (see, for example, Erez Manela’s The Wilsonian Moment or Susan Pedersen’s work on the mandates system). Conversely, Andrew Arsan and other scholars have linked Middle-East interwar internationalism to pre-existing traditions of transnational mobilization typical of late-Ottoman political life. While the metropolis-colony binary remains the most appropriate framework to interpret the post-WWI arch of anti-imperial insurgency, I argue, the imperial spaces of the various European powers should be seen in interaction with each other, as they made up an osmotic and interconnected humus. Not only did anti-colonial movements played with inter-imperial rivalry to challenge metropolitan authorities; imperial powers also monitored troubles in each other’s colonial peripheries in search for parallels and contrasts with their own, as the confidential comments by French politicians and bureaucrats on Egyptian and Libyan complaints reveal.
24th ASEN conference on 'Nationalism and Belonging', London School of Economics and Political Science, 2014
Connected Histories of Empire, University of Bristol, 2013
23rd ASEN conference on 'Nationalism and Revolution', London School of Economics and Political Science, 2013
The discrepancy between the promises of the ‘Wilsonian moment’
and the realities of post‐WWI sett... more The discrepancy between the promises of the ‘Wilsonian moment’
and the realities of post‐WWI settlements gave way to a number
of nationalist uprisings in the interwar colonial world. This was the
case for Egypt (1919), a British protectorate since 1914, and Syria
(1925), which the Allies had assigned to France as a ‘mandate’ under
the supervision of the League of Nations (LoN). Both revolutions
received a wide international attention, since the Egyptian unrest
broke out while the Paris peacemakers were discussing the future of
the Middle East, while the Great Syrian Revolt resulted in a thorough
investigation by the LoN’s Permanent Mandates Commission.
Egyptian and Syrian nationalists addressed myriads of petitions
to, respectively, the Peace Conference and the LoN, and were
given a voice in the foreign press. Hence, the ‘infant’ institutions
and practices of interwar internationalism provided anti‐colonial
nationalists with new arenas where they could advance their claims,
appropriate the vocabulary of self‐determination and oppose a
counter‐narrative of the events to the ‘official versions’ provided
by the imperial powers. At the same time, worldwide visibility
strengthened selected elites which, thanks to their financiallogistical
resources and transnational connections, could reach
the surface of international debates. The Egyptian delegation in
Paris and the Geneva‐based Syrian‐Palestinian Congress held the
monopoly of the international representation of, respectively, the
Egyptian and the Syrian revolts, and gained therefore domestic
prominence vis‐à‐vis other components of the revolutionary front. My paper seeks to analyze this twofold interaction of the
international sphere with the Egyptian and Syrian revolutions,
European University Institute, 2013
From the League of Nations to the United Nations: New Approaches to
International Institutions
Teaching Documents by Giorgio Potì
International Relations and Global Politics Program, American University of Rome, 2022
This course provides an in-depth look at the various political forces in Europe. The course invol... more This course provides an in-depth look at the various political forces in Europe. The course involves a historical look at two important political movements of the twentieth century, fascism and communism, and will discuss how the European Union to a large extent developed as a reaction to overcome these movements. The course takes a fresh look at the political structures and the political culture of the major founding states of the European Community (France, Germany, Italy) and of those that emerged from the collapse of communism and decided to `return to Europe ´. In order to analyze the characteristics and the diversity of nation states within a global and especially within a European context, the course will focus on the role played by the transnational party groups represented in the European Parliament as well.
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Papers by Giorgio Potì
Book Reviews by Giorgio Potì
Conference Presentations by Giorgio Potì
Drawing from LoN and British archival records, I will trace Egyptian petitions to the League’s Council, as well as their handling by the LoN Secretariat, with particular attention to three questions: the international status of Egypt, its claims on Sudan, and the League’s competence on the latter. Cairo argued for the international character the controversy with London, and denounced the British retaliation in Sudan as a violation of Egyptian sovereignty, deserving consideration by the LoN. By contrast, Geneva’s legal and political advisors questioned Egypt’s possession of actual sovereignty and international legal subjectivity, thus ‘downgrading’ the Sudanese crisis to an internal affair of the British Empire beyond the League’s reach.
Recent scholarship has explored the ‘crisis of imperial legitimacy’ of the interwar years [Gerwarth and Manela 2014] and the role of the LoN in that [Pedersen 2015]. At first glance, my story features a (semi)colony-metropolis clash with the League substantially siding with empire. Yet, a closer look at the Wafd’s petitions reveals something more. While demanding emancipation from imperial rule and a place among sovereign/civilized nations for their country, the Egyptians claimed Sudan as their own colony, with an array of legal, ethical and historical arguments that echoed European imperial discourses.
In a IR textbook of 1936, the Indian politologist E. Asirvatham regarded imperialism, nationalism and internationalism to be the main ‘forces in modern politics’. As my paper shows, more or less consciously, both Egyptian ‘nationalists’ and Geneva’s ‘international’ experts assumed empire as the framework and the ordering principle of their agency.
This paper traces the public campaigns of Cairo’s Wafd [‘Delegation’] among the circles of the French Left and its leading papers—Le Populaire and L’Humanité. As Michael Goebel has highlighted, Paris emerged as a centre of gravity for critics of empire beyond and, to a certain extent, regardless of the peace conference. What is more, the Egyptian Revolution of 1919 coincided with a traumatic transition phase for the SFIO, in which radical anti-imperialists like Cohin and Fossard confronted advocates of the mission civilisatrice and ‘colonial socialism’ like Blum and Longuet, before leaving the party to join the Third International.
As I will show, while other anti-colonial movements of the early interwar years simply exploited Paris leftist networks as amplifiers of their claims, Cairo’s ‘delegates’ hybridized their nationalist discourse with Marxism-Leninism and the language of class struggle–which sounds striking if we consider the moderate background and liberal leanings of Lutfi al-Sayyid and other Wafd leaders. Whether resulting from opportunistic calculation or genuine intellectual evolution, this hybridization signals how skilled Egyptian nationalists were as entrepreneurs of internationalism. Rather than seducing and radicalizing the Wafd, the Bolshevik Revolution, with its international repercussions, provided Zaghlul and his fellows with additional rhetorical weapons ad venues of transnational mobilization, which they appropriated selectively and adroitly.
Recent international history has emphasized the galvanizing effect of global ideologies, institutional arenas and mobilization channels on interwar anti-imperial movements (see, for example, Erez Manela’s The Wilsonian Moment or Susan Pedersen’s work on the mandates system). Conversely, Andrew Arsan and other scholars have linked Middle-East interwar internationalism to pre-existing traditions of transnational mobilization typical of late-Ottoman political life. While the metropolis-colony binary remains the most appropriate framework to interpret the post-WWI arch of anti-imperial insurgency, I argue, the imperial spaces of the various European powers should be seen in interaction with each other, as they made up an osmotic and interconnected humus. Not only did anti-colonial movements played with inter-imperial rivalry to challenge metropolitan authorities; imperial powers also monitored troubles in each other’s colonial peripheries in search for parallels and contrasts with their own, as the confidential comments by French politicians and bureaucrats on Egyptian and Libyan complaints reveal.
and the realities of post‐WWI settlements gave way to a number
of nationalist uprisings in the interwar colonial world. This was the
case for Egypt (1919), a British protectorate since 1914, and Syria
(1925), which the Allies had assigned to France as a ‘mandate’ under
the supervision of the League of Nations (LoN). Both revolutions
received a wide international attention, since the Egyptian unrest
broke out while the Paris peacemakers were discussing the future of
the Middle East, while the Great Syrian Revolt resulted in a thorough
investigation by the LoN’s Permanent Mandates Commission.
Egyptian and Syrian nationalists addressed myriads of petitions
to, respectively, the Peace Conference and the LoN, and were
given a voice in the foreign press. Hence, the ‘infant’ institutions
and practices of interwar internationalism provided anti‐colonial
nationalists with new arenas where they could advance their claims,
appropriate the vocabulary of self‐determination and oppose a
counter‐narrative of the events to the ‘official versions’ provided
by the imperial powers. At the same time, worldwide visibility
strengthened selected elites which, thanks to their financiallogistical
resources and transnational connections, could reach
the surface of international debates. The Egyptian delegation in
Paris and the Geneva‐based Syrian‐Palestinian Congress held the
monopoly of the international representation of, respectively, the
Egyptian and the Syrian revolts, and gained therefore domestic
prominence vis‐à‐vis other components of the revolutionary front. My paper seeks to analyze this twofold interaction of the
international sphere with the Egyptian and Syrian revolutions,
Teaching Documents by Giorgio Potì
Drawing from LoN and British archival records, I will trace Egyptian petitions to the League’s Council, as well as their handling by the LoN Secretariat, with particular attention to three questions: the international status of Egypt, its claims on Sudan, and the League’s competence on the latter. Cairo argued for the international character the controversy with London, and denounced the British retaliation in Sudan as a violation of Egyptian sovereignty, deserving consideration by the LoN. By contrast, Geneva’s legal and political advisors questioned Egypt’s possession of actual sovereignty and international legal subjectivity, thus ‘downgrading’ the Sudanese crisis to an internal affair of the British Empire beyond the League’s reach.
Recent scholarship has explored the ‘crisis of imperial legitimacy’ of the interwar years [Gerwarth and Manela 2014] and the role of the LoN in that [Pedersen 2015]. At first glance, my story features a (semi)colony-metropolis clash with the League substantially siding with empire. Yet, a closer look at the Wafd’s petitions reveals something more. While demanding emancipation from imperial rule and a place among sovereign/civilized nations for their country, the Egyptians claimed Sudan as their own colony, with an array of legal, ethical and historical arguments that echoed European imperial discourses.
In a IR textbook of 1936, the Indian politologist E. Asirvatham regarded imperialism, nationalism and internationalism to be the main ‘forces in modern politics’. As my paper shows, more or less consciously, both Egyptian ‘nationalists’ and Geneva’s ‘international’ experts assumed empire as the framework and the ordering principle of their agency.
This paper traces the public campaigns of Cairo’s Wafd [‘Delegation’] among the circles of the French Left and its leading papers—Le Populaire and L’Humanité. As Michael Goebel has highlighted, Paris emerged as a centre of gravity for critics of empire beyond and, to a certain extent, regardless of the peace conference. What is more, the Egyptian Revolution of 1919 coincided with a traumatic transition phase for the SFIO, in which radical anti-imperialists like Cohin and Fossard confronted advocates of the mission civilisatrice and ‘colonial socialism’ like Blum and Longuet, before leaving the party to join the Third International.
As I will show, while other anti-colonial movements of the early interwar years simply exploited Paris leftist networks as amplifiers of their claims, Cairo’s ‘delegates’ hybridized their nationalist discourse with Marxism-Leninism and the language of class struggle–which sounds striking if we consider the moderate background and liberal leanings of Lutfi al-Sayyid and other Wafd leaders. Whether resulting from opportunistic calculation or genuine intellectual evolution, this hybridization signals how skilled Egyptian nationalists were as entrepreneurs of internationalism. Rather than seducing and radicalizing the Wafd, the Bolshevik Revolution, with its international repercussions, provided Zaghlul and his fellows with additional rhetorical weapons ad venues of transnational mobilization, which they appropriated selectively and adroitly.
Recent international history has emphasized the galvanizing effect of global ideologies, institutional arenas and mobilization channels on interwar anti-imperial movements (see, for example, Erez Manela’s The Wilsonian Moment or Susan Pedersen’s work on the mandates system). Conversely, Andrew Arsan and other scholars have linked Middle-East interwar internationalism to pre-existing traditions of transnational mobilization typical of late-Ottoman political life. While the metropolis-colony binary remains the most appropriate framework to interpret the post-WWI arch of anti-imperial insurgency, I argue, the imperial spaces of the various European powers should be seen in interaction with each other, as they made up an osmotic and interconnected humus. Not only did anti-colonial movements played with inter-imperial rivalry to challenge metropolitan authorities; imperial powers also monitored troubles in each other’s colonial peripheries in search for parallels and contrasts with their own, as the confidential comments by French politicians and bureaucrats on Egyptian and Libyan complaints reveal.
and the realities of post‐WWI settlements gave way to a number
of nationalist uprisings in the interwar colonial world. This was the
case for Egypt (1919), a British protectorate since 1914, and Syria
(1925), which the Allies had assigned to France as a ‘mandate’ under
the supervision of the League of Nations (LoN). Both revolutions
received a wide international attention, since the Egyptian unrest
broke out while the Paris peacemakers were discussing the future of
the Middle East, while the Great Syrian Revolt resulted in a thorough
investigation by the LoN’s Permanent Mandates Commission.
Egyptian and Syrian nationalists addressed myriads of petitions
to, respectively, the Peace Conference and the LoN, and were
given a voice in the foreign press. Hence, the ‘infant’ institutions
and practices of interwar internationalism provided anti‐colonial
nationalists with new arenas where they could advance their claims,
appropriate the vocabulary of self‐determination and oppose a
counter‐narrative of the events to the ‘official versions’ provided
by the imperial powers. At the same time, worldwide visibility
strengthened selected elites which, thanks to their financiallogistical
resources and transnational connections, could reach
the surface of international debates. The Egyptian delegation in
Paris and the Geneva‐based Syrian‐Palestinian Congress held the
monopoly of the international representation of, respectively, the
Egyptian and the Syrian revolts, and gained therefore domestic
prominence vis‐à‐vis other components of the revolutionary front. My paper seeks to analyze this twofold interaction of the
international sphere with the Egyptian and Syrian revolutions,