Ayhan Kaya
Ayhan Kaya, ERC Advanced Grant holder, Professor of Political Science, Jean Monnet Chair of European Politics of InterculturalismJean Monnet Centre of ExcellenceProfessor of Politics and Jean Monnet Chair of European Politics of Interculturalism at the Department of International Relations, Istanbul Bilgi University
Supervisors: Steven Vertovec (PhD) and Günay Göksu Özdoğan (MA)
Supervisors: Steven Vertovec (PhD) and Günay Göksu Özdoğan (MA)
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Books by Ayhan Kaya
studied European youth in ethno-culturally, and religio-politically divided
separate clusters, such as “migrant-origin” and “native” youths. In this context, the contributors of this edited volume accord to a single optical lens to
analyse the factors and processes behind the radicalisation of both native
and self-identified Muslim youths. Accordingly, this introductory chapter
lays the groundwork by arguing that European youth respond differently to
the challenges posed by contemporary flows of globalisation, such as deindustrialisation, structural exclusion, and socio-economic, political, spatial,
and psychological forms of deprivation and humiliation. In responding to
existential threats and challenges, social groups exploit what their cultural
repertoires offer. In our cases, these cultural repertoires are ethno-national
(for native) and religious (for self-identified Muslims) repertoires. The
underlying idea here is to challenge the hegemony of culturalist and civilisational discourse prevailing in Europe over the last three decades, and revisit
social, economic, political, and psychological drivers of radicalisation – a
term that has become overstretched, thus, an empty signifier. Challenging
the contemporary ways of using the term radicalism interchangeably with
extremism, terrorism, fundamentalism, and violence, we take radicalism as
a quest for the democratisation of democracies rather than a pathological
issue. We argue that it is the neoliberal forms of governance that often associate radicalism with extremism, terrorism, fundamentalism, and violence.
This book elaborates on the policies, practices, laws, regulations and responses to the reception, protection, and integration of Syrian refugees since 2011.
eren uzun soluklu bir Avrupa Birliği Ufuk 2020 bilimsel araştırma projesi olan “RESPOND: Avrupa ve Ötesinde Kitlesel Göçün Çok Düzeyli Yönetişimi” başlıklı araştırmanın Türkiye ayağında yapılan çalışmanın ürünüdür.
Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted in six countries, this book specifically analyses how anti-European identities are being articulated by right-wing populist individuals. Providing an analysis of the manifestos, speeches and official documents of such parties, the book examines how they instrumentalise xenophobia, Islamophobia, Euroscepticism, globalisation and international trade in European spaces to mobilise the masses hit by financial crisis and refugee crisis. Drawing on in-depth interviews with the sympathisers of populist movements, Kaya provides some insights into the main motivations of these individuals in resorting to nativist and populist discourses, whilst also providing a thorough analysis of the use of the past and heritage by such parties and their followers.
Populism and Heritage provides a unique insight into one of the most contested trends of the contemporary age. As such, the book should be of great interest to those working in the fields of heritage studies, cultural studies, politics, sociology, anthropology, philosophy and history.
ISBN 9781138313323
Published September 26, 2019 by Routledge
264 Pages
https://www.routledge.com/Populism-and-Heritage-in-Europe-Lost-in-Diversity-and-Unity/Kaya/p/book/9781138313323
Bringing together a group of political scientists, anthropologists, and cultural and memory studies scholars, the book illuminates the relationship between memory and populism from different angles and in different contexts. The contributors to the volume discuss dominant notions of European heritage that circulate in the public sphere and in political discourse, and consider how the politics of fear relates to such notions of European heritage and identity across and beyond Europe and the European Union. Ultimately, this volume will shed light on how notions of a shared European heritage and memory can be used not only to include and connect Europeans, but also to exclude some of them.
Investigating the ways in which nationalist populist forces mobilize the idea of a shared, homogeneous European civilization, European Memory in Populism will be of interest to scholars and students in the fields of European studies, heritage and memory studies, migration studies, anthropology, political science and sociology.
Chapters 1, 4, 6, and 10 of this book are freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-No-Derivatives 4.0 license.
Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted in six countries, this book specifically analyses how anti-European identities are being articulated by right-wing populist individuals. Providing an analysis of the manifestos, speeches and official documents of such parties, the book examines how they instrumentalise xenophobia, Islamophobia, Euroscepticism, globalisation and international trade in European spaces to mobilise the masses hit by financial crisis and refugee crisis. Drawing on in-depth interviews with the sympathisers of populist movements, Kaya provides some insights into the main motivations of these individuals in resorting to nativist and populist discourses, whilst also providing a thorough analysis of the use of the past and heritage by such parties and their followers.
Populism and Heritage provides a unique insight into one of the most contested trends of the contemporary age. As such, the book should be of great interest to those working in the fields of heritage studies, cultural studies, politics, sociology, anthropology, philosophy and history.
Bringing together a group of political scientists, anthropologists, and cultural and memory studies scholars, the book illuminates the relationship between memory and populism from different angles and in different contexts. The contributors to the volume discuss dominant notions of European heritage that circulate in the public sphere and in political discourse, and consider how the politics of fear relates to such notions of European heritage and identity across and beyond Europe and the European Union. Ultimately, this volume will shed light on how notions of a shared European heritage and memory can be used not only to include and connect Europeans, but also to exclude some of them.
Investigating the ways in which nationalist populist forces mobilize the idea of a shared, homogeneous European civilization, European Memory in Populism will be of interest to scholars and students in the fields of European studies, heritage and memory studies, migration studies, anthropology, political science and sociology.
Chapters 1, 4, 6, and 10 of this book are freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-No-Derivatives 4.0 license.
Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted in six countries, this book specifically analyses how anti-European identities are being articulated by right-wing populist individuals. Providing an analysis of the manifestos, speeches and official documents of such parties, the book examines how they instrumentalise xenophobia, Islamophobia, Euroscepticism, globalisation and international trade in European spaces to mobilise the masses hit by financial crisis and refugee crisis. Drawing on in-depth interviews with the sympathisers of populist movements, Kaya provides some insights into the main motivations of these individuals in resorting to nativist and populist discourses, whilst also providing a thorough analysis of the use of the past and heritage by such parties and their followers.
Populism and Heritage provides a unique insight into one of the most contested trends of the contemporary age. As such, the book should be of great interest to those working in the fields of heritage studies, cultural studies, politics, sociology, anthropology, philosophy and history.
This book analyses Muslim-origin immigrant communities in Europe, and the problematic nature of their labelling by both their home and host countries. The author challenges the ways in which both sending and receiving countries encapsulate these migrants within the religiously defined closed box of “Muslim” and/or “Islam”. Transcending binary oppositions of East and West, European and Muslim, local and newcomer, Kaya presents the multiple identities of Muslim-origin immigrants by interrogating the third space paradigm. Turkish Origin Migrants and Their Descendants analyses the complexity of the hyphenated identities of the Turkish-origin community with their intricate religious, ethnic, cultural, ideological and personal elements. This insight into the life-worlds of transnational individuals and local communities will be of interest to students and scholars of the social sciences, migration studies, and political science, especially those concerned with Islamization of radicalism, populism, and Islamophobia in a European context.
Turkish Origin Migrants and Their Descendants analyses the complexity of the hyphenated identities of the Turkish-origin community with their intricate religious, ethnic, cultural, ideological and personal elements. This insight into the life-worlds of transnational individuals and local communities will be of interest to students and scholars of the social sciences, migration studies, and political science, especially those concerned with Islamization of radicalism, populism, and Islamophobia in a European context.
Almanya ve Fransa'da yaşayan Türkiye kökenli insanların Türkiye ve Avrupa algılarını araştıran geniş kapsamlı niteliksel ve niceliksel çalışma.
316 sayfa
Uzun yıllar boyunca Batı için bir mutluluk kaynağı olan göç, artık istikrarsızlığın ve güvensizliğin sebebi ya da dar görüşlü politikacılar tarafından iktidarlarının devamlılığını sağlayan bir yönetsellik biçimi olarak görülüyor. Prof. Dr. Ayhan Kaya bu çalışmasında, Batı’da hüküm süren göçmen ve Müslüman korkusunun ciddi temellere dayandığını; bunun aslında artık adaleti ve barışı görece eşit dağıtma araçlarından yoksun ulus-devletlerinin çıkarlarına hizmet eden oluşturulmuş ve yaratılmış bir korku olduğunu ileri sürüyor. Kaya ayrıca, pek çok Batı Avrupa ülkesinde yükseliş trendi gösteren aşırı sağ oluşumlara neden olan başlıca sorunun, çoğunlukla iddia edildiğinin aksine söz konusu ülkelerde yaşayan göçmenler, mülteciler veya Müslümanlar olmadığını, aksine ülke içindeki kaynakların paylaşım süreçlerinde yaşanan gerilimler ve eşitsizlikler olduğunu ifade ediyor. Tam da bu nedenle, neoliberal muhafazakâr iktidarların göçmenleri ve Müslümanları bir tür “günah keçisi” şeklinde göstermek suretiyle, asıl gerçekliğin ve sorunun üstünü örttüğü ve kitleleri yanlış istikametlere yönlendirdiğini anlatıyor.
İslâm, Göç ve Entegrasyon: Güvenlikleştirme Çağı, sadece Avrupa’da yaşayan Müslüman kökenli göçmenler ve onları takip eden kuşaklar ve bu göçmenlere uygulanan entegrasyon ve vatandaşlık düzenlemeleri hakkında değil, aynı zamanda sekülerleşme, ihtiyatçılık, neoliberalizm, İslâm korkusu, refah devleti, aşırı sağ ve şiddet izleriyle dolu bir dönemde Almanya, Fransa, Belçika ve Hollanda’da ulus-devletin değişen yüzü hakkındadır.
studied European youth in ethno-culturally, and religio-politically divided
separate clusters, such as “migrant-origin” and “native” youths. In this context, the contributors of this edited volume accord to a single optical lens to
analyse the factors and processes behind the radicalisation of both native
and self-identified Muslim youths. Accordingly, this introductory chapter
lays the groundwork by arguing that European youth respond differently to
the challenges posed by contemporary flows of globalisation, such as deindustrialisation, structural exclusion, and socio-economic, political, spatial,
and psychological forms of deprivation and humiliation. In responding to
existential threats and challenges, social groups exploit what their cultural
repertoires offer. In our cases, these cultural repertoires are ethno-national
(for native) and religious (for self-identified Muslims) repertoires. The
underlying idea here is to challenge the hegemony of culturalist and civilisational discourse prevailing in Europe over the last three decades, and revisit
social, economic, political, and psychological drivers of radicalisation – a
term that has become overstretched, thus, an empty signifier. Challenging
the contemporary ways of using the term radicalism interchangeably with
extremism, terrorism, fundamentalism, and violence, we take radicalism as
a quest for the democratisation of democracies rather than a pathological
issue. We argue that it is the neoliberal forms of governance that often associate radicalism with extremism, terrorism, fundamentalism, and violence.
This book elaborates on the policies, practices, laws, regulations and responses to the reception, protection, and integration of Syrian refugees since 2011.
eren uzun soluklu bir Avrupa Birliği Ufuk 2020 bilimsel araştırma projesi olan “RESPOND: Avrupa ve Ötesinde Kitlesel Göçün Çok Düzeyli Yönetişimi” başlıklı araştırmanın Türkiye ayağında yapılan çalışmanın ürünüdür.
Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted in six countries, this book specifically analyses how anti-European identities are being articulated by right-wing populist individuals. Providing an analysis of the manifestos, speeches and official documents of such parties, the book examines how they instrumentalise xenophobia, Islamophobia, Euroscepticism, globalisation and international trade in European spaces to mobilise the masses hit by financial crisis and refugee crisis. Drawing on in-depth interviews with the sympathisers of populist movements, Kaya provides some insights into the main motivations of these individuals in resorting to nativist and populist discourses, whilst also providing a thorough analysis of the use of the past and heritage by such parties and their followers.
Populism and Heritage provides a unique insight into one of the most contested trends of the contemporary age. As such, the book should be of great interest to those working in the fields of heritage studies, cultural studies, politics, sociology, anthropology, philosophy and history.
ISBN 9781138313323
Published September 26, 2019 by Routledge
264 Pages
https://www.routledge.com/Populism-and-Heritage-in-Europe-Lost-in-Diversity-and-Unity/Kaya/p/book/9781138313323
Bringing together a group of political scientists, anthropologists, and cultural and memory studies scholars, the book illuminates the relationship between memory and populism from different angles and in different contexts. The contributors to the volume discuss dominant notions of European heritage that circulate in the public sphere and in political discourse, and consider how the politics of fear relates to such notions of European heritage and identity across and beyond Europe and the European Union. Ultimately, this volume will shed light on how notions of a shared European heritage and memory can be used not only to include and connect Europeans, but also to exclude some of them.
Investigating the ways in which nationalist populist forces mobilize the idea of a shared, homogeneous European civilization, European Memory in Populism will be of interest to scholars and students in the fields of European studies, heritage and memory studies, migration studies, anthropology, political science and sociology.
Chapters 1, 4, 6, and 10 of this book are freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-No-Derivatives 4.0 license.
Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted in six countries, this book specifically analyses how anti-European identities are being articulated by right-wing populist individuals. Providing an analysis of the manifestos, speeches and official documents of such parties, the book examines how they instrumentalise xenophobia, Islamophobia, Euroscepticism, globalisation and international trade in European spaces to mobilise the masses hit by financial crisis and refugee crisis. Drawing on in-depth interviews with the sympathisers of populist movements, Kaya provides some insights into the main motivations of these individuals in resorting to nativist and populist discourses, whilst also providing a thorough analysis of the use of the past and heritage by such parties and their followers.
Populism and Heritage provides a unique insight into one of the most contested trends of the contemporary age. As such, the book should be of great interest to those working in the fields of heritage studies, cultural studies, politics, sociology, anthropology, philosophy and history.
Bringing together a group of political scientists, anthropologists, and cultural and memory studies scholars, the book illuminates the relationship between memory and populism from different angles and in different contexts. The contributors to the volume discuss dominant notions of European heritage that circulate in the public sphere and in political discourse, and consider how the politics of fear relates to such notions of European heritage and identity across and beyond Europe and the European Union. Ultimately, this volume will shed light on how notions of a shared European heritage and memory can be used not only to include and connect Europeans, but also to exclude some of them.
Investigating the ways in which nationalist populist forces mobilize the idea of a shared, homogeneous European civilization, European Memory in Populism will be of interest to scholars and students in the fields of European studies, heritage and memory studies, migration studies, anthropology, political science and sociology.
Chapters 1, 4, 6, and 10 of this book are freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-No-Derivatives 4.0 license.
Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted in six countries, this book specifically analyses how anti-European identities are being articulated by right-wing populist individuals. Providing an analysis of the manifestos, speeches and official documents of such parties, the book examines how they instrumentalise xenophobia, Islamophobia, Euroscepticism, globalisation and international trade in European spaces to mobilise the masses hit by financial crisis and refugee crisis. Drawing on in-depth interviews with the sympathisers of populist movements, Kaya provides some insights into the main motivations of these individuals in resorting to nativist and populist discourses, whilst also providing a thorough analysis of the use of the past and heritage by such parties and their followers.
Populism and Heritage provides a unique insight into one of the most contested trends of the contemporary age. As such, the book should be of great interest to those working in the fields of heritage studies, cultural studies, politics, sociology, anthropology, philosophy and history.
This book analyses Muslim-origin immigrant communities in Europe, and the problematic nature of their labelling by both their home and host countries. The author challenges the ways in which both sending and receiving countries encapsulate these migrants within the religiously defined closed box of “Muslim” and/or “Islam”. Transcending binary oppositions of East and West, European and Muslim, local and newcomer, Kaya presents the multiple identities of Muslim-origin immigrants by interrogating the third space paradigm. Turkish Origin Migrants and Their Descendants analyses the complexity of the hyphenated identities of the Turkish-origin community with their intricate religious, ethnic, cultural, ideological and personal elements. This insight into the life-worlds of transnational individuals and local communities will be of interest to students and scholars of the social sciences, migration studies, and political science, especially those concerned with Islamization of radicalism, populism, and Islamophobia in a European context.
Turkish Origin Migrants and Their Descendants analyses the complexity of the hyphenated identities of the Turkish-origin community with their intricate religious, ethnic, cultural, ideological and personal elements. This insight into the life-worlds of transnational individuals and local communities will be of interest to students and scholars of the social sciences, migration studies, and political science, especially those concerned with Islamization of radicalism, populism, and Islamophobia in a European context.
Almanya ve Fransa'da yaşayan Türkiye kökenli insanların Türkiye ve Avrupa algılarını araştıran geniş kapsamlı niteliksel ve niceliksel çalışma.
316 sayfa
Uzun yıllar boyunca Batı için bir mutluluk kaynağı olan göç, artık istikrarsızlığın ve güvensizliğin sebebi ya da dar görüşlü politikacılar tarafından iktidarlarının devamlılığını sağlayan bir yönetsellik biçimi olarak görülüyor. Prof. Dr. Ayhan Kaya bu çalışmasında, Batı’da hüküm süren göçmen ve Müslüman korkusunun ciddi temellere dayandığını; bunun aslında artık adaleti ve barışı görece eşit dağıtma araçlarından yoksun ulus-devletlerinin çıkarlarına hizmet eden oluşturulmuş ve yaratılmış bir korku olduğunu ileri sürüyor. Kaya ayrıca, pek çok Batı Avrupa ülkesinde yükseliş trendi gösteren aşırı sağ oluşumlara neden olan başlıca sorunun, çoğunlukla iddia edildiğinin aksine söz konusu ülkelerde yaşayan göçmenler, mülteciler veya Müslümanlar olmadığını, aksine ülke içindeki kaynakların paylaşım süreçlerinde yaşanan gerilimler ve eşitsizlikler olduğunu ifade ediyor. Tam da bu nedenle, neoliberal muhafazakâr iktidarların göçmenleri ve Müslümanları bir tür “günah keçisi” şeklinde göstermek suretiyle, asıl gerçekliğin ve sorunun üstünü örttüğü ve kitleleri yanlış istikametlere yönlendirdiğini anlatıyor.
İslâm, Göç ve Entegrasyon: Güvenlikleştirme Çağı, sadece Avrupa’da yaşayan Müslüman kökenli göçmenler ve onları takip eden kuşaklar ve bu göçmenlere uygulanan entegrasyon ve vatandaşlık düzenlemeleri hakkında değil, aynı zamanda sekülerleşme, ihtiyatçılık, neoliberalizm, İslâm korkusu, refah devleti, aşırı sağ ve şiddet izleriyle dolu bir dönemde Almanya, Fransa, Belçika ve Hollanda’da ulus-devletin değişen yüzü hakkındadır.
the Turkish society in the post-1980 period. However, the consolidation of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) hegemony in electoral politics and increasing authoritarianism and Islamization accompanying the personification of political rule after 2011 have carried non-electoral forms of participation, what one could call “active citizenship,” to the
forefront of political struggles. The Gezi movement of 2013, the largest mass mobilization in Turkish history, epitomizes this dynamic. This chapter demonstrates how the Gezi protests cultivated more democratic forms of citizenship in defiance of the national education curricula, which are designed to cultivate particular forms of citizenry in the service of the Turkish state elite. Based on the current state of the art, it argues that the Gezi generation has broken the binary opposition between being political and apolitical through unprecedented acts of citizenship.
pek çoğunu derinden sarsan Küresel Finansal Kriz ile birlikte 2010’lu yıllara damgasını vuran Mülteci Krizinin Türkiye-AB arasındaki ilişkileri nasıl etkilediği sorusuna yanıt aramaktır. Bu çerçevede, makalenin getireceği önerme, ilişkilerin finansal kriz ve mülteci krizi ile birlikte yine AB ülkelerinde yükselişini devam ettiren Popülist-Islamofobist1
siyasal ve toplumsal dalgadan büyük oranda etkilenmekte olduğudur. Bu nedenle, makalenin altını çizdiği argüman şu şekilde kısaca ifade edilebilir: Türkiye ve AB arasındaki ilişkiyi büyük ölçüde araçsal ve kültürelist paradigmalar belirlemeye devam etmektedir. Bu argümanı kısaca açmak gerekirse, bir yandan, sayıları 3,5 milyonu bulan Suriyeli, Afganistanlı, Iraklı, Pakistanlı, Somalili mültecilerin ülkemizde kalmaları ve AB sınırlarını zorlamamaları için başta Almanya ve Hollanda olmak üzere Avrupa Birliği çevrelerinin Türkiye ile olan müzakere sürecini araçsallaştırdıkları görülürken, diğer yandan Batı’da yaşanmakta olan populist ve İslamofobik siyasal ve toplumsal iklimin yine ilişkileri kültürelist paradigmaya hapsettiği görülmektedir. Makalede yapacağımız analizler yoğunluklu olarak AB çevreleri açısından konuların nasıl ele alındığı ve Türkiye ile ilişkilerin hangi paradigmalar üzerinden tartışıldığı şeklindeki noktalarda odaklanacaktır.
değerlendirmeler yapmaktır. Etno-kültürel ve dinsel farklılıkların siyasal yönetişimi konusunda Osmanlı’dan gelen çokkültürcü gelenek ile cumhuriyet dönemiyle birlikte ortaya çıkan cumhuriyetçi modelin Türkiye’de son yıllarda iç içe geçtiği görülmektedir. Geçtiğimiz on yılı aşkın sürede yaşanan kitlesel Suriyeli göçü ile birlikte ortaya çıkan entegrasyon tartışmalarını teorik, tarihsel, hukuksal ve kurumsal yanlarıyla tartışmak ve
entegrasyon süreçlerinde rol oynayan aktörlerin rollerini ele almak bu makalenin asıl amacıdır. Çalışmada entegrasyon ve uyum kavramları eş anlamlı olarak kullanılacaktır.
injustices. By cooperating with novice researchers in the countries we study, our methodology recognised and fostered their epistemic agency. As knowledge mediators, they helped us access many self-identified Muslim youth and native youths who are labelled as far-right in Europe.
In addition to emphasising the relevance of local setting in knowledge production, the paper will also question the epistemic injustice that these youngsters have been exposed to. Both groups have been clustered in two distinct categories by previous research that has been
overwhelmingly engaged in the civilisational discourse that sets these groups apart in two culturally, religiously and civilisationally defined boxes. We believe that our participatory commitment to producing high-quality knowledge will be helpful in the scientific consideration of
socio-economically, politically, spatially, and nostalgically deprived youths, who feel pressurised by the perils of modernisation and globalisation.
non-state actors and the role of social workers and street level bureaucrats in the local implementation of reception policies. Based on empirical research, we address politics and practices of refugee reception from the vantage point of the politics of subsidiarity, which refers to the delegation of responsibility for refugee reception across different levels of governance as well as from state actors to the civil society. It comprises external conditions, such as the global impact of neoliberalism and the internal complexification of immigration politics.
extremisation of Islamism in Europe in parallel with the rise of the extremisation of right-wing extremist groups. In doing so, we explore similarities between Islamist and right-wing extremist individuals and groups. The main premise of the article is that a threat-regulation approach fails to understand the role of contextual and structural
factors in the political and religious extremisation of individuals. Instead, the article claims that a reciprocal-threat model can better explain extremist violence since it is based on the idea that nativist and Islamist extremist individuals/groups are mutually threatening each other.
threatening context generated by four decades of globalization might be a risk factor for youth extremism in the long run.
Keywords: violent extremism, youth radicalism, populism, Islamism, nativism
Keywords: Arab Spring, Migration Diplomacy, Benevolence, Populism, Ottomanism
safety, temporal effects and the growing feeling of being home over time. Prior research with Turkey’s Syrians has pointed to the significance of culture and social networks for creating a sense of being at home. This research explores these issues in more detail to show how culture, religion and gender are interlinked in migrant imaginings, how social networks evolve and how Europe is imagined.
ekonomik ve politik olguları kavramsallaştırma ve anlamada Kartezyen ikili bir anlayışın hâkim olduğu bir çağda şaşırtıcı değildir. Bilimsel düşünce de bu indirgemeci eğilimden payını almaktadır. Güncel bulgular, bilimsel araştırmaların ortaya çıkardığı gerçeklerin de ötesinde, politika yapıcıların, gazetecilerin ve halkın da bu terimleri çeşitli sosyal ve psikolojik olayları etiketlemek için oldukça esnek ve değiştirilebilir bir şekilde kullandığını
göstermektedir.
Bursa’da ve Karacabey'de uluslararası göçmenlerin ve mültecilerin tarımsal üretim süreçleri, işgücü piyasası dinamikleri ve yerel ekonomi üzerindeki etkilerini değerlendirmek amacıyla yapılan saha çalışması
ve masabaşı araştırma bulgularına dayanmaktadır. Rapor farklı bölümlerden oluşmakta olup, MATILDE
(Bursa ve Karacabey) bölgesindeki göçmenlerin ve mültecilerin mekansal dağılımı, sosyo-demografik özellikleri ve bölge üzerindeki sosyal, ekonomik ve yerel etkileri etrafındaki hususları ele alan bölümleri
içermektedir. Raporda temel olarak Karacabey’de ve Bursa'da ikamet eden göçmen ve mültecilerin yol açtığı sorunlar, zorluklar ve fırsatlar ele alınmaktadır. Son on yılda Türkiye topraklarına yönelik kitlesel
Suriyeli göçünü tecrübe ederken, raporda, söz konusu yeni göç dalgasının tarihsel olarak hem iç hem de uluslararası göçün farklı biçimlerine sahne olan bu bölgede (Bursa ve Karacabey) yarattığı sosyal,
ekonomik ve bölgesel etkileri üzerinde durulacaktır.
etmiştir.6 Eş zamanlı olarak, Avrupa dışı ülkelerden, özellikle Irak ve İran’dan, sayıları giderek artan (Kirişci ve Karaca 2015) ve güvenlik tehdidi olarak kabul edilen (Kirişci 2004, 2014) sığınmacılar ülkeye varmıştır. Bu süre zarfında, Birleşmiş Milletler Mülteciler Yüksek Komiserliği (BMMYK) Türkiye’nin iltica politikasına nezaret etmiş, sığınmacıların temel yardım ve barınma ihtiyaçlarını gidermiş ve üçüncü bir
ülkeye yerleştirilmelerini sağlamıştır. 1998 yılında hükümet; BMMYK, Avrupa Konseyi ve Avrupa Komisyonu’nun desteklediği “Köye Dönüş ve Rehabilitasyon Projesi” (KDRP) kapsamında yerinden edilmiş kişilerin yeniden entegrasyonunu teşvik etmiştir (Adaman & Kaya 2012). Ancak, projenin uygulanması sürecinde 2004 yılından itibaren çeşitli aksaklıklar yaşanmıştır (a.g.e.). Buna paralel olarak, son yıllarda ve özellikle 2007 sonrası ekonomik krizin teşvik ettiği, yeniden göçler ve çok ikametli yaşam düzeni, yukarıda bahsedilen gruplar ve şehirli orta sınıflar arasında tespit edilebilmiştir (örn.
Öztürk ve diğerleri 2018; bkz. yaşam biçimi göçü ile ilgili bölüm). Bugün Türkiye nüfusunun %92,3'ü şehirlerde ve kasabalarda yaşarken köylerde yaşam oranı sadece %7,7'dir (Ertürk 2020).
Since World War II, rural areas in Turkey were characterised by out-migration to cities and abroad due to mechanization in agriculture, neo-liberal agricultural policies and investments in railway connections to urban centres as well as job opportunities there (Adaman & Kaya 2012; Öztürk et al. 2018; cf. Erman 1998; Guresci 2013, Ertürk 2020). In addition, starting from the second half of the 1980s, individuals of Kurdish origin as well as Christian Assyrians were displaced internally (IDP) by security forces or the PKK (Kurdish Workers Party) and had to leave their villages and towns in the Southeast as a result of the armed conflict (Adaman & Kaya 2012)
Radicalism, extremism, terrorism, fundamentalism and violence have recently been interchangeably used by many in academia, media and politics. These terms used to be perceived and defined very differently prior to the 1990s when tremendous political, societal and demographic changes took place all around the world. Focusing on the radicalisation processes of both nativist and Islamist youngsters in Europe, this Working Paper scrutinises the differences between these terms by revisiting the ways they were used in the past. In doing so, the paper tries to reveal the neo-liberal logic of modern state actors in reducing radicalisation to terrorism and extremism. This paper derives from the ongoing EU-funded research for the “PRIME Youth” project conducted under the supervision of the Principal Investigator, Prof. Dr. Ayhan Kaya, and funded by the European Research Council with the Agreement Number 785934.
The paper argues that in spite of the lack of cohesive legal frameworks on high-skilled migration between the EU, member states and Turkey, the presence of high-skilled migration frameworks and policies has been a positive driver in EU-Turkey relations. It notes that from 1999 to 2013, political, societal and economic developments in EU and Turkey were drivers that increased the mobility of highly skilled migrants (including students), particularly from the EU to Turkey. The same drivers, in general terms, reversed this trend from roughly 2013 onwards (marked by the Gezi protests in Turkey). In sum, highly skilled migration stands out as an area of mutual benefit, particularly to drive EU-Turkey relations in the direction of “convergence” in 2023.
the Balkans, North Africa and the Caucasus as well as in the Central Asian Turkic republics) using a Turco-Islamist discourse, and in European Union countries by instrumentalizing the migrant entities of Turkish origin settled there. In both instances, it seems the Turkish political elite has proven that their manoeuvres comply with the multiple modernities paradigm: They have portrayed themselves as active political agents imposing their cultural, linguistic, historical and religious tenets on other nations, rather than being imposed upon by the linear form of modernity monopolized by the west.