Stalin Quotes

“The quotation falsely attributed to Stalin, 'One death is a tragedy; a million deaths is a statistic,' gets the numbers wrong but captures a real fact about human psychology. (p. 220)”
― Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined

“Joseph McCarthy, the Junior Republican Senator from Wisconsin, ruled America like devil king for four years. His purges were an American mirror image of Stalin's purges, an unnoticed similarity.”
― Martha Gellhorn, The View from the Ground

“My response to those who still try to justify Castro’s tyranny with the excuse that he has built schools and hospitals is this: Stalin, Hitler and Pinochet also built schools and hospitals, and like Castro, they also tortured and assassinated opponents. They built concentration and extermination camps and eradicated all liberties, committing the worst crimes against humanity.”
― Armando Valladares, Against All Hope: A Memoir of Life in Castro's Gulag

“I know him by another name. His real one is Slem, not uncommon for men of his generation. It stands for Stalin Lenin Engels Marx. He's always making up new names for himself--wouldn't you?”
― Victor Robert Lee, Performance Anomalies

“(on visiting the USSR after Stalin regime installed)
All right, I can see the broken eggs. Now where's this omelette of yours?”
― Panait Istrati

“Democracy is not a form of government. It is a tool of government. Case in point, Stalinist USSR was a "democracy".”
― A.E. Samaan

“Returning to Washington,FDR declared that Yalta Conference had put and end to the kind of balance-of-power divisions that had long marred global politics. His assessment echoed Woodrow Wilson's idealistic and equally inaccurate claims at the end of World War I. In London, Churchill told his cabinet that "poor Chamberlain believed he could trust Hitler. He was wrong. But I don't think I'm wrong about Stalin." Soviet-British friendship, Churchill maintained, "would continue as long as Stalin was in charge.”
― Madeleine Albright, Prague Winter: A Personal Story of Remembrance and War, 1937-1948

“Stalin was the most audible and powerful spokesman in the campaign against what he contemptuously called uravnilovka (leveling). His hostility - voiced in sarcastic and dismissive terms - was so deep and so clearly enunciated that it rapidly became state policy and social doctrine. He believed in productive results, not through spontaneity or persuasion, but through force, hierarchy, reward, punishment, and above all differential wages. He applied this view to the whole of society. Stalin's anti-egalitarianism was not born of the five-year plan era. He was offended by the very notion and used contemptuous terms such as "fashionable leftists", "blockheads", "petty bourgeois nonsense" and "silly chatter," thus reducing the discussion to a sweeping dismissal of childish, unrealistic, and unserious promoters of equality. The toughness of the delivery evoked laughter of approval from his audience.”
― Stites Richard

“This absolute lack of objectivity might be said to resemble nothing so much as the lack of objectivity these same people had shown during Stalin's life, when they had been so supremely worshipful of his mind and strength of will, of his foresight and genius. Their hysterical worship of Stalin and their total and unconditional rejection of him sprang from the same soil.”
― Vasily Grossman, An Armenian Sketchbook

“Allra mest tyckte jag om att få var svinaktig med Hitler og Stalin.”
― Tove Jansson

“Rivera’s admiration for Stalin was equaled only by his admiration for Henry Ford. By the 1920s and ‘30s, nearly every industrial country in Europe and Latin America, as well as the Soviet Union, had adopted Ford’s engineering and manufacturing methods: his highly efficient assembly line to increase production and reduce the cost of automobiles, so that the working class could at least afford to own a car; his total control over all the manufacturing and production processes by concentrating them all in one place, from the gathering of raw materials to orchestrating the final assembly; and his integration, training, and absolute control of the workforce. Kahn, the architect of Ford’s factories, subsequently constructed hundreds of factories on the model of the Rouge complex in Dearborn, Michigan, which was the epicenter of Ford’s industrial acumen as well as a world-wide symbol of future technology. Such achievements led Rivera to regard Detroit’s industry as the means of transforming the proletariat to take the reins of economic production.”
― Linda Downs

“You can forget Stalin,” he said, pledging his allegiance. “We’re not the History Channel.”
― Timur Vermes, Er ist wieder da

“She gave Stalin the letter and asked him to deliver it; for a moment, at least, one of the great murderers of the twentieth century played mailman for a young girl in love.”
― David Remnick

“There are two famous quips of Stalin which are both grounded in this logic. When Stalin answered the question "Which deviation is worse, the Rightist or the Leftist one?" by "They are both worse!", the underlying premise is that the Leftist deviation is REALLY ("objectively," as Stalinists liked to put it) not leftist at all, but a concealed Rightist one! When Stalin wrote, in a report on a party congress, that the delegates, with the majority of votes, unanimously approved the CC resolution, the underlying premise is, again, that there was really no minority within the party: those who voted against thereby excluded themselves from the party... In all these cases, the genus repeatedly overlaps (fully coincides) with one of its species. This is also what allows Stalin to read history retroactively, so that things "become clear" retroactively: it was not that Trotsky was first fighting for the revolution with Lenin and Stalin and then, at a certain stage, opted for a different strategy than the one advocated by Stalin; this last opposition (Trotsky/Stalin) "makes it clear" how, "objectively," Trotsky was against revolution all the time back.

We find the same procedure in the classificatory impasse the Stalinist ideologists and political activists faced in their struggle for collectivization in the years 1928-1933. In their attempt to account for their effort to crush the peasants' resistance in "scientific" Marxist terms, they divided peasants into three categories (classes): the poor peasants (no land or minimal land, working for others), natural allies of the workers; the autonomous middle peasants, oscillating between the exploited and exploiters; the rich peasants, "kulaks" (employing other workers, lending them money or seeds, etc.), the exploiting "class enemy" which, as such, has to be "liquidated." However, in practice, this classification became more and more blurred and inoperative: in the generalized poverty, clear criteria no longer applied, and other two categories often joined kulaks in their resistance to forced collectivization. An additional category was thus introduced, that of a subkulak, a peasant who, although, with regard to his economic situation, was to poor to be considered a kulak proper, nonetheless shared the kulak "counter-revolutionary" attitude.”
― Slavoj Žižek

“Well, don’t tell me that sexual freedom was Stalin’s lasting contribution to mankind.”
― David Lagercrantz, Fall of Man in Wilmslow

“Stalin’s Russia was a trap, in which even those running the system were caught. The leaders were trapped by fear of Stalin and even he was trapped by his fear of their desire to be rid of him. Everything he had to eat or drink had to be tasted by one of his colleagues first. Beria’s behavior at his death showed that his fear was only partly paranoia.”
― Jonathan Glover

“The sacralization of the party opened the way to the sacralization of Stalin when he became the supreme leader. After 1929, the political religion of Russia mainly concentrated on the deification of Stalin, who until his death in 1953 dominated the party and Soviet system like a tyrannical and merciless deity.”
― Emilio Gentile, Politics as Religion

“Перед каждым фильмом непрерывно шел киножурнал-боевик «Пребывание В. М. Молотова в Берлине». Я насмотрелся его так, что знал наизусть каждый кадр.

Из него явствовало, что у Советского Союза нет большего друга, чем Гитлер. У советского народа есть Сталин, а затем — Гитлер. И вот Молотов едет в Германию, у нас с ней пакт о дружбе и ненападении. Его встречают в Берлине оркестрами, цветами и овациями. Изумительно маршируют гитлеровские войска. Захватывающая военная музыка. Гитлер по-братски радушно встречает Молотова, долго-долго трясет ему руку, они о чем-то увлеченно говорят, а вокруг толпа фотографов, вспышки. И опять сногсшибательно маршируют немецкие войска с развернутыми знаменами, на которых — такая мужественная, дружественная нам свастика.

И я начинал захлебываться от восторга, глядя на экран: хотелось вот так же лихо маршировать. Вот бы наш пионерский отряд научился так ходить, а наши военные игры походили бы на немецкие операции в Европе!.. Ах, как они лихо действовали, эти немцы. Советский Союз едва поспевал им неумело подражать.

Состоялась расчудесная война с Польшей. Гитлер с запада, мы с востока — и Польши нет. Конечно, для отвода глаз мы назвали это «освобождением Западной Украины и Белоруссии» и развесили плакаты, где какой-то оборванный хлоп обнимает мужественного красноармейца-освободителя. Но так принято. Тот, кто нападает, всегда — освободитель от чего-нибудь.

Папа Жорика Гороховского был мобилизован, ходил на эту войну и однажды по пьянке рассказал, как их там в самом деле встречали. Прежде всего они там, от самого большого командира до последнего ездового, накинулись на магазины с тканями, обувью и стали набивать мешки и чемоданы. Господи, чего только не навезли наши бравые воины из Польши. Один политрук привез чемодан лакированных ботинок, но они вдруг стали расползаться после первых шагов. Оказалось, что он схватил декоративную обувь для покойников, сшитую на живую нитку. А Жоркин папа привез даже кучу велосипедных звонков. Мы носились с ними, звякали и веселились: — Польше каюк!

Буржуйским Литве, Латвии, Эстонии был каюк. У Румынии взяли и отобрали Бессарабию. Хорошо быть сильным. И все же это не шло ни в какое сравнение с подвигами Гитлера.

Дед каждый день требовал, чтобы я читал ему в газетах про Гитлера. Немцы всюду только побеждали. Они бомбили, топили суда водоизмещением в тысячи брутто-тонн, шутя занимали страны и столицы. Неповоротливые растяпы-англичане доживали последние дни, Бельгии каюк, Франции каюк.

Когда дед отдыхал, я пристраивался к нему, и у нас начиналась увлекательная игра. Дед поднимал ладонь, планировал ею в воздухе, жужжал и с криком «бомбовозы» пикировал на меня. Я хохотал [92—93].”
― Анатолий Кузнецов, Babi Yar: A Document in the Form of a Novel

“In Lenin's view, such changes were positive: nations, as products of capitalist economic relations, fitted into classic Marxist stage theory of development. Even Stalin, who differed on the implications for Soviet policy, agreed that nations were an inescapable phase through which all humans communities must pass. Ultimately, they (like, capitalism) would be superseded, but for precapitalist societies national development and nationalist movements were treated as progressive. Lenin drew a further distinction between great-power nationalism, which oppressed others, and small-power nationalism, which formed in response o it. In places - such as Russia - that had been responsible for national and colonial oppression of others, nationalism was to be combated without mercy and torn out by the roots. Among groups that had been victims of national or colonial oppression, by contrast-such as in the tsarist imperial periphery, where Russian power had created deep economic, political, and social resentment-the Leninist approach was to build socialism while encouraging indigenous development and national differentiation.”
― Douglas Northrop, Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia

“Supposedly troubled that women would no longer be treated as property, these man saw the hujum as another kind of expropriation, much like the land and water redistribution. One was quoted as saying that unveiling was merely an extension of Soviet land reform, since it aimed to seize the second, third, and fourth wives of bois and transfer them to the poor landless peasants who had to hire themselves out as field hands. (This was a common view, as many Uzbeks also saw the hujum as transferring women from male control to that of the state.)”
― Douglas Northrop, Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia

“When agents of the Turkmen secret police came up short in arrests of counterrevolutionaries in 1937-38, they filled their quota by going to the Ashgabat marketplace and rounding up all men who wore beards, on theory that they were likely to be mullahs.”
― Douglas Northrop

“Even under Stalin, Soviet state power, acting through law and the courts, confronted serious limits in its efforts to govern, much less transform, its colonial Central Asian periphery.”
― Douglas Northrop, Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia

“Still other rumors held that the ultimate aim of Bolshevik policy, seen in the combination of unveiling and collectivization, was to have all women held in common. In the kolkhoz, peasants ware warned, men and women slept together under giant blanket, and wives became common property.”
― Douglas Northrop, Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia

“In insisting that peasant activity contrary to Communist policies could be defined as kulak while at the same time maintaining that his approach to the peasantry was based on scientific Marxist class analysis, Lenin provided his successors with conceptualizations that would be used in collectivization when Stalin launched a war against all peasants.”
― Lynne Viola, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance

“Pope Pius XI called for a world-wide day of prayer, to be held on 16 March 1930, on behalf of the persecuted believers in Russia. This action led Stalin to suspend temporarily the antireligious campaign, according to Roy Medvedev”
― Lynne Viola, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance

“By the late Stalin period, the right of complaint was so thoroughly a part of this political culture, in which civil law and litigation were frequently meaningless, that there were special mailboxes in the concentration camps of the Gulag labeled, "To the Supreme Soviet", "To the Council of Ministers", "To the Minister of Internal Affairs", and "To the Prosecutor General".”
― Lynne Viola

“Perhaps the breaking of the human spirit into submissive, thoughtless robots is the most terrible feature of Stalin’s Russia. Humanity is bowed down. Every one cringes before his superiors, and those who abase themselves seek outlets in bullying and terrifying the unfortunates beneath them. Integrity, courage and charity disappear in the stifling atmosphere of cant, falsehood and terror.”
― Freda Utley, Lost Illusion

“Еще в августе, когда румыны объявили нам об отмене братства по оружию, горожане почему-то затопили камины и стали жечь костры во дворах. Огню предавали памятные фотопортреты сыновей, приезжавших на побывку с фронта; фотографии празднеств в народных немецких костюмах; газеты и книги, пластинки, вымпелы Фонда зимней помощи, школьные тетради и, конечно, Гитлера, сотни Гитлеров. То, что не получалось сжечь, уносили подальше или закапывали. Достаточно глубоко, а то вдруг своя же собака раскопает прошлое и принесет его в дом в самый неподходящий момент. Детские игрушечные армии, юношеские значки и стариковские пивные кружки с гравировкой.

Мать останавливалась у каждого предмета, показывала его и спрашивала: «Это не слишком немецкое?» Каждый высказывал свое мнение, в итоге отец решал, оставить или убрать. Все вещи мы бросали на простыню, расстеленную посреди комнаты. Я пожертвовал всеми своими сокровищами: моделями «мессершмиттов» и бляхой от Паулева ремня, на которой красовалась надпись «Моя честь — верность».

Распятие на стене наконец было избавлено от компании Гитлера. Прежде чем вместе с Сарело связать четыре угла простыни, отец откуда-то достал портрет Сталина и вставил в рамку вместо Гитлера. Поставил его на полочку и прислонил к стене. Предусмотрительно — как раз на то место, где раньше стоял самодельный приемник, пока нам, как и всем немцам, не пришлось его сдать.

Но отцу и этого было мало. Он собрал все часы, какие только нашлись в доме, и поставил на стол.

— Говорят, русские любят часы. Вот придут, и не надо будет даже искать. — Он посмотрел на нас: — С этой минуты мы — румыны. Понятно?

Мы кивнули. Это было самое первое и самое быстрое превращение из множества тех, что случились в моей жизни.

Потом отец и Сарело снесли все это добро вниз, чтобы потом как-нибудь избавиться от него. Дед снова принес ножи и тоже спустился в подвал. Мать положила руку мне на плечо и сказала, глядя на Сталина: «Раз он у нас в доме, ничего плохого с нами не случится».”
― Cătălin Dorian Florescu, Jacob beschließt zu lieben

“У меня была бабушка, она советскую власть не любила. Когда мне было 14 лет, я учился в Запорожском ремесленном училище. И я спросил у бабушки: «А что ты думаешь про Сталина?» Она сказала: «Я думаю, что он бандит». Я очень обрадовался, потому что я тоже так думал, но боялся кому-нибудь сказать. Когда я узнал, что моя бабушка — единомышленница, это меня порадовало. При этом понимал, что этими мыслями ни с кем, кроме бабушки, делиться нельзя.”
― Владимир Войнович

“The peasant rebellion against collectivization was the most serious episode in popular resistance experienced by the Soviet state after the Russian Civil War. In 1930, more than two million peasants took part in 13,754 mass disturbances. In 1929 and 1930, the OGPU recorded 22,887 "terrorists acts" aimed at local officials and peasant activists, more than 1,100 murders.”
― Lynne Viola, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance