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{{Use dmy dates|date=July 2017}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=July 2017}}
{{Politics of Hong Kong}}
{{Politics of Hong Kong}}
'''Localism in Hong Kong''' is a political movement centered on the preservation of the city's autonomy and local culture. The movement encompasses a variety of groups with different goals, but all of them oppose the perceived growing encroachment of the [[Government of China|Chinese central government]] on the city's management of its own political, economic, and social affairs.<ref>{{cite news|title=Hong Kong suffers identity crisis as China's influence grows|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/mar/23/china-hong-kong-identity-crisis|newspaper=The Guardian|date=18 April 2016}}</ref><ref name="timeout">{{cite news|title=Localism: Why is support for the political perspective growing - and who's behind it?|url=http://www.timeout.com.hk/big-smog/features/73236/localism-why-is-support-for-the-political-perspective-growing-and-whos-behind-it.html|date=1 July 2015}}</ref> Issues of concern to [[Localist groups (Hong Kong)|Localist groups]] include land use and development, cultural and heritage conservation, [[Parallel trading in Hong Kong|parallel trading]] and the increasing number of [[New immigrants in Hong Kong|mainland immigrants]] and [[Individual Visit Scheme|tourists]]. On the autonomy of Hong Kong, many of them advocate the Hong Kong people's [[right to self-determination]], while milder elements advocate for [[Hong Kong Autonomy Movement|greater autonomy]] while remaining part of China, and the most radical call for return to [[British Hong Kong|British rule]] or [[Hong Kong independence movement|full independence]] as a sovereign state.
'''Localism in Hong Kong''' is a political movement centered on the preservation of the city's autonomy and local culture. The movement encompasses a variety of groups with different goals, but all of them oppose the perceived growing encroachment of the [[Government of China|Chinese central government]] on the city's management of its own political, economic, and social affairs.<ref>{{cite news|title=Hong Kong suffers identity crisis as China's influence grows|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/mar/23/china-hong-kong-identity-crisis|newspaper=The Guardian|date=18 April 2016}}</ref><ref name="timeout">{{cite news|title=Localism: Why is support for the political perspective growing - and who's behind it?|url=http://www.timeout.com.hk/big-smog/features/73236/localism-why-is-support-for-the-political-perspective-growing-and-whos-behind-it.html|date=1 July 2015}}</ref> [[Localist groups (Hong Kong)|Localist groups]] formed as topical interest groups which oppose specific issues, such as land use and development, cultural and heritage conservation on the left, [[Parallel trading in Hong Kong|parallel trading]] and the increasing number of [[New immigrants in Hong Kong|mainland immigrants]] and [[Individual Visit Scheme|tourists]] on the right. On the autonomy of Hong Kong, many of them advocate the Hong Kong people's [[right to self-determination]], while milder elements advocate for [[Hong Kong Autonomy Movement|greater autonomy]] while remaining part of China, and the most radical call for the return to [[British Hong Kong|British rule]] or [[Hong Kong independence movement|full independence]] as a sovereign state. Certain right-wing localist groups also advocate for a more aggressive and militant approach in defending popular interests.<ref name="clashes"/>


Though localist groups with different agendas and ideologies have existed since the [[Transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong|territory's transfer of sovereignty]], today's movement as a whole emerged in the early 2010s and gained significant traction following [[2014 Hong Kong protests|widespread protests in 2014]] against the [[2014–15 Hong Kong electoral reform|Chinese government's decision]] to pre-screen Chief Executive candidates before allowing them to be chosen by the general public in a [[Hong Kong Chief Executive election, 2017|2017 election]]. Following these protests, a number of localist political parties were formed, organising protests and participating in [[Legislative Council of Hong Kong|Legislative Council]] elections.
Though localist groups with different agendas and ideologies have existed since the [[Transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong|territory's transfer of sovereignty]], today's movement as a whole emerged in the early 2010s and gained significant traction following [[2014 Hong Kong protests|widespread protests in 2014]] against the [[2014–15 Hong Kong electoral reform|Chinese government's decision]] to pre-screen Chief Executive candidates before allowing them to be chosen by the general public in a [[Hong Kong Chief Executive election, 2017|2017 election]]. Following these protests, a number of localist political parties were formed, organising protests and participating in [[Legislative Council of Hong Kong|Legislative Council]] elections. In the [[Hong Kong legislative election, 2016|2016 Legislative Council election]], localist candidates won 6 of the 35 seats allocated for [[Geographical constituency|geographical constituencies]], earning a 19 per cent share of total votes. After the election, the government took legal actions against the localist and the radical democrat legislators over the [[Hong Kong Legislative Council oath-taking controversy|oath-taking controversy]], which resulted in the disqualifications of six legislators.


==Terminology==
==Terminology==
[[Localism (politics)|Localism]] in the western context constitutes [[libertarian]] ideas of a decentralised local government as opposed to the central government, and stresses on [[self-sufficiency]], agriculture and [[communalism]]. Although it also stresses Hong Kong's economic self-sufficiency and local democracy, localism in the Hong Kong context emphasises the mainland Chinese cultural and political threat to the city and attempts to reinforce a Hong Kong identity as opposed to the [[Chinese nationalism|Chinese national identity]]. It often includes an [[anti-immigration]] stance, and it has been said that "[[Nativism (politics)|nativism]]" is synonymous with localism.<ref name="timeout"/><ref>{{cite news|title=Hong Kong nativists' constant need to find the next enemy makes no sense|first=Danny|last=Chan|date=6 July 2015|url=http://www.scmp.com/comment/insight-opinion/article/1833336/hong-kong-nativists-constant-need-find-next-enemy-makes-no|newspaper=South China Morning Post}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Hong Kong's Enduring Identity Crisis|first=Sebastian|last=Veg|newspaper=The Atlantic|date=16 March 2013|url=https://www.theatlantic.com/china/archive/2013/10/hong-kongs-enduring-identity-crisis/280622/}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Determined|date=30 May 2015|newspaper=The Economist|url=https://www.economist.com/news/china/21652345-local-passion-flaring-chinas-fears-secessionism-are-overblown-determined}}</ref> Some localists call themselves "autonomists", while the Beijing government brands them "[[separatists]]".<ref>{{cite news|title=旺角騷亂 京定性本土激進分離組織策動 議員:為23條立法鋪路|newspaper=Apple Daily|date=13 February 2016|url=http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/news/art/20160213/19489666}}</ref>
[[Localism (politics)|Localism]] in the western context constitutes [[libertarian]] ideas of a decentralised local government as opposed to the central government, and stresses on [[self-sufficiency]], agriculture and [[communalism]]. Although it also stresses on Hong Kong's economic self-sufficiency and local democracy, localism in the Hong Kong context emphasises on the mainland Chinese cultural and political threat to the city and attempts to reinforce a Hong Kong identity as opposed to the [[Chinese nationalism|Chinese national identity]]. It often includes an [[anti-immigration]] stance, and it has been said that "[[Nativism (politics)|nativism]]" is synonymous with localism.<ref name="timeout"/><ref>{{cite news|title=Hong Kong nativists' constant need to find the next enemy makes no sense|first=Danny|last=Chan|date=6 July 2015|url=http://www.scmp.com/comment/insight-opinion/article/1833336/hong-kong-nativists-constant-need-find-next-enemy-makes-no|newspaper=South China Morning Post}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Hong Kong's Enduring Identity Crisis|first=Sebastian|last=Veg|newspaper=The Atlantic|date=16 March 2013|url=https://www.theatlantic.com/china/archive/2013/10/hong-kongs-enduring-identity-crisis/280622/}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Determined|date=30 May 2015|newspaper=The Economist|url=https://www.economist.com/news/china/21652345-local-passion-flaring-chinas-fears-secessionism-are-overblown-determined}}</ref> Some localists call themselves "autonomists", while the Beijing government brands them "[[separatists]]".<ref>{{cite news|title=旺角騷亂 京定性本土激進分離組織策動 議員:為23條立法鋪路|newspaper=Apple Daily|date=13 February 2016|url=http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/news/art/20160213/19489666}}</ref>


==History of local consciousness in Hong Kong==
==History of local consciousness in Hong Kong==
Hong Kong was established in 1841 as a [[free port]]. The colonial government encouraged the free movement of capital and labour and there was not a strict sense of "Hong Kong residents" or "Hong Kong people". Residents were not registered by the government until 1949, a response to the influx of refugees fleeing from the [[Chinese Communists|Communists]]' takeover in Mainland China.
Hong Kong was established in 1841 as a [[free port]]. The colonial government encouraged the free movement of capital and labour and there was not a strict sense of "Hong Kong residents" or "Hong Kong people" legally, as the [[Hong Kong identity card]]s were not introduced as identity documents by the government in 1949 in the light of the influx of refugees fleeing from the [[Chinese Communists|Communists]]' takeover in Mainland China.


Sociologist Lui Tai-lok in his book ''Four Generations of Hong Kong People'', divided Hong Kong people into four generations. The first generation, he states, was the ones who were born before 1945 and had experienced the [[Japanese occupation of Hong Kong]],<ref>{{cite book|title=香港四代人| author= 呂大樂|year=2007|publisher=進一步多媒體有限公司}}</ref> while the [[baby boomers]], the second generation who were born after the war, were the first wave of local consciousness.<ref name="Law">{{cite journal|title=香港本土意識的前世今生|author=羅永生|journal=思想}}</ref>
Sociologist Lui Tai-lok in his book ''Four Generations of Hong Kong People'', divided Hong Kong people into four generations. The first generation, he states, was the ones who were born before 1945 and had experienced the [[Japanese occupation of Hong Kong]],<ref>{{cite book|title=香港四代人| author= 呂大樂|year=2007|publisher=進一步多媒體有限公司}}</ref> while the [[baby boomers]], the second generation who were born after the war, were the first wave of local consciousness.<ref name="Law">{{cite journal|title=香港本土意識的前世今生|author=羅永生|journal=思想}}</ref>
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The baby boomers were children of the refugees but were born and raised in Hong Kong and have a strong sense of belonging. They sought to break through the [[Cold War]] rivalry between the Communists and the [[Kuomintang|Nationalists]] which dominated the political scene at the time.
The baby boomers were children of the refugees but were born and raised in Hong Kong and have a strong sense of belonging. They sought to break through the [[Cold War]] rivalry between the Communists and the [[Kuomintang|Nationalists]] which dominated the political scene at the time.


The 1970s saw unprecedented waves of student movements, such as the Chinese Language Movement and the anti-corruption movement, the [[Baodiao movement|defend the Diaoyu Islands movement]], and so on, which were independent of the left-right spectrum and became the first wave of local consciousness.<ref name="Law"/> The Chinese Language Movement succeeded in having Chinese join English as an official language of Hong Kong. The student movements at the time consisted of some [[liberalism in Hong Kong|liberal]], Chinese nationalist, and [[anti-colonialist]] elements.<ref name="Law"/>
The 1970s saw unprecedented waves of student movements, such as the Chinese Language Movement and the anti-corruption movement, the [[Baodiao movement|defend the Diaoyu Islands movement]], and so on, which was independent of the left-right spectrum and became the first wave of local consciousness.<ref name="Law"/> The Chinese Language Movement successfully made Chinese to become the official language of Hong Kong along with English. The student movements at the time consisted of some [[liberalism in Hong Kong|liberal]], Chinese nationalist, and [[anti-colonialist]] elements.<ref name="Law"/>


In the 1960s and 70s, the colonial government also attempted to create an apolitical local consciousness in order to boost the legitimacy of the colonial rule. Under [[Governor of Hong Kong|Governor]] [[Murray MacLehose]]'s administration, Hong Kong underwent a massive decolonised reform. The aim of creating a local identity was to raise the bid for the British side in the upcoming negotiation over Hong Kong sovereignty after 1997. The British government also carefully avoided to provoke Hong Kong people's British belongingness as it had already decided to prevent massive migration from Hong Kong to Britain.<ref name="Law"/>
In the 1960s and 70s, the colonial government also attempted to create an apolitical local consciousness in order to boost the legitimacy of the colonial rule. Under [[Governor of Hong Kong|Governor]] [[Murray MacLehose]]'s administration, Hong Kong underwent a massive decolonised reform. The aim of creating a local identity was to raise the bid for the British side in the upcoming negotiation over Hong Kong sovereignty after 1997. The British government also carefully avoided to provoke Hong Kong people's British belongingness as it had already decided to prevent massive migration from Hong Kong to Britain.<ref name="Law"/>
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[[File:Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier Clock Tower 200611.jpg|thumb|The protest against the demolition of the [[Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier#Protest movement|Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier]] in 2006.]]
[[File:Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier Clock Tower 200611.jpg|thumb|The protest against the demolition of the [[Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier#Protest movement|Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier]] in 2006.]]
[[File:Opposition to the Guangzhou-Hong Kong XRL11.jpg|thumb|right|The protest against the [[XRL|Guangzhou-Hong Kong XRL]] outside of the [[Old Supreme Court Building, Hong Kong|Legislative Council building]] in 2010.]]
[[File:Opposition to the Guangzhou-Hong Kong XRL11.jpg|thumb|right|The protest against the [[XRL|Guangzhou-Hong Kong XRL]] outside of the [[Old Supreme Court Building, Hong Kong|Legislative Council building]] in 2010.]]
The [[Hong Kong 1 July marches#2003|1 July 2003 march]] recorded an estimated 500,000 to 700,000 people demonstrating against the government's proposed [[Hong Kong Basic Law Article 23|anti-sedition]] legislation, the largest protest since the 1989 Tiananmen square protest.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Williams|first1=Louise|last2=Rich|first2=Roland|year=2000|title=Losing Control: Freedom of the Press in Asia. Asia Pacific Press|isbn=0-7315-3626-6}}</ref> Many [[Post-80s#Post-'80 in Hong Kong|post-80s]] (the generation who were born in the 1980s, [[Millennials]] in western terminology) were inspired by the democracy movement and came out onto the streets. [[7.1 People Pile]] was one of the groups which emerged after the protest. They were upset by rapid urban development which was sweeping away old neighbourhoods and communities. They were strongly opposed to the political and economic monopoly of vested interests, collusion between business and government, and questioned the nature of the capitalist system in Hong Kong.<ref name="Law"/>
The [[Hong Kong 1 July marches#2003|1 July 2003 march]] recorded an estimated 500,000 to 700,000 people demonstrating against the government's proposed [[Hong Kong Basic Law Article 23|anti-sedition]] legislation, the largest protest since the 1989 Tiananmen square protest.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Williams|first1=Louise|last2=Rich|first2=Roland|year=2000|title=Losing Control: Freedom of the Press in Asia. Asia Pacific Press|isbn=0-7315-3626-6}}</ref> Many [[Post-80s#Post-'80 in Hong Kong|post-80s]] (the generation who were born in the 1980s, [[Millennials]] in western terminology) were inspired by the democracy movement and came out onto the streets. [[7.1 People Pile]] was one of the groups came to exist after the protest. They were also upset by rapid urban development which was sweeping away old neighbourhoods and communities. They were strongly opposed to the political and economic monopoly of vested interests, collusion between business and government and questioned the nature of the capitalist system in Hong Kong.<ref name="Law"/>


They were also dissatisfied with the established opposition [[pro-democracy camp]], which they considered ineffective in challenging the system. Several conservation movements led by young activists emerged, protesting against demolition of the [[Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier#Protest movement|Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier]], [[Queen's Pier#Preservation campaign battlefronts|Queen's Pier]], and the buildings on [[Lee Tung Street]] (known as "Wedding Card Street") in 2006 and 2007. [[Hong Kong Express Rail Link controversy|Protests]] against the construction of the Hong Kong section of the [[XRL|high-speed rail link to Guangzhou]] (XRL) escalated in 2009 and 2010 and established a new high point of the localist movement.<ref name="Law"/>
They were also dissatisfied with the established opposition [[pro-democracy camp]], which they considered ineffective in challenging the system. Several conservation movements led by young activists emerged, protesting against demolition of the [[Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier#Protest movement|Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier]], [[Queen's Pier#Preservation campaign battlefronts|Queen's Pier]], and the buildings on [[Lee Tung Street]] (known as "Wedding Card Street") in 2006 and 2007. [[Hong Kong Express Rail Link controversy|Protests]] against the construction of the Hong Kong section of the [[XRL|high-speed rail link to Guangzhou]] (XRL) escalated in 2009 and 2010 and established a new high point of the localist movement.<ref name="Law"/>
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===Chin Wan's city-state theory===
===Chin Wan's city-state theory===
The failure of the peaceful anti-XRL protests damaged the reputation of the left-leaning moderate activists. Some turned to a more radical approach. Scholar [[Chin Wan]] published the book, ''On the Hong Kong City-State'' in 2011 which triggered fierce public debate and was popular among the young generation.<ref>{{cite journal|title=Three Views of Local Consciousness in Hong Kong 香港 地元の意識、三つの視点|date=3 November 2014|journal=The Asia-Pacific Journal|volume=12|issue=44|url=http://www.japanfocus.org/-Ho_fung-Hung/4207|first=Ho Fung|last=Hung}}</ref> In the book, Chin suggests abandoning the hope for a democratic China and positions the democracy movement in a "localist" perspective, in order to counter Beijing's "[[Neocolonialism|neo-imperialist]]" policies toward Hong Kong. It analysed the potential threat of the influx of [[Individual Visit Scheme|mainland tourists]] and [[New immigrants in Hong Kong|immigrants]] to the established institutions and social customs of Hong Kong, which he considered likely part of a colonisation scheme by Beijing, including the increasing use of [[Mandarin Chinese]] and [[Simplified Chinese]] in daily use and in schools.
The failure of the peaceful anti-XRL protests damaged the reputation of the left-leaning moderate activists. Some turned to a more radical approach. Scholar [[Chin Wan]] published the book, ''On the Hong Kong City-State'' in 2011 which triggered fierce public debate and was popular among the young generation.<ref>{{cite journal|title=Three Views of Local Consciousness in Hong Kong 香港 地元の意識、三つの視点|date=3 November 2014|journal=The Asia-Pacific Journal|volume=12|issue=44|url=http://www.japanfocus.org/-Ho_fung-Hung/4207|first=Ho Fung|last=Hung}}</ref> In the book, Chin suggests abandoning the hope for a democratic China and positions the democracy movement in a "localist" perspective, in order to counter Beijing's "[[Neocolonialism|neo-imperialist]]" policies toward Hong Kong. It analysed the potential threat of the influx of [[Individual Visit Scheme|mainland tourists]] and [[New immigrants in Hong Kong|immigrants]] to the established institutions and social customs of Hong Kong, which he considered likely part of a colonisation scheme by Beijing, including the increasing use of [[Mandarin Chinese]] and [[Simplified Chinese]] in daily use and schools.


He advocates "Hong Kong First" and "Hong Kong-China separation" positions in order to protect Hong Kong from "[[cultural genocide]]".<ref name="Lau">{{cite news|title=Independent thinker Horace Chin treads bold path|first=Stuart|last=Lau|date=10 June 2013|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1257295/independent-thinker-horace-chin-treads-bold-path|newspaper=South China Morning Post}}</ref> He suggested building Hong Kong into an autonomous city-state, merging the British culture with a restored Chinese culture.<ref>{{cite news|title=Will a democratic China harm Hong Kong?|first=Ping|last=Chang|date=9 June 2013|url=http://www.scmp.com/comment/insight-opinion/article/1256939/will-democratic-china-harm-hong-kong|newspaper=South China Morning Post}}</ref> Chin's view was largely accepted by Hong Kong independence advocates and those who advocate for the restoration of British rule in Hong Kong.
He advocates "Hong Kong First" and "Hong Kong-China separation" positions in order to protect Hong Kong from "[[cultural genocide]]".<ref name="Lau">{{cite news|title=Independent thinker Horace Chin treads bold path|first=Stuart|last=Lau|date=10 June 2013|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1257295/independent-thinker-horace-chin-treads-bold-path|newspaper=South China Morning Post}}</ref> He suggested building Hong Kong into an autonomous city-state, merging the British culture with a restored Chinese culture.<ref>{{cite news|title=Will a democratic China harm Hong Kong?|first=Ping|last=Chang|date=9 June 2013|url=http://www.scmp.com/comment/insight-opinion/article/1256939/will-democratic-china-harm-hong-kong|newspaper=South China Morning Post}}</ref> Chin's view was largely accepted by Hong Kong independence advocates and those who advocate for the restoration of British rule in Hong Kong.


Since then, it has created a paradigm shift on Hong Kong local consciousness from the left-wing discourse of reinterpreting colonial history, cherishing the inclusive and diverse nature of the Hong Kong culture to the right-wing discourse of [[anti-Chinese sentiment]] and nostalgia for British rule.<ref name="Law"/> Chin also tells his followers to use violent action as the means for defending Hong Kong's autonomy. He once joined the group [[Hong Kong autonomy movement|Hong Kong Autonomy Movement]]. After leaving the HKAM group, he set up his own autonomist group called the [[Hong Kong Resurgence Order]].
[[Hong Kong Nativism Power]] was set up in 2011, protesting the inclusion of non-[[Hong Kong residents|Hong Kong permanent residents]] in the [[Scheme $6,000|HK$6,000 cash handouts]] program and called for a revision of the current immigration policy.{{source?|date=September 2017}}

Another group inspired by Chin's idea called the [[Hong Kong Nativism Power]] was set up in 2011. They protested against the inclusion of non-[[Hong Kong residents|Hong Kong permanent residents]] in the [[Scheme $6,000|HK$6,000 cash handouts]] program as demanded by new immigrants support groups and called for a revision of the current immigration policy.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://news.mingpao.com/20110309/gaa4.htm|title=Hong Kong Nativism Power: No cashout for new immigrants|accessdate=10 March 2011}}</ref>


===Hong Kong–Mainland conflict===
===Hong Kong–Mainland conflict===
{{further|Hong Kong–Mainland China conflict}}
{{further|Hong Kong–Mainland China conflict}}
<!-- [[WP:NFCC]] violation: [[Image:Locust-ad.jpg|thumb|right|The highly controversial advertisement paid for by Hong Kong citizens, depicting Mainlanders as [[locust]]s on ''[[Apple Daily]]'']] -->
<!-- [[WP:NFCC]] violation: [[Image:Locust-ad.jpg|thumb|right|The highly controversial advertisement paid for by Hong Kong citizens, depicting Mainlanders as [[locust]]s on ''[[Apple Daily]]'']] -->
Many conflicts between Mainlanders and Hongkongers also occurred due to the influx of the tourists and immigrants, such as the [[Hong Kong–Mainland conflict#Dolce & Gabbana controversy|Dolce & Gabbana controversy]], the [[2012 Kong Qingdong incident|Kong Qingdong incident]], [[Birth tourism in Hong Kong|birth tourism]], and [[parallel trading in Hong Kong|parallel trading among mainland tourists]], among others. These incidents and issues intensified the anti-Chinese sentiment among the Hong Kong public. Some of them published an advertisement on local newspapers, calling Mainlanders "locusts" who steal resources from Hongkongers.<ref name="Law"/>
At the same time, many conflicts between Mainlanders and Hongkongers also occurred due to the influx of the tourists and immigrants, such as the [[Hong Kong–Mainland conflict#Dolce & Gabbana controversy|Dolce & Gabbana controversy]], the [[2012 Kong Qingdong incident|Kong Qingdong incident]], [[Birth tourism in Hong Kong|birth tourism]], and [[parallel trading in Hong Kong|parallel trading among mainland tourists]], among others. These incidents and issues intensified the anti-Chinese sentiment among the Hong Kong public. Some of them published an advertisement on local newspapers, calling Mainlanders "locusts" who steal resources from Hongkongers.<ref name="Law"/>

At the same time, the localists are hostile toward the [[Pro-democracy camp in Hong Kong|pan-democracy camp]], as they believed the pan-democrats' [[cosmopolitanism]] as unrealistic and their wish for a democratic China will sacrifice at Hong Kong interest. They are also dissatisfied with the believed ineffectiveness of the pan-democrats as the opposition party for the past 20 years. On the other hand, the [[right-wing populist]] tendency of the localist movements was condemned as "xenophobic" and "nativist" by mainstream activists and the government.<ref name="Lau"/> The conflict between the left and the right wings of the movement resulted in great disunity of the whole democratic cause.


In the [[Hong Kong legislative election, 2012|2012 Legislative Council election]], some pan-democrat candidates, including [[Claudia Mo]] of the [[Civic Party]] and [[Gary Fan]] of the [[Neo Democrats]], both claiming to be moderates, expressed some localist ideas and raised concerns on tourist and immigration policies. For that, they set up a parliamentary group called [[HK First]]. Legislator [[Wong Yuk-man]], a strong critic of the Communist Party and former member of [[People Power (Hong Kong)|People Power]] and his protégé [[Wong Yeung-tat]], leader of the activist group [[Civic Passion]], also switched to the localist cause soon after the election.
In the [[Hong Kong legislative election, 2012|2012 Legislative Council election]], some pan-democrat candidates, including [[Claudia Mo]] of the [[Civic Party]] and [[Gary Fan]] of the [[Neo Democrats]], both claiming to be moderates, expressed some localist ideas and raised concerns on tourist and immigration policies. For that, they set up a parliamentary group called [[HK First]]. Legislator [[Wong Yuk-man]], a strong critic of the Communist Party and former member of [[People Power (Hong Kong)|People Power]] and his protégé [[Wong Yeung-tat]], leader of the activist group [[Civic Passion]], also switched to the localist cause soon after the election.
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Criticising the annual [[Memorials for the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989|vigil to commemorate the Tiananmen Square crackdown]] held by the [[Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China]] for having a Chinese nationalistic theme, Civic Passion organised its alternative 4 June rally in [[Tsim Sha Tsui]]. The alternative event attracted 200 people in 2013 and 7,000 in 2014, compared with 180,000 and 150,000 respectively for the main event.<ref>Ip, Kelly; Phneah, Jeraldine; NectarGan (5 June 2013) [http://www.thestandard.com.hk/news_detail.asp?pp_cat=30&art_id=134342&sid=39765760&con_type=1&d_str=20130605&isSearch=1&sear_year=2013 "Undampened"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140714232246/http://www.thestandard.com.hk/news_detail.asp?pp_cat=30&art_id=134342&sid=39765760&con_type=1&d_str=20130605&isSearch=1&sear_year=2013 |date=2014-07-14 }}. ''The Standard''.</ref><ref>[http://chinaworker.info/en/2014/06/06/7315/ Tiananmen massacre remembered at massive Hong Kong vigil], chinaworker.info, 6 June 2014</ref>
Criticising the annual [[Memorials for the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989|vigil to commemorate the Tiananmen Square crackdown]] held by the [[Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China]] for having a Chinese nationalistic theme, Civic Passion organised its alternative 4 June rally in [[Tsim Sha Tsui]]. The alternative event attracted 200 people in 2013 and 7,000 in 2014, compared with 180,000 and 150,000 respectively for the main event.<ref>Ip, Kelly; Phneah, Jeraldine; NectarGan (5 June 2013) [http://www.thestandard.com.hk/news_detail.asp?pp_cat=30&art_id=134342&sid=39765760&con_type=1&d_str=20130605&isSearch=1&sear_year=2013 "Undampened"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140714232246/http://www.thestandard.com.hk/news_detail.asp?pp_cat=30&art_id=134342&sid=39765760&con_type=1&d_str=20130605&isSearch=1&sear_year=2013 |date=2014-07-14 }}. ''The Standard''.</ref><ref>[http://chinaworker.info/en/2014/06/06/7315/ Tiananmen massacre remembered at massive Hong Kong vigil], chinaworker.info, 6 June 2014</ref>


In mid 2012, the government's decision to implement [[Moral and National Education]] was criticised for applauding the [[Chinese communism|communist]] and [[Chinese nationalism|nationalist]] positions of the Chinese government and attacking Western-style democracy.<ref>CBCNews. [www.cbc.ca/news/world/hong-kong-fears-pro-china-brainwashing-in-education-1.1296013 Hong Kong fears pro-China brainwashing in education]. The Associated Press. 7 September 2012</ref> A student-led group, [[Scholarism]], headed by [[Joshua Wong Chi-fung|Joshua Wong]], occupied the Hong Kong government headquarters, drawing a massive protestor turnout and succeeding in securing a government back down.
In mid 2012, the government's decision of implementing [[Moral and National Education]] stirred up controversy as it was criticised for applauding the [[Chinese communism|communist]] and [[Chinese nationalism|nationalist]] positions of Chinese government and criticised the western style democracy.<ref>CBCNews. [www.cbc.ca/news/world/hong-kong-fears-pro-china-brainwashing-in-education-1.1296013 Hong Kong fears pro-China brainwashing in education]. The Associated Press. 7 September 2012</ref> A student-led [[Scholarism]] headed by [[Joshua Wong Chi-fung|Joshua Wong]] launched an occupation of the Hong Kong government headquarters which drew massive turnout and successfully made the government to back down on the policy.


==="Hong Kong Nationalism"===
==="Hong Kong Nationalism"===
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===Umbrella Revolution===
===Umbrella Revolution===
{{further|2014 Hong Kong protests}}
{{further|2014 Hong Kong protests}}
In 2013, legal scholar [[Benny Tai]], considered a moderate democrat, advocated a [[civil obedience]] plan to pressure Beijing to implement genuine universal suffrage in Hong Kong. The plan matured into [[Occupy Central with Love and Peace|Occupy Central]]. Radical localists were largely against it, mainly because they believed it was a plot by pan-democrats to hijack popular support.<ref>{{cite news|title=殖民遺恨——感懷呂大樂《那似曾相識的七十年代》|author=陳雲|newspaper=明報|date=2013-02-24}}</ref> Student activists from [[Scholarism]] and [[Hong Kong Federation of Students]] (HKFS) emerged as the leaders in the Occupy protests. They posted the slogan "self-determination of our fate" outside the government headquarters.<ref>{{cite new|title=De-Sinicization won't succeed in Hong Kong|date=30 October 2014|newspaper=China Daily|url=http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/hkedition/2014-10/31/content_18832779.htm}}</ref> Radical localists participated in the protests and advocated a more "militant" approach as opposed to the strict principles of non-violence advocated by the three promoters of Occupy Central and the student activists. They gathered at the [[Mong Kok]] site, as opposed to the main site in [[Admiralty, Hong Kong|Admiralty]] which was led by the HKFS. They blamed the HKFS leadership for failure of the protest.<ref>{{cite news|title=What Happened to Hong Kong’s Pro-Democracy Movement?|url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/04/29/what-happened-to-hong-kongs-pro-democracy-movement/|date=29 April 2015|first=Suzanne|last=Sataline|work=Foreign Policy}}</ref>
In 2013, legal scholar [[Benny Tai]], considered a moderate democrat, advocated a [[civil obedience]] plan to pressure Beijing to implement genuine universal suffrage in Hong Kong. The plan matured into [[Occupy Central with Love and Peace|Occupy Central]]. The right-wing localists were largely against it, mainly because they believed it was a plot by pan-democrats to hijack popular support.<ref>{{cite news|title=殖民遺恨——感懷呂大樂《那似曾相識的七十年代》|author=陳雲|newspaper=明報|date=2013-02-24}}</ref> Student activists from [[Scholarism]] and [[Hong Kong Federation of Students]] (HKFS) emerged as the leaders in the Occupy protests. They posted the slogan "self-determination of our fate" outside the government headquarters.<ref>{{cite new|title=De-Sinicization won't succeed in Hong Kong|date=30 October 2014|newspaper=China Daily|url=http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/hkedition/2014-10/31/content_18832779.htm}}</ref> Right-wing localists, many of whom criticised the occupation plan before, participated in the protests and advocated a more "militant" approach as opposed to the strict principles of non-violence advocated by the three promoters of Occupy Central and the student activists. They gathered at the [[Mong Kok]] site, as opposed to the main site in [[Admiralty, Hong Kong|Admiralty]] which was led by the HKFS. They blamed the HKFS leadership for failure of the protest.<ref>{{cite news|title=What Happened to Hong Kong’s Pro-Democracy Movement?|url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/04/29/what-happened-to-hong-kongs-pro-democracy-movement/|date=29 April 2015|first=Suzanne|last=Sataline|work=Foreign Policy}}</ref>


==Post-occupy localist movements==
==Post-occupy localist movements==
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===Hong Kong independence===
===Hong Kong independence===
{{main|Hong Kong independence}}
{{main|Hong Kong independence}}
The [[University of Hong Kong]] student magazine ''Undergrad'' published an article in March 2016 headed “Hong Kong Youth’s Declaration” arguing for Hong Kong independence on expiry of the [[Sino-British Joint Declaration]] in 2047. It demands a democratic government be set up after 2047 and for the public to draw up the Hong Kong constitution. It also denounces the Hong Kong government for becoming a “puppet” of the Communist Party, “weakening” the city’s autonomy. [[Chief Executive of Hong Kong|Chief Executive]] [[Leung Chun-ying]] dismissed the claim, stating that “Hong Kong has been a part of China since ancient times, and this is a fact that will not change after 2047.” University of Hong Kong council chairman [[Arthur Li]] described the idea of independence as nonsense, saying that “I don’t think any wise person would listen.”<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/1925691/hku-student-magazine-says-hong-kong-should-become|title=HKU student magazine says Hong Kong should become independent from China after 2047|first1=Owen|last1=Fung|first2=Tony|last2=Cheung|newspaper=South China Morning Post}}</ref>
The [[University of Hong Kong]] student magazine ''Undergrad'' published an article in March 2016 headed “Hong Kong Youth’s Declaration” argues for Hong Kong independence on expiry of the [[Sino-British Joint Declaration]] in 2047. It demands a democratic government be set up after 2047 and for the public to draw up the Hong Kong constitution. It also denounces the Hong Kong government for becoming a “puppet” of the Communist Party, “weakening” the city’s autonomy. [[Chief Executive of Hong Kong|Chief Executive]] [[Leung Chun-ying]] dismissed the claim, stating that “Hong Kong has been a part of China since ancient times, and this is a fact that will not change after 2047.” University of Hong Kong council chairman [[Arthur Li]] described the idea of independence as nonsense, saying that “I don’t think any wise person would listen.”<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/1925691/hku-student-magazine-says-hong-kong-should-become|title=HKU student magazine says Hong Kong should become independent from China after 2047|first1=Owen|last1=Fung|first2=Tony|last2=Cheung|newspaper=South China Morning Post}}</ref>


[[Hong Kong National Party]], the first party openly advocates for [[Hong Kong independence]] and a Republic of Hong Kong established on 28 March 2016, drew attacks from the Beijing and SAR governments. The State Council’s [[Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office]] issued a statement through the official [[Xinhua News Agency]] on 30 March 2016 condemning the party: "The action to establish a pro-independence organisation by an extremely small group of people in Hong Kong has harmed the country’s sovereignty, security, endangered the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong, and the core interests of Hong Kong... It is firmly opposed by all Chinese people, including some seven million Hong Kong people. It is also a serious violation of the country’s constitution, Hong Kong’s Basic Law and the relevant existing laws."<ref name="slam">{{cite news|url=https://www.hongkongfp.com/2016/03/31/beijing-slams-new-pro-independence-party-as-govt-warns-of-legal-action/|work=Hong Kong Free Press|date=31 March 2016|title=Beijing slams new pro-independence party as gov’t warns of legal action|first=Kris|last=Cheng}}</ref> The Hong Kong government issued a statement after the formation of the party, stating that "any suggestion that Hong Kong should be independent or any movement to advocate such 'independence' is against the Basic Law, and will undermine the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong and impair the interest of the general public... The SAR Government will take action according to the law."<ref name="slam"/>
[[Hong Kong National Party]], the first party openly advocates for [[Hong Kong independence]] and a Republic of Hong Kong established on 28 March 2016, drew attacks from the Beijing and SAR governments. The State Council’s [[Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office]] issued a statement through the official [[Xinhua News Agency]] on 30 March 2016 condemning the party: "The action to establish a pro-independence organisation by an extremely small group of people in Hong Kong has harmed the country’s sovereignty, security, endangered the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong, and the core interests of Hong Kong... It is firmly opposed by all Chinese people, including some seven million Hong Kong people. It is also a serious violation of the country’s constitution, Hong Kong’s Basic Law and the relevant existing laws."<ref name="slam">{{cite news|url=https://www.hongkongfp.com/2016/03/31/beijing-slams-new-pro-independence-party-as-govt-warns-of-legal-action/|work=Hong Kong Free Press|date=31 March 2016|title=Beijing slams new pro-independence party as gov’t warns of legal action|first=Kris|last=Cheng}}</ref> The Hong Kong government issued a statement after the formation of the party, stating that "any suggestion that Hong Kong should be independent or any movement to advocate such 'independence' is against the Basic Law, and will undermine the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong and impair the interest of the general public... The SAR Government will take action according to the law."<ref name="slam"/>
Line 90: Line 94:
The [[Alliance of Resuming British Sovereignty over Hong Kong and Independence]] is the second political group to advocate a breakaway from China established on 26 June 2016. It aims to gain independence as the ultimate goal, but seeks to return to British rule as a transitional phase.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/hk-activists-seek-return-to-british-rule-as-first-step-to-independence|title=HK activists seek return to British rule as first step to independence|date=23 June 2015|newspaper=The Strait Times}}</ref>
The [[Alliance of Resuming British Sovereignty over Hong Kong and Independence]] is the second political group to advocate a breakaway from China established on 26 June 2016. It aims to gain independence as the ultimate goal, but seeks to return to British rule as a transitional phase.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/hk-activists-seek-return-to-british-rule-as-first-step-to-independence|title=HK activists seek return to British rule as first step to independence|date=23 June 2015|newspaper=The Strait Times}}</ref>


It is reported that about a dozen Hong Kong universities displayed large banners calling for the city's independence on China's National Day (October 1st) of 2016.<ref>{{cite news|title=Independence banners hung at HK universities in defiance of China: media|url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hk-protests-idUSKCN1212YH|accessdate=2 October 2016|agency=Reuters|date=1 October 2016}}</ref>
It is reported that about a dozen Hong Kong universities draped large banners calling for the city's independence on China's National Day (October 1st) of 2016.<ref>{{cite news|title=Independence banners hung at HK universities in defiance of China: media|url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hk-protests-idUSKCN1212YH|accessdate=2 October 2016|agency=Reuters|date=1 October 2016}}</ref>


===Legco oath-taking controversy===
===Legco oath-taking controversy===
Line 115: Line 119:
|newspaper=South China Morning Post|date=2 August 2016|first=Joyce|last=Ng|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/1998201/hong-kong-indigenous-edward-leung-disqualified-legislative}}</ref><ref name=20160802hongkongfp>{{cite news|url=https://www.hongkongfp.com/2016/08/02/edward-leung-not-genuinely-switched-pro-independence-stance-says-election-official/|title=Edward Leung has not genuinely switched from pro-independence stance, says election official|first=Kris|last=Cheng|work=Hong Kong Free Press|date=2 August 2016}}</ref> Despite their localist stance, all five tickets of the CP–PPI–HKRO alliance and four tickets of the ALLinHK were validated under the Electoral Affairs Commission's (EAC) new election measure. Youngspiration's convenor [[Baggio Leung]] who initially intended to run in Hong Kong Island and stood in New Territories West finally submitted his nomination to stand in New Territories East in the wake of the EAC's measure, which he claimed to be a "substitute candidate" in case Edward Leung was disqualified in the constituency.<ref name="LocalistSubtitute">{{cite news|url=https://www.hongkongfp.com/2016/07/29/localists-submit-nomination-substitute-candidate-legco-election/|title=Localists submit nomination for 'substitute candidate' in LegCo election|date=29 July 2016|work=Hong Kong Free Press}}</ref>
|newspaper=South China Morning Post|date=2 August 2016|first=Joyce|last=Ng|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/1998201/hong-kong-indigenous-edward-leung-disqualified-legislative}}</ref><ref name=20160802hongkongfp>{{cite news|url=https://www.hongkongfp.com/2016/08/02/edward-leung-not-genuinely-switched-pro-independence-stance-says-election-official/|title=Edward Leung has not genuinely switched from pro-independence stance, says election official|first=Kris|last=Cheng|work=Hong Kong Free Press|date=2 August 2016}}</ref> Despite their localist stance, all five tickets of the CP–PPI–HKRO alliance and four tickets of the ALLinHK were validated under the Electoral Affairs Commission's (EAC) new election measure. Youngspiration's convenor [[Baggio Leung]] who initially intended to run in Hong Kong Island and stood in New Territories West finally submitted his nomination to stand in New Territories East in the wake of the EAC's measure, which he claimed to be a "substitute candidate" in case Edward Leung was disqualified in the constituency.<ref name="LocalistSubtitute">{{cite news|url=https://www.hongkongfp.com/2016/07/29/localists-submit-nomination-substitute-candidate-legco-election/|title=Localists submit nomination for 'substitute candidate' in LegCo election|date=29 July 2016|work=Hong Kong Free Press}}</ref>


The localists scored a resounding victory in the election, winning six seats and securing nearly 20 per cent of the vote. Occupy student leader Nathan Law of the Demosisto became the youngest ever candidate to be elected, Polytechnic University lecturer Lau Siu-lai and Eddie Chu, were returned in the [[geographical constituencies]]<ref>{{cite news|title=Rise of localists in Hong Kong polls set to bring headaches for Beijing, analysts say|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/2015349/rise-localists-hong-kong-polls-set-bring-headaches-beijing|date=5 September 2016|newspaper=South China Morning Post}}</ref> Eddie Chu, a social activist and environmentalist, bagged more than 84,000 votes, the highest votes received in the geographical constituencies, without any party backing in [[New Territories West (constituency)|New Territories West]]. After the election victory, Chu explained his slogan of "democratic self-determination" was different from the "militant" localists' slogan of "national self-determination" as he disagreed with the notion of nationalism.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://theinitium.com/article/20160907-hongkong-eddiechu/|title=立會票王朱凱廸:他們要民族自決,我要民主自決|work=The Initium|date=7 September 2016}}</ref> For the "militant" faction, Baggio Leung, leader of Youngspiration won in New Territories East after his ally, Hong Kong Indigenous' Edward Leung was barred from poll while [[Yau Wai-ching]] won last seat in Kowloon West by about 400 votes at the expense of veteran [[Wong Yuk-man]] of the [[Proletariat Political Institute]]. Wong's ally, [[Civic Passion]] leader [[Wong Yeung-tat]] also lost in his second bid in [[Kowloon East (constituency)|Kowloon East]]. Only [[Cheng Chung-tai]] from the electoral alliance won a seat in the New Territories West.
The localists scored a great victory in the election, winning six seats and securing of nearly 20 per cent of the vote share. Occupy student leader Nathan Law of the Demosisto became the youngest ever candidate to be elected, Polytechnic University lecturer Lau Siu-lai and Eddie Chu, were returned in the [[geographical constituencies]]<ref>{{cite news|title=Rise of localists in Hong Kong polls set to bring headaches for Beijing, analysts say|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/2015349/rise-localists-hong-kong-polls-set-bring-headaches-beijing|date=5 September 2016|newspaper=South China Morning Post}}</ref> Eddie Chu, a social activist and environmentalist, bagged more than 84,000 votes, the highest votes received in the geographical constituencies, without any party backing in [[New Territories West (constituency)|New Territories West]]. After the election victory, Chu explained his slogan of "democratic self-determination" was different from the "militant" localists' slogan of "national self-determination" as he disagreed with the notion of nationalism.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://theinitium.com/article/20160907-hongkong-eddiechu/|title=立會票王朱凱廸:他們要民族自決,我要民主自決|work=The Initium|date=7 September 2016}}</ref> For the "militant" faction, Baggio Leung, leader of Youngspiration won in New Territories East after his ally, Hong Kong Indigenous' Edward Leung was barred from poll while [[Yau Wai-ching]] won last seat in Kowloon West by about 400 votes at the expense of veteran [[Wong Yuk-man]] of the [[Proletariat Political Institute]]. Wong's ally, [[Civic Passion]] leader [[Wong Yeung-tat]] also lost in his second bid in [[Kowloon East (constituency)|Kowloon East]]. Only [[Cheng Chung-tai]] from the electoral alliance won a seat in the New Territories West.


==Localist figures and organisations==
==Localist figures and organisations==
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==See also==
==See also==
* [[Hong Kong independence]]
* [[Hong Kong independence]]
* [[Opposition to immigration]]
* [[Taiwan localization movement]]
* [[Taiwan localization movement]]



Revision as of 08:31, 25 September 2017

Localism in Hong Kong is a political movement centered on the preservation of the city's autonomy and local culture. The movement encompasses a variety of groups with different goals, but all of them oppose the perceived growing encroachment of the Chinese central government on the city's management of its own political, economic, and social affairs.[1][2] Localist groups formed as topical interest groups which oppose specific issues, such as land use and development, cultural and heritage conservation on the left, parallel trading and the increasing number of mainland immigrants and tourists on the right. On the autonomy of Hong Kong, many of them advocate the Hong Kong people's right to self-determination, while milder elements advocate for greater autonomy while remaining part of China, and the most radical call for the return to British rule or full independence as a sovereign state. Certain right-wing localist groups also advocate for a more aggressive and militant approach in defending popular interests.[3]

Though localist groups with different agendas and ideologies have existed since the territory's transfer of sovereignty, today's movement as a whole emerged in the early 2010s and gained significant traction following widespread protests in 2014 against the Chinese government's decision to pre-screen Chief Executive candidates before allowing them to be chosen by the general public in a 2017 election. Following these protests, a number of localist political parties were formed, organising protests and participating in Legislative Council elections. In the 2016 Legislative Council election, localist candidates won 6 of the 35 seats allocated for geographical constituencies, earning a 19 per cent share of total votes. After the election, the government took legal actions against the localist and the radical democrat legislators over the oath-taking controversy, which resulted in the disqualifications of six legislators.

Terminology

Localism in the western context constitutes libertarian ideas of a decentralised local government as opposed to the central government, and stresses on self-sufficiency, agriculture and communalism. Although it also stresses on Hong Kong's economic self-sufficiency and local democracy, localism in the Hong Kong context emphasises on the mainland Chinese cultural and political threat to the city and attempts to reinforce a Hong Kong identity as opposed to the Chinese national identity. It often includes an anti-immigration stance, and it has been said that "nativism" is synonymous with localism.[2][4][5][6] Some localists call themselves "autonomists", while the Beijing government brands them "separatists".[7]

History of local consciousness in Hong Kong

Hong Kong was established in 1841 as a free port. The colonial government encouraged the free movement of capital and labour and there was not a strict sense of "Hong Kong residents" or "Hong Kong people" legally, as the Hong Kong identity cards were not introduced as identity documents by the government in 1949 in the light of the influx of refugees fleeing from the Communists' takeover in Mainland China.

Sociologist Lui Tai-lok in his book Four Generations of Hong Kong People, divided Hong Kong people into four generations. The first generation, he states, was the ones who were born before 1945 and had experienced the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong,[8] while the baby boomers, the second generation who were born after the war, were the first wave of local consciousness.[9]

First wave

The baby boomers were children of the refugees but were born and raised in Hong Kong and have a strong sense of belonging. They sought to break through the Cold War rivalry between the Communists and the Nationalists which dominated the political scene at the time.

The 1970s saw unprecedented waves of student movements, such as the Chinese Language Movement and the anti-corruption movement, the defend the Diaoyu Islands movement, and so on, which was independent of the left-right spectrum and became the first wave of local consciousness.[9] The Chinese Language Movement successfully made Chinese to become the official language of Hong Kong along with English. The student movements at the time consisted of some liberal, Chinese nationalist, and anti-colonialist elements.[9]

In the 1960s and 70s, the colonial government also attempted to create an apolitical local consciousness in order to boost the legitimacy of the colonial rule. Under Governor Murray MacLehose's administration, Hong Kong underwent a massive decolonised reform. The aim of creating a local identity was to raise the bid for the British side in the upcoming negotiation over Hong Kong sovereignty after 1997. The British government also carefully avoided to provoke Hong Kong people's British belongingness as it had already decided to prevent massive migration from Hong Kong to Britain.[9]

Second wave

The second wave of local consciousness emerged in the 1990s as colonial rule was coming to an end. The 1989 Tiananmen massacre sparked massive local protest and fear about looming Communist rule. The local cultural scene responded by consolidating enthusiasm about distinctive features as well as diversity of Hong Kong culture and identity. It cited post-colonial theory, rejecting Sinocentric chauvinism and promoting the cosmopolitanism of Hong Kong as an international city, together with liberal ideals of inclusiveness, diversity and trans-nationality. It also emphasised the importance of universal values, a diverse civil society, civic education, press and academic freedoms after 1997.[9]

Third wave

The protest against the demolition of the Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier in 2006.
The protest against the Guangzhou-Hong Kong XRL outside of the Legislative Council building in 2010.

The 1 July 2003 march recorded an estimated 500,000 to 700,000 people demonstrating against the government's proposed anti-sedition legislation, the largest protest since the 1989 Tiananmen square protest.[10] Many post-80s (the generation who were born in the 1980s, Millennials in western terminology) were inspired by the democracy movement and came out onto the streets. 7.1 People Pile was one of the groups came to exist after the protest. They were also upset by rapid urban development which was sweeping away old neighbourhoods and communities. They were strongly opposed to the political and economic monopoly of vested interests, collusion between business and government and questioned the nature of the capitalist system in Hong Kong.[9]

They were also dissatisfied with the established opposition pro-democracy camp, which they considered ineffective in challenging the system. Several conservation movements led by young activists emerged, protesting against demolition of the Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier, Queen's Pier, and the buildings on Lee Tung Street (known as "Wedding Card Street") in 2006 and 2007. Protests against the construction of the Hong Kong section of the high-speed rail link to Guangzhou (XRL) escalated in 2009 and 2010 and established a new high point of the localist movement.[9]

Rise of contemporary localism

Chin Wan's city-state theory

The failure of the peaceful anti-XRL protests damaged the reputation of the left-leaning moderate activists. Some turned to a more radical approach. Scholar Chin Wan published the book, On the Hong Kong City-State in 2011 which triggered fierce public debate and was popular among the young generation.[11] In the book, Chin suggests abandoning the hope for a democratic China and positions the democracy movement in a "localist" perspective, in order to counter Beijing's "neo-imperialist" policies toward Hong Kong. It analysed the potential threat of the influx of mainland tourists and immigrants to the established institutions and social customs of Hong Kong, which he considered likely part of a colonisation scheme by Beijing, including the increasing use of Mandarin Chinese and Simplified Chinese in daily use and schools.

He advocates "Hong Kong First" and "Hong Kong-China separation" positions in order to protect Hong Kong from "cultural genocide".[12] He suggested building Hong Kong into an autonomous city-state, merging the British culture with a restored Chinese culture.[13] Chin's view was largely accepted by Hong Kong independence advocates and those who advocate for the restoration of British rule in Hong Kong.

Since then, it has created a paradigm shift on Hong Kong local consciousness from the left-wing discourse of reinterpreting colonial history, cherishing the inclusive and diverse nature of the Hong Kong culture to the right-wing discourse of anti-Chinese sentiment and nostalgia for British rule.[9] Chin also tells his followers to use violent action as the means for defending Hong Kong's autonomy. He once joined the group Hong Kong Autonomy Movement. After leaving the HKAM group, he set up his own autonomist group called the Hong Kong Resurgence Order.

Another group inspired by Chin's idea called the Hong Kong Nativism Power was set up in 2011. They protested against the inclusion of non-Hong Kong permanent residents in the HK$6,000 cash handouts program as demanded by new immigrants support groups and called for a revision of the current immigration policy.[14]

Hong Kong–Mainland conflict

At the same time, many conflicts between Mainlanders and Hongkongers also occurred due to the influx of the tourists and immigrants, such as the Dolce & Gabbana controversy, the Kong Qingdong incident, birth tourism, and parallel trading among mainland tourists, among others. These incidents and issues intensified the anti-Chinese sentiment among the Hong Kong public. Some of them published an advertisement on local newspapers, calling Mainlanders "locusts" who steal resources from Hongkongers.[9]

At the same time, the localists are hostile toward the pan-democracy camp, as they believed the pan-democrats' cosmopolitanism as unrealistic and their wish for a democratic China will sacrifice at Hong Kong interest. They are also dissatisfied with the believed ineffectiveness of the pan-democrats as the opposition party for the past 20 years. On the other hand, the right-wing populist tendency of the localist movements was condemned as "xenophobic" and "nativist" by mainstream activists and the government.[12] The conflict between the left and the right wings of the movement resulted in great disunity of the whole democratic cause.

In the 2012 Legislative Council election, some pan-democrat candidates, including Claudia Mo of the Civic Party and Gary Fan of the Neo Democrats, both claiming to be moderates, expressed some localist ideas and raised concerns on tourist and immigration policies. For that, they set up a parliamentary group called HK First. Legislator Wong Yuk-man, a strong critic of the Communist Party and former member of People Power and his protégé Wong Yeung-tat, leader of the activist group Civic Passion, also switched to the localist cause soon after the election.

Criticising the annual vigil to commemorate the Tiananmen Square crackdown held by the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China for having a Chinese nationalistic theme, Civic Passion organised its alternative 4 June rally in Tsim Sha Tsui. The alternative event attracted 200 people in 2013 and 7,000 in 2014, compared with 180,000 and 150,000 respectively for the main event.[15][16]

In mid 2012, the government's decision of implementing Moral and National Education stirred up controversy as it was criticised for applauding the communist and nationalist positions of Chinese government and criticised the western style democracy.[17] A student-led Scholarism headed by Joshua Wong launched an occupation of the Hong Kong government headquarters which drew massive turnout and successfully made the government to back down on the policy.

"Hong Kong Nationalism"

The Undergrad, the official publication of the Hong Kong University Students' Union (HKUSU), from February 2014, published a few articles on the subject of a Hong Kong nation. Articles entitled “The Hong Kong nation deciding its own fate” and “Democracy and Independence for Hong Kong” raise the localist discourse to the level of political autonomy for Hong Kong, which in effect would be tantamount to Hong Kong independence. Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying used his 2015 New Year’s policy address to direct harsh criticism at the magazine for promoting Hong Kong independence, fanning both the debate and sales of the book Hong Kong Nationalism which featured the articles.[18]

Umbrella Revolution

In 2013, legal scholar Benny Tai, considered a moderate democrat, advocated a civil obedience plan to pressure Beijing to implement genuine universal suffrage in Hong Kong. The plan matured into Occupy Central. The right-wing localists were largely against it, mainly because they believed it was a plot by pan-democrats to hijack popular support.[19] Student activists from Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS) emerged as the leaders in the Occupy protests. They posted the slogan "self-determination of our fate" outside the government headquarters.[20] Right-wing localists, many of whom criticised the occupation plan before, participated in the protests and advocated a more "militant" approach as opposed to the strict principles of non-violence advocated by the three promoters of Occupy Central and the student activists. They gathered at the Mong Kok site, as opposed to the main site in Admiralty which was led by the HKFS. They blamed the HKFS leadership for failure of the protest.[21]

Post-occupy localist movements

After the occupy movement, several organisations named "Umbrella organisations" by the media were set up, in which many of them carried certain degree of localist discourses, notably Youngspiration and Hong Kong Indigenous. Youngspiration took part in the 2015 District Council election with many other newcoming "Umbrella soldiers" and eventually won one seat out of nine candidates.[22] Hong Kong Indigenous is notable for its protest style, in which it calls for a "militant" approach with "some kind of clash", as opposed to pan-democrats' "gentle approach" of non-violent civil disobedience.[3]

The Hong Kong Independence Party was formed in April 2015 advocating an independent Hong Kong within the British Commonwealth.[23]

HKFS disaffiliation campaign

The localists' disaffection toward the HKFS resulted in a great split in the student federation. The localists launched a campaign quitting the HKFS. By the end of 2015, four of the eight student unions consisting the federation, the Hong Kong University Students' Union (HKUSU), the Hong Kong Polytechnic University Students' Union (HKPUSU), the Hong Kong Baptist University Students' Union (HKBUSU) and the City University of Hong Kong Students' Union (CityUSU), broke up with the HKFS.

Anti-parallel trading protests

"Liberate Sha Tin" with the British Hong Kong flag raised in New Town Plaza during February 2015

The localists including Hong Kong Indigenous and Civic Passion also mobilised on the Internet and launched several "Liberate campaigns" in districts such as Tuen Mun on 8 February, Sha Tin on 15 February and Yuen Long on 1 March where parallel traders were active. Protesters were not only against the parallel traders, but also the overcrowded environment in Hong Kong caused by the multi-entry permits issued to mainland tourists.[24] They scolded the mainland tourists, aggressively picketed the alleged shoppersand and clashed with the police, in which many of them turned violent.[25] After the third demonstration, the central government said it would restrict Shenzhen residents to one visit a week.[26]

Siu Yau-wai case

In July 2015, localists including Hong Kong Indigenous and Youngspiration marched to the Immigration Department to demand deportation of an undocumented 12-year-old Mainland boy Siu Yau-wai, who lived in Hong Kong for nine years without identification.[27] Siu, whose parents are alive and well in mainland China, stayed with his grandparents after having overstayed his two-way permit nine years ago. Pro-Beijing Federation of Trade Unions lawmaker Chan Yuen-han advised and assisted the boy and his grandmother to obtain a temporary ID and pleaded for compassion from the local community.[28] Some called on the authorities to consider the case on a humanitarian basis and grant Siu permanent citizenship while many others, afraid that the case would open the floodgates to appeals from other illegal immigrants, asked for the boy to be repatriated. The boy eventually gave up and returned to his parents in mainland China.[29]

Mong Kok unrest

Police on Sai Yeung Choi Street South in the morning of 9 February.

In February 2016 during the Chinese New Year, Hong Kong Indigenous called for action online to shield the street hawkers, who sold Hong Kong street food in which they saw as part of the Hong Kong culture, from government health department's crackdown. The protest escalated to violent clashes between the police and the protesters. The protesters threw glass bottles, bricks, flower pots and trash bins toward the police and set fires in the streets which the government condemned as riots.[30] The Chinese Foreign Ministry for the first time labelled the involved localists as "separatists", claiming that "the riot [was] plotted mainly by local radical separatist organisation."[31]

Hong Kong Indigenous nominated Edward Leung, who would later rise to prominence by his involvement in the Mong Kok clashes and arrest by police, in the 2016 New Territories East by-election. Localist groups and figures who campaigned for Leung included Youngspiration, Civic Passion, Chin Wan and Wong Yuk-man.[32] Leung finished in third place, with 15 per cent of the vote, behind the moderate pan-democrat Civic Party Alvin Yeung with 37 per cent and pro-Beijing DAB's Holden Chow with 34 per cent.[33] Leung claimed localism had gained a foothold as the third most important power in local politics, standing side by side with the pan-democracy and pro-Beijing camps.[34] The better-than-expected result was considered to further boost the localists' morale and their ambition of running in the September general election.[35]

Hong Kong independence

The University of Hong Kong student magazine Undergrad published an article in March 2016 headed “Hong Kong Youth’s Declaration” argues for Hong Kong independence on expiry of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 2047. It demands a democratic government be set up after 2047 and for the public to draw up the Hong Kong constitution. It also denounces the Hong Kong government for becoming a “puppet” of the Communist Party, “weakening” the city’s autonomy. Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying dismissed the claim, stating that “Hong Kong has been a part of China since ancient times, and this is a fact that will not change after 2047.” University of Hong Kong council chairman Arthur Li described the idea of independence as nonsense, saying that “I don’t think any wise person would listen.”[36]

Hong Kong National Party, the first party openly advocates for Hong Kong independence and a Republic of Hong Kong established on 28 March 2016, drew attacks from the Beijing and SAR governments. The State Council’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office issued a statement through the official Xinhua News Agency on 30 March 2016 condemning the party: "The action to establish a pro-independence organisation by an extremely small group of people in Hong Kong has harmed the country’s sovereignty, security, endangered the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong, and the core interests of Hong Kong... It is firmly opposed by all Chinese people, including some seven million Hong Kong people. It is also a serious violation of the country’s constitution, Hong Kong’s Basic Law and the relevant existing laws."[37] The Hong Kong government issued a statement after the formation of the party, stating that "any suggestion that Hong Kong should be independent or any movement to advocate such 'independence' is against the Basic Law, and will undermine the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong and impair the interest of the general public... The SAR Government will take action according to the law."[37]

The Alliance of Resuming British Sovereignty over Hong Kong and Independence is the second political group to advocate a breakaway from China established on 26 June 2016. It aims to gain independence as the ultimate goal, but seeks to return to British rule as a transitional phase.[38]

It is reported that about a dozen Hong Kong universities draped large banners calling for the city's independence on China's National Day (October 1st) of 2016.[39]

Legco oath-taking controversy

In October 2016, the two Youngspiration legislators Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching were sued by the government for their oath-taking. The two claimed that "As a member of the Legislative Council, I shall pay earnest efforts in keeping guard over the interests of the Hong Kong nation," displayed a "Hong Kong is not China" banner, inserted their own words into the oaths and mispronounced "People’s Republic of China" as "people’s re-fucking of Chee-na" when they took the oath. In November, the spokesman of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office stated that "[Beijing] will absolutely neither permit anyone advocating secession in Hong Kong nor allow any pro-independence activists to enter a government institution," after the National People's Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) interpret the Article 104 of the Basic Law of Hong Kong which aimed to disqualify the two legislators.[40] On 14 July 2017, the court unseated four more pro-democracy legislators, including Demosisto's Nathan Law and Lau Siu-lai who ran their campaign with "self-determination" slogan.[41]

Electoral politics

New Territories East by-election

Election result of Edward Leung by District Council constituency.

The Legislative Council by-election in New Territories East on 28 February 2016 was a milestone of the localist movements, as it was the first attempt for them to contest for the Legislative Council under localist banner.[42] Youngspiration was initially considering fielding a candidate and called for a primary with the pan-democratic Civic Party. It later dropped out due to the lack of time for holding a primary.[43]

Edward Leung of Hong Kong Indigenous received a better-than expected result in the New Territories East by-election in February 2016 by taking more than 66,000 votes and gaining about 15 percent of the total votes. After the election, Leung claimed localism had gained a foothold as the third most important power in local politics, standing side by side with the pan-democracy and pro-Beijing camps.[44]

2016 Legislative Council election

A day after the 2016 New Territories East by-election, three localist groups, Wong Yuk-man's Proletariat Political Institute, Wong Yeung-tat's Civic Passion and Chin Wan's Hong Kong Resurgence Order, announced to run in the September Legislative Council election under the alliance "CP–PPI–HKRO".[45] On 10 April 2016. six localist groups Youngspiration, Kowloon East Community, Tin Shui Wai New Force, Cheung Sha Wan Community Establishment Power, Tsz Wan Shan Constructive Power and Tuen Mun Community, formed an electoral alliance under the name "ALLinHK" planned to field candidates in four of the five geographical constituencies with the agenda to put forward a referendum on Hong Kong's self-determination,[46] while Hong Kong Indigenous and another new pro-independence Hong Kong National Party also stated that they will run in the upcoming election. Demosisto, a left-leaning political party formed by Umbrella Revolution leaders Joshua Wong, Oscar Lai and Nathan Law was also formed on the same day. The political party aimed to field candidates in the upcoming election with the platform of "self-determination" of Hong Kong future. It allied with activists such as Eddie Chu and Lau Siu-lai.

On 14 July 2016, the Electoral Affairs Commission (EAC) announced its plan to require all candidates to sign an additional "confirmation form" in the nomination to declare their understanding of Hong Kong being an inalienable part of China as stipulated in the Basic Law, in response to many potential localist candidates advocating or promoting Hong Kong independence.[47] Although Civic Passion's Alvin Cheng agreed to sign the confirmation form, other candidates including Hong Kong Indigenous' Edward Leung and Hong Kong National Party's Chan Ho-tin refused to sign. Leung subsequently signed the form the court refused to immediately hear the judicial review.

After the end of the nomination period, six localist candidates received emails from the EAC which said their nominations were "invalidated", which included Chan Ho-tin, Democratic Progressive Party's Yeung Ke-cheong, Nationalist Hong Kong's Nakade Hitsujiko, Conservative Party's Alice Lai Yee-man, Hong Kong Indigenous' Edward Leung and independent Chan Kwok-keung. New Territories East constituency returning officer Cora Ho Lai-sheung rejected Leung's nomination on the basis that she did not trust Leung "genuinely changed his previous stance for independence."[48][49] Despite their localist stance, all five tickets of the CP–PPI–HKRO alliance and four tickets of the ALLinHK were validated under the Electoral Affairs Commission's (EAC) new election measure. Youngspiration's convenor Baggio Leung who initially intended to run in Hong Kong Island and stood in New Territories West finally submitted his nomination to stand in New Territories East in the wake of the EAC's measure, which he claimed to be a "substitute candidate" in case Edward Leung was disqualified in the constituency.[50]

The localists scored a great victory in the election, winning six seats and securing of nearly 20 per cent of the vote share. Occupy student leader Nathan Law of the Demosisto became the youngest ever candidate to be elected, Polytechnic University lecturer Lau Siu-lai and Eddie Chu, were returned in the geographical constituencies[51] Eddie Chu, a social activist and environmentalist, bagged more than 84,000 votes, the highest votes received in the geographical constituencies, without any party backing in New Territories West. After the election victory, Chu explained his slogan of "democratic self-determination" was different from the "militant" localists' slogan of "national self-determination" as he disagreed with the notion of nationalism.[52] For the "militant" faction, Baggio Leung, leader of Youngspiration won in New Territories East after his ally, Hong Kong Indigenous' Edward Leung was barred from poll while Yau Wai-ching won last seat in Kowloon West by about 400 votes at the expense of veteran Wong Yuk-man of the Proletariat Political Institute. Wong's ally, Civic Passion leader Wong Yeung-tat also lost in his second bid in Kowloon East. Only Cheng Chung-tai from the electoral alliance won a seat in the New Territories West.

Localist figures and organisations

See also

Other ideologies in Hong Kong

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